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{{short description|American politician and diplomat (born 1943)}}
{{Infobox_Politician
{{use American English|date=January 2025}}
| name = Paul Wolfowitz
{{Use mdy dates|date=October 2022}}
| image = Paul Wolfowitz 2006.jpg
{{Infobox officeholder
| birth_date = {{birth date and age|1943|12|22}}
| name = Paul Wolfowitz
| birth_place = ]], ], ]
| image = Paul Wolfowitz.jpg
| residence = ], ], ]
| caption = Official portrait, 2001
| nationality = ]]
| office = 10th ]
| death_date =
| term_start = June 1, 2005
| death_place =
| term_end = June 30, 2007
| office = 10th President of the ]
| predecessor = ]
| salary = $302,470 ]
| successor = ]
| term_start = ], ]
| office1 = 28th ]
| term_end = ], ]
| predecessor = ] | president1 = ]
| 1blankname1 = Secretary
| successor = ]
| 1namedata1 = ]
| office2 = ]
| term_start2 = ] | term_start1 = March 2, 2001
| term_end2 = ] | term_end1 = June 1, 2005
| predecessor2 = ] | predecessor1 = ]
| successor2 = ] | successor1 = ]
| office2 = 5th Dean of the ]
| party =
| constituency = | president2 =
| term_start2 = 1994
| majority =
| term_end2 = 2001
| spouse = ] (]–] )
| predecessor2 = George R. Packard
| children = Sara, David, Rachel
| successor2 = ]
| website = http://www.worldbankgroup.org/
| office3 = ]
| footnotes =<ref name=WBGS2/><ref name=JonesUK/><ref name=WeeksLeiby/><ref name=WBGS4>, '']'', ], ], accessed ], ].</ref>}}
| president3 = ]
'''Paul Dundes Wolfowitz''' (born ], ]) is a visiting scholar at the ], working on issues of international ], ] and ].<ref name=Goldfarb>Zachary A. Goldfarb, , online posting, '']'', ], ], accessed ], ].</ref> A former academic, diplomat, political and military strategist and policymaker, and former ] official, most recently, he served as president of the ] for two years. As ] during the ], he was "a major architect of President Bush's ] policy and, within the ], its most passionate and compelling advocate" (Boyer 1).<ref name=Boyer>Peter J. Boyer, , online posting, '']'', ], ], accessed ], ] (7 pages).</ref><ref name=Cassidy>], , online posting, '']'', ], ], accessed ], ].</ref><ref name=Goodman>Cf. ], , transcript, '']'', ], ], accessed ], ].</ref><ref name=Warde>Cf. Ibrahim Warde, , 16-22 in '': Full Spectrum Dominance Versus Universal Human Rights'', ed. ] (London: Spokesman Books, 2004), ISBN 0851246915; Warde describes Wolfowitz as "theoretician of the neo-conservative movement and principal architect of the Iraq adventure" (18).</ref> He resigned as president of the World Bank Group as a result of an investigation by its board of executive directors, "ending a protracted and tumultuous battle over his stewardship, sparked by a promotion he arranged for his companion."<ref name=WBGS2> , '']'', ], ], accessed ], ].</ref><ref name=JonesUK>Matthew Jones, , '']'' (UK), ], ], accessed ], ]. (For qtd. caption, click on photo, by Yuri Gripas for ]: "World Bank President Paul Wolfowitz leaves his house in the Washington suburb of ], May 17, 2007. Wolfowitz said on Thursday he was resigning as of June 30, ending a protracted and tumultuous battle over his stewardship, sparked by a promotion he arranged for his companion.")</ref>
| term_start3 = May 15, 1989
| term_end3 = January 19, 1993
| predecessor3 = ]
| successor3 = ]
| office4 = ]
| president4 = ]<br />]
| term_start4 = April 11, 1986
| term_end4 = May 12, 1989
| predecessor4 = ]
| successor4 = ]
| office5 = 16th ]
| president5 = ]
| term_start5 = December 22, 1982
| term_end5 = March 12, 1986
| predecessor5 = ]
| successor5 = ]
| office6 = 12th ]
| predecessor6 = ]
| president6 = ]
| successor6 = ]
| term_end6 = December 22, 1982
| term_start6 = February 13, 1981
| birth_name =
| birth_date = {{birth date and age|1943|12|22}}
| birth_place = ], United States
| death_date =
| death_place =
| party = ] (before 1981)<br />] (1981–present)
| spouse = {{marriage|]|1968|2002|end=divorced}}
| children = 3
| education = ] (])<br />] (], ])
| website = {{URL|aei.org/wolfowitz|AEI website}}
}}
{{conservatism US|politicians}}
'''Paul Dundes Wolfowitz''' (born December 22, 1943, in ], ]) is an American ] and diplomat who served as the 10th President of the ], ], ], and dean of ] (SAIS) at Johns Hopkins University. He is currently a visiting scholar at the ].<ref name=Goldfarb>Zachary A. Goldfarb, , online posting, '']'', July 3, 2007, accessed July 3, 2007.</ref>


