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Chaco Culture National Historical Park is a United States National Historical Park and a UNESCO World Heritage Site hosting the densest and most exceptional concentration of pueblos in the American Southwest. The park centers on northwestern New Mexico's Chaco Canyon, a relatively inaccessible valley cut by the Chaco Wash. The park, which contains the most extensive collection of ancient ruins north of Mexico, represents one of America's most important cultural and historical areas.

Between 900 AD and 1150 AD, Ancestral Puebloans hauled hundreds of thousands of timbers from great distances and quarried millions of sandstone blocks; in the canyon, they were assembled into 15 imposing complexes that became major centers of Chacoan culture, ceremony, trade, and administration. They were the largest buildings in North America, remaining so until the 19th century. The Chacoan buildings, many of which were aligned to capture the solar and lunar cycles, embody a unique and monumental architecture that required generations of meticulous astronomical observation and centuries of skillfully coordinated construction.

Located in the arid and inhospitable Four Corners region, the Chacoan cultural sites are fragile; at least one site in the park, Fajada Butte, which was been the focus of a television documentary, has been closed to the public due to fears of erosion caused by tourists. The sites are also revered by many native Southwestern peoples; the Hopi, Navajo, and Pueblo nations have all inherited key elements of ancient Chacoan culture.

Geography

Chaco Canyon lies within the San Juan Basin, which sits atop the vast Colorado Plateau. The Chuska Mountains to the west, the San Juan Mountains to the north, and the San Pedro Mountains to the east are the closest mountain ranges; ancient Chacoans relied upon their dense forests of oak, piñon, ponderosa pine, and juniper to obtain timber and other resources. The canyon itself, located within lowlands circumscribed by dune fields, ridges, and mountains, runs in a roughly northwest-to-southeast direction and is rimmed by flat massifs known as mesas. Large gaps between the southwestern cliff faces (side canyons known as rincons) were critical in funneling rain-bearing storms into the canyon, boosting local precipitation levels. The principal Chacoan complexes, such as Pueblo Bonito, Nuevo Alto, and Kin Kletso, have elevations of 6,200 to 6,440 feet (1,890 to 1,963 m).

The alluvial canyon floor, which slopes downward to the northeast at a gentle grade of 30 feet per mile (6 meters per kilometer), is bisected by the Chaco Wash, an arroyo that only infrequently carries water. Of the canyon's aquifers, the largest are located at a depth that precluded the ancient Chacoans from tapping their groundwater; only a few smaller, shallower sources supported small springs. Significant surface water is virtually non-existent except in the guise of storm runoff flowing intermittently through arroyos.

Geology

After the supercontinent of Pangaea split apart during the Cretaceous period, the region became part of a shifting transition zone between a shallow inland sea—the Western Interior Seaway—and a band of plains and low hills to the west. A sandy and swampy coastline repeatedly shifted east and west, alternately submerging and uncovering the canyon's portion of what is now the Colorado Plateau.

As the Chaco Wash flowed across the upper strata of what is now the Chacra Mesa, it cut into it, gouging out the canyon over the course of millions of years. The mesa itself comprises sandstone and shale formations dating from the late Cretaceous, which are of the Mesa Verde formation; The canyon's bottomlands were later further eroded, exposing Menefee Shale bedrock; this was subsequently buried under approximately 125 feet (38 m) of deposited sediment. The canyon and mesa lie within the "Chaco Core", distinct from the wider Chaco Plateau; it is a relatively flat region of grassland with infrequent and interspersed stands of trees. Especially because the Continental Divide is only 15.5 miles (25 km) west of the canyon, geological characteristics and different patterns of drainage differentiate these two regions both from each other and from the nearby Chaco Slope, the Gobernador Slope, and the Chuska Valley.

Climate

An arid region of high xeric scrubland and desert steppe, the canyon and wider basin average 8 inches (20 cm) of rainfall annually; the park averages 9.1 inches (231.1 mm). Chaco Canyon lies on the leeward side of extensive mountain ranges to the south and west, resulting in a rainshadow effect that leads to the prevailing lack of moisture in the region. Chaco Canyon experiences four distinct season; rainfall is most likely between July and September; May and June are the driest months. Abnormal northward excursions of the intertropical convergence zone may bring unusually high amounts of precipitation. Orographic precipitation, resulting from moisture wrung out of storm systems ascending mountain ranges around Chaco Canyon, is responsible for most precipitation in both summer and winter; rainfall increases with higher elevation.