Having proposed a plan to invade Iraq in 2001, Wolfowitz was an early advocate of the ] and has widely been described as an architect of the war.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.nytimes.com/2002/09/22/magazine/the-sunshine-warrior.html|title=The Sunshine Warrior|last=keller|first=bill|date=September 22, 2002|website=The New York Times|access-date=May 6, 2019}}</ref><ref name="Topaz">{{cite web|url=https://www.politico.com/story/2014/06/paul-wolfowitz-not-iraq-war-architect-107941|title=Wolfowitz: Not Iraq War 'architect'|last=Topaz|first=Jonathan|date=June 17, 2014|website=Politico|access-date=May 6, 2019}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.nytimes.com/2003/02/01/arts/the-brains-behind-bush-s-war-policy.html|title=The Brains Behind Bush's War Policy|last=Purdum|first=Todd|date=February 1, 2003|website=The New York Times|access-date=May 6, 2019}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.nytimes.com/2003/09/13/world/wolfowitz-retreats-on-al-qaeda-charge.html|title=Wolfowitz Retreats on Al Qaeda Charge|date=September 13, 2003|website=The New York Times|access-date=May 6, 2019}}</ref><ref>{{Cite book|last=Draper|first=Robert|url=http://worldcat.org/oclc/1124907438|title=To Start a War: How the Bush Administration took America into Iraq|publisher=Penguin Press|year=2020|isbn=978-0-525-56104-0|oclc=1124907438}}</ref> In the aftermath of the ] and ] that followed the invasion, Wolfowitz denied influencing policy on Iraq and disclaimed responsibility.<ref name="Topaz"/><ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.realclearpolitics.com/articles/2013/03/18/10_years_on_paul_wolfowitz_admits_us_bungled_in_iraq_117492.html|title=10 Years On, Paul Wolfowitz Admits U.S. Bungled in Iraq|last=Harnden|first=Toby|date=March 18, 2013|website=Politico|access-date=May 6, 2019}}</ref> He is a leading ].<ref>{{cite news| last = Paul| first = Reynolds| title = Wolfowitz to spread neo-con gospel| publisher = BBC| date = March 17, 2005| url = http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/business/4358045.stm| access-date = April 8, 2009}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |url=https://www.huffingtonpost.com/andy-ostroy/dick-cheney-iraq_b_5513514.html |title=Dick Cheney's Big Neo-Con Con |last=Ostroy |first=Andy |date=June 20, 2014 |work=The Huffington Post |access-date=August 6, 2016}}</ref>
==Personal history==
The second child of ] native ] (1910–1981) and Lillian Dundes, Paul Wolfowitz "was born in ], into a Polish ] immigrant family, and grew up mainly in the university town of ], where his father was a professor of statistical theory at ]."<ref name=Goldenberg>Suzanne Goldenberg, , '']'', ], ], accessed ], ].</ref><ref name=Dudley>David Dudley, , ''Cornell Alumni Magazine Online'' 107.1 (July/August 2004), accessed ], ].</ref> "In addition to being prolific in research" and "very well read," his father's friend and colleague Shelemyahu Zacks writes in a tribute, Jacob Wolfowitz "fought at the time for the liberation of ]. He was a friend and strong supporter of the state of ] and had many friends and admirers there."<ref name=Zacks>Shelemyahu Zacks, , '']'', n.d., accessed ], ].</ref> Strongly influenced by his father, according to Eric Schmitt, Paul Wolfowitz became "A soft-spoken former aspiring-mathematician-turned-policymaker … world views … were forged by family history and in the halls of academia rather than in the jungles of Vietnam or the corridors of Congress … … escaped Poland after ]. The rest of his father's family perished in ]."<ref name=Schmitt>Eric Schmitt, , '']'', ], ], accessed ], ]. (TimesSelect subscription required.)</ref> Such family trauma led, David Dudley observes, to Jack Wolfowitz "liv in a world haunted by atrocities" and deeply affecting his son's personal and intellectual development.<ref name=Dudley/><ref name=Gardiner>Nile Gardiner, , '']'', ], ], accessed ], ]. (Originally published in '']''.)</ref> According to Peter J. Boyer, "Wolfowitz said that he had learned little about Warsaw life, or the fate of his lost relatives, from his father. 'He hated to talk about his childhood,' Wolfowitz said. As a boy, Wolfowitz devoured books ('probably too many') about the Holocaust and Hiroshima—what he calls 'the polar horrors'" (2).<ref name=Boyer>Peter J. Boyer, , online posting, '']'', ], ], accessed ], ] (7 pages).</ref> Speaking more specifically of the influence of the Holocaust on his own later views to Eric Schmitt, Wolfowitz said: <blockquote>"That sense of what happened in ] in ] has shaped a lot of my views … It's a very bad thing when people exterminate other people, and people persecute minorities. It doesn't mean you can prevent every such incident in the world, but it's also a mistake to dismiss that sort of concern as merely ] and not related to real interest."<ref name=Schmitt/></blockquote>