The Chaco Canyon area is also characterized by remarkable climatic extremes: recorded temperatures range between −38 °F (-39 °C) to 102 °F (39 °C). The region averages less than 150 days without frost per year, and the local climate can swing wildly from years of plentiful rainfall to extended droughts, and is heavily influenced by the El Niño-Southern Oscillation phenomenon.

History

Ancestral Puebloans

Archaeologists identify the first people in the broader San Juan Basin as hunter-gatherers designated as the Archaic; they in turn descended from nomadic Clovis hunters who arrived in the Southwest around 10,000 BC. By approximately 900 BC, these people lived at sites such as Atlatl Cave. The Archaic people left very little evidence of their presence in Chaco Canyon itself. However, by approximately 490 AD, their descendants, designated as Basketmakers, were continuously farming within the canyon, living in Shabik'eshchee Village and other pithouse settlements.

A small population of Basketmakers remained in the Chaco Canyon area and developed through several cultural stages until around 800 AD, when they were building crescent-shaped stone complexes, each comprising four to five residential suites abutting subterranean kivas, large enclosed areas set aside for religious observances and ceremonies. These structures have been identified as characteristic of the Early Pueblo People. By 850 AD, the Pueblo population had rapidly expanded, with members residing in larger, denser pueblos. There is strong evidence of a canyon-wide turquoise processing and trading industry dating from the 10th century AD. At this time, the first section of the massive Pueblo Bonito complex was built, beginning with a curved row of 50 rooms near its present north wall.

The cohesive system that characterized Chacoan society began disintegrating around 1140 AD, perhaps in response to a severe 50-year drought that began in 1130 AD; chronic climatic instability, including a series of severe droughts, again struck the region in the period between 1250 AD and 1450 AD. Other factors included water management patterns (leading to arroyo cutting) and deforestation. For instance, timber for construction was imported from outlying mountain ranges, such as the Chuska Mountains over 50 miles (80 km) to the west. Outlying communities began to disappear and, by the end of the century, the buildings in the central canyon had been carefully sealed and abandoned. Archaeological and cultural evidence leads scientists to believe people from this region migrated south, east, and west into the valleys and drainages of the Little Colorado River, the Rio Puerco, and the Rio Grande.

Athabaskan succession

Numic-speaking peoples, such as the Ute and Shoshone were present in the Colorado Plateau beginning in the 12th century. Nomadic Southern Athabaskan speaking peoples, such as the Apache and Navajo, succeeded the Pueblo people in this region by the 15th century AD; in the process, they acquired Chacoan customs and agricultural skills. Ute tribal groups also frequented the region, primarily during hunting and raiding expeditions. The modern Navajo Nation lies west of Chaco Canyon, and many Navajo (more appropriately known as the Diné) live in surrounding areas. The arrival of the Spanish in the 17th century inaugurated an era of subjugation and rebellion, with the Chaco Canyon area absorbing Puebloan and Navajo refugees fleeing Spanish rule. In succession, as first Mexico, then the U.S., gained sovereignty over the canyon, military campaigns were launched against the region's remaining inhabitants.

Excavation and protection

The ruins of Chaco Canyon were first written about by the trader Josiah Gregg in 1832, referring to Pueblo Bonito as "built of fine-grit sandstone". In 1849, a U.S. Army detachment passed through and surveyed the ruins. The location was so remote, however, that over the next 50 years the canyon was scarcely visited. After a brief reconnaissance by Smithsonian scholars in the 1870s, formal archaeological work began in 1896, when a party from the American Museum of Natural History (the Hyde Exploring Expedition) began excavating in Pueblo Bonito. They spent five summers in the region, sent over 60,000 artifacts back to New York, and operated a series of trading posts.