In 2005, he left the Pentagon to serve as president of the World Bank only to resign after two years over a scandal involving allegations he used his position to help World Bank staffer ] to whom he was romantically linked.<ref>{{cite news |last1=King |first1=Neil |last2=Hitt |first2=Greg |title=Wolfowitz Quits World Bank as U.S. Relents |url=https://www.wsj.com/articles/SB117940381472106145 |website=The Wall Street Journal |date=May 18, 2007 |access-date=March 23, 2020}}</ref> A Reuters report described his tenure there as "a protracted battle over his stewardship, prompted by his involvement in a high-paying promotion for his companion".<ref name=WBGS2>, '']'', May 17, 2007, accessed May 17, 2007.</ref><ref name=JonesUK>Matthew Jones, , ''Reuters'' (UK), May 18, 2007, accessed May 18, 2007.</ref> Wolfowitz is the only World Bank president to have resigned over a scandal.<ref>{{cite web |last1=Parker |first1=Jennifer |title=World Bank Chief Paul Wolfowitz Resigns |url=https://abcnews.go.com/Politics/story?id=3152373&page=1 |website=ABC News |access-date=March 23, 2020}}</ref>
Before first moving to Ithaca, in the fall of academic year 1952–1953 for his father's new post, Wolfowitz told Sam Tanenhaus in their interview, the Wolfowitzes lived in ]: "I was born in Brooklyn but we grew up in Manhattan, one block down on ] in a house that no longer exists. One block down from the President of ] who for part of that time was ]. My sister tells me that she remembers seeing Eisenhower go to his car as we were roller-skating on that block, but it didn't make any impression on me. I was probably three or four."<ref name=DODTranscript/><ref name=Tanenhaus2/> After teaching at Cornell for that first year, his father "immediately had a sabbatical ... and '53–'54 we spent half in ]," while he was teaching at ], "and half in ]," while he was teaching at the ].


==Early life ==
Paul Wolfowitz's friend and later fellow ] "Fred Baumann '66 remembers a familiar parental refrain in the Jewish community of Ithaca in the 1950s: 'Why can't you be like the Wolfowitzes?' Jacob and Lillian Wolfowitz's two model kids were well known at Temple Beth-El, where Baumann attended Hebrew school and, at ten years old, first met Paul and his older sister, Laura."<ref name=Dudley/> According to Dudley, <blockquote>Paul was quick-witted and friendly, and a year older than the quiet and bookish Fred; he proved an irresistible role model. "I was his protégé," says Baumann. "Paul had tremendous charm, along with real goodness. You wanted to follow him." Now a political science professor at ] in Ohio, Baumann would follow Wolfowitz to ] and then to ]. "There was a kind of gravity to him. He was more like a grown-up than the rest of us." It's a feeling that resonates with many Ithacans who grew up in Paul's shadow. "When you were with him, you felt a sort of benignness radiating from him," remembers ] '69, now president of the ]. "A masterly intelligence that had no malevolence."<ref name=Dudley/></blockquote>
The second child of ] (b. Warsaw; 1910–1981) and Lillian Dundes, Paul Wolfowitz was born in ], New York, into a ] immigrant family, and grew up mainly in ], where his father was a professor of statistical theory at ].<ref name=Goldenberg>Suzanne Goldenberg, , '']'', April 1, 2005, accessed May 1, 2007.</ref><ref name=Dudley>David Dudley, , ''Cornell Alumni Magazine Online'' 107.1 (July/August 2004), accessed May 17, 2007.</ref> As a student at Cornell, Paul Wolfowitz was profoundly impacted by ] '']'' (1946),<ref>Lewis D. Solomon: PAUL D. WOLFOWITZ. Visionary Intellectual, Policymaker, and Strategist. 2007 ]


https://api.pageplace.de/preview/DT0400.9780275995881_A47347221/preview-9780275995881_A47347221.pdf</ref> leading him to become "a soft-spoken former aspiring-mathematician-turned-policymaker ... world views ... were forged by family history and in the halls of academia rather than in the jungles of Vietnam or the corridors of Congress ... ... escaped Poland after ]. The rest of his father's family perished in the ]."<ref name=Schmitt>Eric Schmitt, , '']'', April 22, 2002, accessed March 24, 2008.</ref>
In 1957, when he was fourteen years old, Paul Wolfowitz also spent a year living in ], while his father was a visiting professor at the ], in ]; his elder sister, Laura, a biologist, later emigrated to ] and married an Israeli.<ref name=Zacks/><ref name=Cassidy/>


Wolfowitz began taking classes at ] while still a student at ].<ref>], , '']'', ], ], accessed ], ].</ref> In the mid-1960s, while they were both undergraduate students at Cornell, he met ], who later became a well-known ]. They married in 1968, had three children (Sara, David, and Rachel), lived in ], separated in 1999, and, according to some sources, became legally separated in 2001 and divorced in 2002, though, according to others, their marital status appears to be uncertain, and it is still not clear whether or not they have been divorced.<ref name=Goldenberg/><ref name=Dudley/><ref name=Cassidy/><ref name=ProfTOL/><ref name=ChurcherWitheridge/><ref name=WeeksLeiby>Linton Weeks and Richard Leiby, , '']'', ], ], accessed ], ]. (3 pages.)</ref>{{See|Clare Selgin Wolfowitz}} In the mid-1960s, while Paul was an undergraduate student at Cornell residing at the ], he met ], who later became an ]. They married in 1968, had three children and lived in ]. They separated in 1999, and, according to some sources, became legally separated in 2001 and divorced in 2002.<ref name=Goldenberg/><ref name=Cassidy>], , online posting, ''The New Yorker'', April 9, 2007, accessed May 7, 2007.</ref>


After separating from his wife in late 1999, Wolfowitz began dating ], according to "Turkish journalist ], a friend of the couple" cited by Linton Weeks and Richard Leiby. Their relationship led to controversy later, during his presidency of the ].<ref name=Cassidy/><ref name=WeeksLeiby/>{{See|#Wolfowitz's relationship with Shaha Riza}}. In late 1999, Wolfowitz began dating ]. Their relationship led to controversy later, during his presidency of the ].<ref name=Cassidy/><ref name=WeeksLeiby/>


Wolfowitz speaks five languages in addition to ]; according to John Cassidy's '']'' profile, "Wolfowitz taught himself ] in the nineteen-eighties, when he was working at the State Department," and "He also speaks ], ], ], and ]."<ref name=Cassidy/> Wolfowitz speaks five languages in addition to English: ], ], ], ], and ].<ref name=Cassidy/> He was reportedly the model for a minor character named Philip Gorman in ]'s 2000 book '']''.<ref name="DaalderLindsay2005">{{cite book|author1=Ivo H. Daalder|author2=James H. Lindsay|title=America Unbound: The Bush Revolution in Foreign Policy|year=2005|publisher=Wiley|isbn=978-0471741503|page=|url-access=registration|url=https://archive.org/details/americaunboundbu00daal_0/page/26}}</ref>


=== Education ===
He lives in ].<ref name=JonesUK/>
Wolfowitz entered ] in 1961. He lived in the ] in 1962 and 1963, while philosophy professor ] served as a faculty mentor living in the house.<ref name=Dudley/> In August 1963, he and his mother participated in the ] organized by ]<ref name=Dudley/><ref name=Cassidy/> Wolfowitz was a member of the ] society. Wolfowitz graduated in 1965 with a ] in ]. Against his father's wishes, Wolfowitz decided to go to graduate school to study ].<ref name=Dudley/> Wolfowitz would later say that "one of the things that ultimately led me to leave mathematics and go into political science was thinking I could prevent nuclear war."<ref name=Schmitt/>


In 1972, Wolfowitz received a ] in political science from the ], writing his doctoral dissertation on ''Nuclear Proliferation in the Middle East: The Politics and Economics of Proposals for Nuclear ]''. At the University of Chicago, Wolfowitz took two courses with ]. He completed his dissertation under ].<ref>James Mann, ''Rise of the Vulcans: the history of Bush's war cabinet'' (2004) pp. 28–31</ref> Wohlstetter became Wolfowitz's "mentor".<ref name=Bacevich/> In the words of Wolfowitz's future colleague ]: "Paul thinks the way Albert thinks."<ref name=Bacevich/> In the summer of 1969, Wohlstetter arranged for Wolfowitz, Perle and Peter Wilson to join the Committee to Maintain a Prudent Defense Policy which was set up by ] architects ] and ].
==Post-secondary education==
===Cornell University===
Wolfowitz won a full scholarship to Cornell University, where he matriculated in 1961 "to please his father," according to Goldenberg.<ref name=Goldenberg/>


While finishing his dissertation, Wolfowitz taught in the department of ] at ] from 1970 to 1972; one of his students was future colleague ].<ref name="IRCProf"> {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070519023727/http://rightweb.irc-online.org/profile/1390|date=May 19, 2007}}, ''Right Web'' (]), updated April 19, 2007, accessed May 21, 2007.</ref>
At Cornell, Wolfowitz was a member of the ], a non-profit organization founded in 1910, whose first female member was his elder sister, Laura.<ref name=Dudley/> "Promot no particular political or religious viewpoint ... creates and fosters educational communities that rely upon democratic participation ... aim to foster an everyday synthesis of self-governance and intellectual inquiry that enables students to develop their potential for leadership and public service ... seek out young people with the desire and the ability to contribute to society, and help them develop intellectually and as community members."<ref name=Telluride>From , '']'', accessed ], ].</ref> Its members receive free room and board in the Telluride House on the Cornell campus and learn about democracy through the practice of running the house and organizing seminars.<ref name=CornellTelluride> and , '']'', accessed ], ].</ref> Wolfowitz lived in the Telluride House through academic year 1962 to 1963.<ref name=Dudley/>


==Career==
That year philosophy professor ] served as a Cornell faculty mentor living in the house and had a major influence on Wolfowitz's political views with his assertion of the importance of political regimes in shaping peoples’ characters.<ref name=Dudley/> Schmitt observes that Wolfowitz first "became a protégé of the political philosopher Allan Bloom, and then of ], the father of hard-line conservative strategic thinking at the University of Chicago."<ref name=Schmitt/> In August 1963, "when he was nineteen, he and his mother attended the ] organized by ] and others" (3).<ref name=Cassidy/><ref name=Dudley/> But his father did not take well to his son’s new interest in politics or his new mentor, Bloom.<ref name=Cassidy/><ref name=Dudley/>