In 1901 Richard Wetherill, who worked for the Hyde brothers and their expedition, claimed a homestead of 161 acres of land that included Pueblo Bonito, Pueblo del Arroyo, and Chetro Ketl. While investigating Wetherill's land claim, federal land agent Samuel J. Holsinger reported the physical setting of the canyon and the sites, noted prehistoric road segments and stairways above Chetro Ketl, and documented prehistoric dams and irrigation systems. His report (which went unpublished) strongly recommended the creation of a national park to encompass and preserve Chacoan sites. The next year, Edgar Lee Hewett, who was president of New Mexico Normal University (which later became New Mexico Highlands University), mapped many Chacoan sites. Hewett and others helped to enact the Federal Antiquities Act of 1906, which was the first U.S. law protecting antiquities; it was, in effect, a direct consequence of controversy surrounding Wetherill's activities in the Chaco Canyon area. The Act also allowed the President to establish national monuments. President Theodore Roosevelt thus proclaimed Chaco Canyon National Monument on March 11, 1907; Wetherill relinquished his claim on several parcels of land he held in Chaco Canyon.

In 1949, Chaco Canyon National Monument was expanded with lands deeded from the University of New Mexico. In return, the university maintained scientific research rights to the area. By 1959, the National Park Service had constructed a park visitor center, staff housing, and campgrounds. As a historic property of the National Park Service, the National Monument was listed on the National Register of Historic Places on October 15, 1966. In 1971, researchers Robert Lister and James Judge established the Chaco Center, a division for cultural research that functioned as a joint project between the University of New Mexico and the National Park Service. A number of multi-disciplinary research projects, archaeological surveys, and limited excavations began during this time. The Chaco Center extensively surveyed the Chacoan roads, well-constructed paths radiating from the central canyon. The results from such research conducted at Pueblo Alto and other sites dramatically altered accepted academic interpretations of both the Chacoan culture and the Four Corners region of the American Southwest.

The richness of the cultural remains at park sites led to the expansion of the small National Monument into the Chaco Culture National Historical Park on December 19, 1980, when an additional 13,000 acres (53 km²) were added to the protected area. To safeguard Chacoan sites on adjacent Bureau of Land Management and Navajo Nation lands, the Park Service developed the multi-agency Chaco Culture Archaeological Protection Site program. These initiatives have detailed the presence of more than 2,400 archeological sites within the current park's boundaries; only a small percentage of these have been excavated.

Sites

The Chacoans built their complexes along a nine-mile (14 km) stretch of canyon floor, with the walls of some structures aligned cardinally and others aligned with the 18.6 year cycle of minimum and maximum moonrise and moonset. Nine great houses are positioned along the north side of Chaco Wash, at the base of massive sandstone mesas. Other great houses are found on mesa tops or in nearby washes and drainage areas. There are 14 recognized great houses, which are grouped below according to geographic positioning with respect to the canyon.

Central canyon

The central portion of the canyon contains the largest Chacoan complexes. The most studied is Pueblo Bonito ("Beautiful Village"); covering almost 2 acres (8,000 m²) and comprising at least 650 rooms, it is the largest great house; in parts of the complex, the structure was four stories high. The builders' use of core-and-veneer architecture and multi-story construction necessitated massive masonry walls up to 3 feet (1 m) thick. Pueblo Bonito is divided into two sections by a wall precisely aligned to run north-south, bisecting the central plaza. A great kiva was placed on either side of the wall, creating a symmetrical pattern common to many Chacoan great houses. The complex, upon completion, was roughly the size of the Roman Colosseum.

Nearby is Pueblo del Arroyo; founded between 1050 and 1075 AD and completed in the early 12th century, it is located near Pueblo Bonito at a drainage outlet known as South Gap. Casa Rinconada, hosting a great kiva and relatively isolated from other sites in Chaco Canyon, sits to the south side of Chaco Wash, adjacent to a Chacoan road leading to a set of steep stairs that reached the top of Chacra Mesa. The kiva stands alone, with no residential or support structures; it once had a 39-foot (12 m) passageway leading from the underground kiva to several above-ground levels. Chetro Ketl, located near Pueblo Bonito, bears the typical D-shape of many other central complexes, but is slightly smaller. Begun between 1020 and 1050 AD, its 450–550 rooms shared just one great kiva. Scientists estimate that it took 29,135 person-hours of construction to erect Chetro Ketl alone; Hewett estimated that it required the wood of 5,000 trees and 50 million stone blocks.