===Arms Control and Disarmament Agency===
According to Schmitt, though he "majored in mathematics and chemistry ... he was profoundly moved by ]'s '']'' and shifted his focus toward politics. 'One of the things that ultimately led me to leave mathematics and go into political science was thinking I could prevent nuclear war,' he said."<ref name=Schmitt/> His friends found that shift "unexpected," and his father opposed it.<ref name=Dudley/>
{{Main|Team B}}
In the 1970s, Wolfowitz and Perle served as aides to proto-] ] ] ]. A ], Jackson supported higher military spending and a hard line against the ] alongside more traditional Democratic causes, such as social welfare programs, civil rights, and labor unions.<ref name=Oldham>Kit Oldham, , ''historylink.org'' (''The Online Encyclopedia of Washington State History''), August 19, 2003, accessed May 17, 2007.</ref>


In 1972, US ] ], under pressure from Senator Jackson, dismissed the head of the ] (ACDA) and replaced him with ]. Ikle brought in a new team that included Wolfowitz. While at ACDA, Wolfowitz wrote research papers and drafted testimony, as he had previously done at the Committee to Maintain a Prudent Defense Policy. He traveled with Ikle to strategic arms limitations talks in ] and other ]an cities. He also helped dissuade ] from reprocessing ] that could be diverted into a clandestine weapons program.
During academic year 1964 to 1965, his senior year at Cornell, having moved from the Telluride House to an apartment, Wolfowitz was a member of ], a prestigious senior honor society.<ref name=Dudley/>


Under President ], the American intelligence agencies came under attack over their annually published ]. According to James Mann, "The underlying issue was whether the ] and other agencies were underestimating the threat from the Soviet Union, either by intentionally tailoring intelligence to support ]'s policy of ] or by simply failing to give enough weight to darker interpretations of Soviet intentions." Attempting to counter these claims, ] ] formed a committee of anti-] experts, headed by ], to reassess the raw data. Based on the recommendation of Perle, Pipes picked Wolfowitz for this committee, which was later called ].<ref name=Tanenhaus>Sam Tanenhaus, </ref>
Wolfowitz graduated in 1965 with a ] degree in ] and ], then worked as a management intern at the ].{{Fact|date=May 2007}} Against his father's expectations and wishes, Wolfowitz decided to go to ] to study politics.<ref name=Dudley/> Although "Paul's choice" to pursue political science and a career in politics instead of mathematics "defied" his father's original expectations and wishes for him, Dudley concludes that, eventually, "as Paul's career took him from Yale to the Pentagon and the State Department ... Jack Wolfowitz seemed to make peace with his son's choice."<ref>Dudley observes: <blockquote>At the ] in Tampa, where he taught from 1978 until his death in 1981, he often spoke with pride about Paul's accomplishments as a rising policymaker. Manoug Manougian, chairman of the USF math department, grew close to the distinguished mathematician in his final years. "Jack was a very down-to-earth, peace-loving person," he says. When Paul visited, they played tennis and argued about books. "What a shame," Jack sometimes said of his son, "that Paul didn't continue in math." ... Often, Jack Wolfowitz and Manougian, born to Armenian immigrants, would reflect ruefully on the world's troubles--the ethnic strife that bedeviled their native countries earlier in the century, the smoldering Israeli-Palestinian issue, the incalculable horrors of war and genocide that had dogged human history. "The question was always, how can a person in his right mind do these things?" Manougian remembers. "How can we change the world?" ... Jack Wolfowitz, like any mathematician, believed that there was a correct answer. "Every problem has a solution," he always told Manougian. "There is a solution to this that doesn't require a war." But, in the end, he admitted that he didn't know what it was.<blockquote></ref>


The team's 1976 report, which was leaked to the press, stated that "all the evidence points to an undeviating Soviet commitment to what is euphemistically called the 'worldwide triumph of socialism,' but in fact connotes global Soviet hegemony", highlighting a number of key areas where they believed the government's intelligence analysts had failed. According to Jack Davis, Wolfowitz observed later:
===University of Chicago===
<blockquote>The B-Team demonstrated that it was possible to construct a sharply different view of Soviet motivation from the consensus view of the analysts and one that provided a much closer fit to the Soviets' observed behavior (and also provided a much better forecast of subsequent behavior up to and through the invasion of Afghanistan). The formal presentation of the competing views in a session out at Langley also made clear that the enormous experience and expertise of the B-Team as a group were formidable."<ref name=Davis>Qtd. by Jack Davis, Paul Wolfowitz on Intelligence-Policy Relations", '']'' 39.5 (1996):35–42, accessed May 21, 2007. ("Jack Davis served in the ].) </ref>
Wolfowitz chose the ] over ], according to ], in ''Rise of the Vulcans'', because he wanted to study under Bloom's mentor, ].{{Facts|date=May 2007}}<!--Full citations require the publication info. and page numbers of quotations and statements from this book throughout?--> Wolfowitz enrolled in Strauss' courses, on ] and ], but, according to Mann, they "did not become especially close" before Strauss retired; nevertheless, Mann points out, "in subsequent years colleagues both in government and academia came to view Wolfowitz as one of the heirs to Strauss's intellectual traditions."{{facts|date=May 2007}}
</blockquote>


Team B's conclusions have faced criticism. They have been called "]", ignoring the "political, demographic, and economic rot" already eating away at the Soviet system. Wolfowitz reportedly had a central role in Team B, mostly focused on analyzing the role that medium-range missiles played in Soviet military strategy.<ref name="DaalderLindsay2005"/>
According to Dudley, citing Wolfowitz's friend and fellow ] Fred Baumann, however, though "Bloom helped him find the courage of his own convictions ... To that extent, Strauss matters ... Baumann recalls that Wolfowitz kept a discreet distance from the true believers. 'All these discussions around the dinner table -- "Does the philosopher need friends?" That wasn't Paul. He didn't go through some deep Straussian conversion--this fit into where he already was.'"<ref name=Dudley/>


In 1978, Wolfowitz was investigated by the ] for providing intelligence to an Israeli government official while he was still an employee at ACDA. He was accused of handing over a classified document, via an ] intermediary, which detailed the proposed sale of U.S. weapons to an Arab government. An inquiry was launched, but the probe was later dropped and Wolfowitz was never charged.<ref>{{Cite web |date=January 13, 2005 |title=FBI probes DOD office - (United Press International) |website=] |url=http://washingtontimes.com/upi-breaking/20040824-102938-1916r.htm |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20050113082328/http://washingtontimes.com/upi-breaking/20040824-102938-1916r.htm |archive-date=2005-01-13 |access-date=October 11, 2022 }}</ref>
Moreover, in May 2003, when ] asked Wolfowitz about "the question of ideas" in their telephone interview for Tanenhaus's article "Bush's Brain Trust" later published in the July 2003 '']'': "That is, is there anything at all ... to the Straussian Connection?" Wolfowitz replied:<blockquote>It's a product of fevered minds who seem incapable of understanding that ] changed a lot of things and changed the way we need to approach the world. Since they refused to confront that, they looked for some kind of ] to explain it.<br><br>
I mean I took two terrific courses from ] as a graduate student. One was on ]'s spirit of the laws, which did help me understand our Constitution better. And one was on ]'s laws. The idea that this has anything to do with ] is just laughable.<ref name=DODTranscript/><ref name=Tanenhaus2/></blockquote>

A few years later, in 2006, in a scholarly article published in the academic journal '']'', Richard H. King cites and contextualizes the opinion expressed on March 8, 2005 in his ] ''Altercation'' by ] ––who had spoken with Wolfowitz informally during a book launch "cocktail party" hosted by ] and her husband ]––that "'Wolfowitz does not consider himself to be a Straussian.'"<ref name=King>Alterman, as cited in Richard H. King, , '']'' 4.4 (2006): 395-408 (402), accessed ], ].</ref><ref name=Alterman>Cf. ], , ''Altercation'' (political ]), ], ], featured by '']'', accessed ], ]; Alterman says that he takes the conversation as "on the record" because Wolfowitz did not specify that it was "off the record":<blockquote>I asked if he thought it was important that so many people associated with the ideas behind U.S. foreign policy were Straussians. He definitely demurred. Wolfowitz does not consider himself to be a Straussian. He says he does not find political philosophy all that exciting and ] found him to be a disappointment in this regard, but a 'successful disappointment,' which appealed to Bloom. He says when he gets together with real Straussians he becomes impatient with the level of abstraction of the discussion. He does not think Strauss is in any way important to the conduct of U.S. foreign policy.</blockquote></ref> In developing his own argument, King also cites the views of ], who states that "'Wolfowitz is no ideologue, and neither 'Straussian' nor 'conservative' begins to describe him.'"<ref>], '']'', ], ], accessed ], ], as cited by King 402.</ref> Ultimately, however, King qualifies the emphases of both Alterman and Orwin and also qualifies the emphases of those who exaggerate the "Straussian" influence on Bush administration foreign and defense policy-makers like Wolfowitz.<ref>First King gives "A couple of examples" in order to "help convey a better sense of the pathways to power that Straussians have taken": <blockquote>For instance, while an undergraduate at Cornell, ] got to know Paul Wolfowitz, who was then teaching political science at Yale, but had a link with Cornell’s Telluride House, a special honors house run by ] where Fukuyama lived. Fukuyama later interned for Wolfowitz at the ] in the mid-1970s and then went to the State Department with him in the early Reagan years (Boynton, 2005: 1). Significantly, Wolfowitz himself completed his PhD dissertation at Chicago under defense analyst ], who was at Chicago and fairly close to Strauss (Norton, 2004: 182–3). Though Wolfowitz took several courses with Bloom, he claims to have been more influenced by Wohlstetter and, according to historian and media critic ], does 'not consider himself to be a Straussian ... he becomes impatient with the high level of abstraction of the discussion. He does not think Strauss is in any way important to the conduct of American foreign policy' (Alterman, n.d.; Orwin, 2005). (401-402).</blockquote> Then King qualifies his citations of Alterman and Orwin, concluding: <blockquote> It is not being overly conspiratorial, then, to assume that there is a Straussian network within which figures such as Wolfowitz and ] have found their intellectual and political bearings, even as they reject this or that aspect of the Straussian view of politics and history. Indeed, Fukuyama’s vision of the end of history is far from triumphalist or celebratory. Beyond that, the influence of Wohlstetter is one that needs more emphasis if the complexities of the paths to power taken by the Straussians are to be fully measured. Finally, in assessing the influence of Strauss and the Straussians, it is best not to emphasize specific ideas deriving from them but rather the importance of a complex criss-crossing network of personal, institutional and ideological influences.</blockquote> In his "Conclusion" to the article, King emphasizes further that it is important not to oversimplify complex aspects of influence on U.S. foreign policy leading to the ]:<blockquote>All of this is merely suggestive rather than definitive of the case to be made for the influence of Leo Strauss, via his students and disciples, on American foreign policy. It is a long way from Strauss’s core focus on classical natural right thinking to ] in ] and to a vision of the spread of democracy and American values in the ]. Thinking forward from any point in the past, it would have been impossible to imagine such a linkage; thinking backward from the present, certain influences and tendencies allow us to speculate with some plausibility about causal links. Beyond that, we must also ask whether the causal chain linking Strauss, the Straussians and the ] is enough to explain that policy or if it is 'only' one aspect of a more complex explanation. ... I strongly lean toward the latter. Whatever the political and moral problems with ]’s political philosophy – and I would identify two large ones: the lack of any concept of social justice in the modern sense and the neglect of democratic political participation – Strauss can hardly be convincingly charged with providing the intellectual rationale for the (Theodore) Rooseveltian (not Wilsonian) dimension of the Bush administration’s post-9/11 foreign policy. The final irony is that, insofar as foreign policy intellectuals of the Straussian persuasion have become politicized, they manifest those negative characteristics that, as already mentioned, Strauss identified in the first decade of the ] – the tendency of sectarian intellectuals to oversimplify complex ideas and to pursue power and influence rather than the nature of the good. (406-407)</ref></blockquote>