Kin Kletso ("Yellow House") was a medium-sized complex located 0.5 miles (0.8 m) west of Pueblo Bonito; it shows strong evidence of construction and occupation by Pueblo peoples from the northern San Juan Basin. Its rectangular shape and design is related to the Pueblo II cultural group, rather than the Pueblo III style or its Chacoan variant. It contains around 55 rooms, four ground-floor kivas, and a two-story cylindrical tower that may have functioned as a kiva or religious center. Evidence of an obsidian production industry were discovered near the village, which was erected between 1125 AD and 1130 AD.

Pueblo Alto, a great house of 89 rooms, is located on a mesa top near the middle of Chaco Canyon, and is 0.6 miles (1 km) from Pueblo Bonito; it was begun between 1020 and 1050 AD during a wider building boom throughout the canyon. Its location made the community visible to most of the inhabitants of the San Juan Basin; indeed, it was only 2.3 miles (3.7 km) north of Tsin Kletsin, on the opposite side of the canyon. The community was the center of a bead- and turquoise-processing industry that influenced the development of all villages in the canyon; chert tool production was also common. Research conducted by archaeologist Tom Windes at the site suggests that only a handful of families, perhaps as few as five to twenty, actually lived in the complex; this may imply that Pueblo Alto served a primarily non-residential role. Another great house, Nuevo Alto, was built on the north mesa near Pueblo Alto; it was founded in the late 1100s, a time when the Chacoan population was declining in the canyon.

Outliers

In Chaco Canyon's northern reaches lies another cluster of great houses; among the largest are Casa Chiquita ("Small House"), a village built in the 1080s AD, when, in a period of ample rainfall, Chacoan culture was expanding. Its layout featured a smaller, squarer profile; it also lacked the open plazas and separate kivas of its predecessors. Larger, squarer blocks of stone were used in the masonry; kivas were designed in the northern Mesa Verdean tradition. Two miles down the canyon is Peñasco Blanco ("White Bluff"), an arc-shaped compound built atop the canyon's southern rim in five distinct stages between 900 AD and 1125 AD. A cliff painting (the "Supernova Platograph") nearby may record the sighting of a supernova on July 5, 1054 AD.

Hungo Pavi, located just 1 mile (2 km) from Una Vida, measured 872 feet (266 m) in circumference. Initial explorations revealed 72 ground-level rooms, with structures reaching four stories in height; one large circular kiva has been identified. Kin Nahasbas (built in either the 9th or 10th centuries AD) was another major ruin; it is located slightly north of Una Vida, positioned at the foot of the north mesa. Limited excavation has been conducted in this area.

Tsin Kletzin ("Charcoal Place"), a compound located on the Chacra Mesa and positioned above Casa Rinconada, is 2.3 miles (3.7 km) due south of Pueblo Alto, on the opposite side of the canyon. It lies near Weritos Dam, a massive earthen structure that scientists believe provided Tsin Kletzin with all of its domestic water. The dam worked by retaining stormwater runoff in a reservoir. However, massive amounts of silt accumulated during flash floods would have forced the residents to regularly rebuild the dam and dredge the drainage channel.

Deeper into the canyon, Una Vida ("One Life") is one of the three earliest great houses with construction beginning around 900 AD. Comprising at least two stories and 124 rooms, it shares an arc or D-shaped design with its contemporaries, Peñasco Blanco and Pueblo Bonito, but has a unique "dog leg" addition made necessary by topography. It is located in one of the canyon's major side drainages, near Gallo Wash, and was massively expanded after 930 AD. Wijiji ("Greasewood"), comprising just over 100 rooms, is the smallest of the great houses. Built between 1110 AD and 1115 AD, it was the last Chacoan great house to be constructed. Somewhat isolated within the narrow wash, it is positioned 1 mile (2 km) from neighboring Una Vida.

Directly north are communities that are even more remote, including Salmon Ruins and Aztec Ruins, which are located along the San Juan and Animas Rivers near Farmington; these were built during a 30-year wet period that began in 1100 AD. Sixty miles (100 km) directly south of Chaco Canyon, on the Great South Road, lies another cluster of outlying communities. The largest of these is Kin Nizhoni, which stands atop a 7,000 foot (2,100 m) mesa surrounded by marsh-like bottomlands.