Professor ], who had studied ] with Wolfowitz's father at Columbia, and who ("Significantly") directed Paul Wolfowitz's research at the University of Chicago,<ref name=Dudley/><ref name=King/> instilled in his students the importance of maintaining the supremacy of the United States through advanced weaponry.<ref name=French>Alain Frachon and Daniel Vernet, , trans. Mark K. Jensen, orig. published in French as , '']'', ], ], online posting, '']'', ], ], accessed ], ]; cf. , trans. (for '']'') Norman Madarasz, online posting, '']'', ], ], accessed ], ] (rpt. with permission): In the era of the ], opposed to treaties based on the concept of ], <blockquote>Wohlstetter proposed on the contrary a "graduated deterrence," i.e. the acceptance of limited wars, possibly using tactical nuclear arms, together with "smart" precision-guided weapons capable of hitting the enemy's military apparatus. ... He criticized the politics of nuclear arms limitations conducted together with Moscow. It amounted, according to him, to constraining the technological creativity of the United States in order to maintain an artificial equilibrium with the USSR.</blockquote></ref> Wohlstetter feared that ] produced as a by-product of U.S.-sponsored nuclear-powered desalination plants to be built near the ]i-]ian border could be used in a nuclear weapons program. He returned from a trip to Israel with a number of ] documents on the program that he handed over to Wolfowitz (who is fluent in Hebrew); these later became a basis of Wolfowitz's doctoral dissertation on "] in the ]".{{facts|date=May 2007}}

In the summer of 1969, Wohlstetter arranged for his students Wolfowitz and Wilson, as well as ] to join the ] which was set up by ] architects ] and ] to maintain support in the ] for the ] (ABM) system.{{Facts|date=May 2007}} The opposition to the ABM system in the ] employed scientific experts to argue against the ABM system, so Nitze and Acheson turned to Wohlstetter and his young protégés to counter these arguments. Together they wrote research papers and drafted testimony for ] ]. Nitze later wrote: "The papers they helped us produce ran rings around the misinformed papers produced by polemical and pompous scientists."{{Fact|date=May 2007}} The ] eventually approved the ABM system by 51 votes to 50, but ] ] later signed the ], restricting the extent of deployment of such systems.{{facts|date=May 2007}}