Ruins

Great houses

Immense complexes known as "great houses" were key centers exemplifying Chacoan architectural and worship styles. Although forms evolved as the centuries passed, the houses maintained several core characteristics. Most notable is their sheer bulk; most complexes in Chaco Canyon averaged more than 200 rooms each, with some reaching up to 700 rooms. The sizes of individual rooms were also substantial, with high ceilings when compared to buildings erected in preceding Anasazi periods. They were also well-planned, with vast sections or wings erected in a single stage, rather than in increments. Houses are generally oriented to face the south, with plaza areas almost always enclosed by edifices of sealed-off rooms or high walls. The predominantly multistory constructions often stood four to five stories tall, with single-story rooms facing directly onto the plaza; room blocks were terraced so that the tallest sections composed the pueblo's rear edifice. Rooms were often organized into suites, with front rooms larger than rear, interior, and storage rooms or areas.

Ceremonial structures known as kivas were built in proportion to the number of rooms in a pueblo. On average, one small kiva was built for every 29 rooms. Most complexes also hosted an oversized great kiva, which could range up to 63 feet (19 m) in diameter. All Chacoan kivas share distinctive architectural features, including T-shaped doorways and stone lintels. Though simple and compounds walls were also built, great houses were primarily constructed of core-and-veneer walls: two parallel load-bearing walls comprising dressed, flat sandstone blocks bound in clay mortar were erected. The gap between the walls was filled with rubble, which then formed the wall's core. Walls were then covered in a veneer of small sandstone pieces, which were pressed into a layer of binding mud. These surfacing stones were often placed to create distinctive patterns. Taken together, the Chacoan constructions required the wood of over 200,000 coniferous trees, which were mostly hauled—on foot—from mountain ranges up to 70 miles (113 km) away.

Usage

The meticulously designed buildings characterizing the larger Chacoan complexes did not emerge until around 1030 AD. The Chacoan people combined pre-planned architectural designs, astronomical alignments, geometry, landscaping, and engineering to create an ancient urban center of unique public architecture. Researchers have concluded that the complex may have had a relatively small residential population, with larger groups assembling only temporarily for annual events and ceremonies. Smaller sites, apparently more residential in character, are scattered near the great houses in and around Chaco Canyon. The canyon itself runs along one of the lunar alignment lines, suggesting the location was originally chosen for its astronomical significance. If nothing else, this facilitated alignment with several other key structures in the canyon.

Around this time, the extended Ancestral Puebloan (Anasazi) community also experienced a population and construction boom. Throughout the 10th century, Chacoan construction techniques gradually spread from the canyon to neighboring regions. By 1115 AD, at least 70 outlying pueblos with characteristic Chacoan architecture had been built within the 25,000 square miles (65,000 sq. km) that compose the San Juan Basin. Researchers debate the function of the buildings, some of which are large enough to be considered great houses in their own right. Some suggest they may have been more than agricultural communities, perhaps functioning as trading posts or ceremonial sites.

Many outliers are connected to the central canyon and to one another by six enigmatic Chacoan road systems. Extending up to 60 miles (97 km) in generally straight lines, they appear to have been extensively surveyed and engineered. They typically feature depressed and scraped caliche beds approximately 30 feet (9 m) wide; earthen berms or rocks, at times composing low walls, defined their edges. When necessary, the roads used steep stone stairways and rock ramps to traverse major obstacles, such as cliffs. Although their overall function may never be known, archaeologist Harold S. Gladwin reported that, according to the beliefs of nearby Navajo, the Anasazi had used the roads for transporting timber; archaeologist Neil Judd offered a similar hypothesis.

Notes

     α.    The question of dating Chacoan ruins was tackled by A. E. Douglass, the earliest practitioner of dendrochronology; consequently, the developmental chronology of Chaco Canyon's ruins is now the world's most extensively researched and accurate.

     β.    The Crab Nebula, now a supernova remnant in the constellation of Taurus, was the result of the event in question; it attained peak brilliance on the date that the Chacoans presumably sighted it.

Citations

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References

Further reading

• Template:Harvard reference.

External links

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