===Yale University===
From 1970 to 1972, Wolfowitz taught in the Department of Political Science at ], where one of his students was ].<ref name=IRCProf>, ''Right Web'' (]), updated ], ], accessed ], ].</ref> In 1972 Wolfowitz earned a ] in ], writing his doctoral dissertation on "] in the ]".<ref name=WBGBio> of Paul Wolfowitz, '']'', accessed ], ]; cf. official government biographical accounts.</ref><ref name=Manninterv>Cf. the perspective of ], in , ''Rumsfeld's War'', '']'', ] (PBS), online posting, ], ], accessed ], ]; see segment on Paul Wolfowitz (inc. audio and video links to full program first broadcast in June 2004): <blockquote>Wolfowitz has an academic background. He's different from many other members of the administration. He goes to college at ], where he's one of a group of students associated with a professor named ] , who is a disciple of a very famous conservative named ] … When he starts graduate school, he meets a ] professor who is a specialist in ] named ], and Wolfowitz latches on to him as his mentor and does his thesis with him. It's not so much ]; he's involved in strategy of ]. That's his main interest, his involvement. Interestingly enough, when he does his doctoral dissertation, the subject is the spread of nuclear weapons in the ].</blockquote></ref>

==Career==
===Arms Control and Disarmament Agency===
{{main|Team B}}
In the 1970s Wolfowitz served as an aide to ] ] ], whose political philosophies and positions have been cited as an influence on a number of key figures associated with ], including Wolfowitz and ]; Jackson "was the quintessential '].' He was an outspoken and influential advocate of increased military spending and a hard line against the ], while supporting social welfare programs, civil rights, and the labor movement."<ref name=Oldham>Kit Oldham, , ''historylink.org'' (''The Online Encyclopedia of Washington State History''), ], ], accessed ], ].</ref>

In 1972 ] ], under pressure from Senator Jackson, who was unhappy with the ] strategic arms limitations talks and the policy of détente, dismissed the head of the ] (ACDA) and replaced him with ]. Ikle brought in a completely new team including Wolfowitz, who had been recommended by his old tutor ]. Wolfowitz once again set to work writing and distributing research papers and drafting testimony, as he had previously done at the ]. He also traveled with Ikle to strategic arms limitations talks in ] and other ]an cities. His greatest success was in dissuading ] from reprocessing ] that could be diverted into a clandestine weapons program, a situation that would re-occur north of the border during the George W. Bush administration.

Under ] ], the American intelligence agencies had come under attack from Wohlstetter, among others, over their annually published ]. According to Mann: "The underlying issue was whether the ] and other agencies were underestimating the threat from the Soviet Union, either by intentionally tailoring intelligence to support ]'s policy of ] or by simply failing to give enough weight to darker interpretations of Soviet intentions." In an attempt to counter these claims, the newly appointed ], ] authorized the formation of a committee of anti-] experts, headed by ] (father of ]), to reassess the raw data. Richard Pipes picked Wolfowitz, " brilliant young weapons analyst," who was still employed by the U.S. Arms Control and Disarmament Agency and about whom he was unfamiliar at the time, to serve on this committee, which came to be known as ]: "'] recommended him,' Pipes says of Wolfowitz today . 'I'd never heard of him.'"<ref name=Tanenhaus>Sam Tanenhaus, Harvard Historian ] Shaped the Reagan Administration's Aggressive Approach to the Soviet Union. His Support for Confrontation Over Containment Prefigured the Bush Foreign Policy of Today", '']'', ], ], accessed ], ]. (Part 4 of "The Mind of the Administration").</ref> According to the IRC profile of Pipes, citing an interview with former intelligence officer ] (Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, 1977–1980), "Pipes said, 'I picked Paul Wolfowitz because ] recommended him so highly'"; Cahn has been highly critical of the report.<ref name=PipesProf>, ''Right Web'' (]), last updated ], ], accessed ], ].</ref><ref>], the author of ''Killing Detente: The Right Attacks the CIA'' (University Park: Pennsylvania State UP, 1998), is President ]'s current to the Board of Directors of the ].</ref>

The team's report, delivered in 1976 and quickly leaked to the press, stated that "All the evidence points to an undeviating Soviet commitment to what is euphemistically called the 'worldwide triumph of socialism,' but in fact connotes global Soviet hegemony," highlighting a number of key areas where they believed the government's intelligence analysts had got it wrong. According to Jack Davis, Wolfowitz observed later: <blockquote>The B-Team demonstrated that it was possible to construct a sharply different view of Soviet motivation from the consensus view of the analysts and one that provided a much closer fit to the Soviets' observed behavior (and also provided a much better forecast of subsequent behavior up to and through the invasion of Afghanistan). The formal presentation of the competing views in a session out at Langley also made clear that the enormous experience and expertise of the B-Team as a group were formidable. Unfortunately, the bureaucratic reaction to the whole experience was largely negative and hostile.<ref name=Davis>Qtd. by Jack Davis, Paul Wolfowitz on Intelligence-Policy Relations", '']'' 39.5 (1996): 35-42, accessed ],]. ("Jack Davis served in the ].") </ref></blockquote> There has been and is still much controversy about the work of ], the accuracy of its conclusions, and its effects on ].<ref name=IRCProf/><ref name=PipesProf/><ref name=IRCTeamB>Tom Barry, , ''Right Web'', ], ], ], accessed ], ]. As documented by Barry, <blockquote>as ] establishes in her history of the ] affair , some of the CIA estimates critiqued by Team B were themselves exaggerations, particularly the estimates of Soviet military spending. "With the advantage of hindsight," she explains, "we now know that Soviet military spending increases began to slow down precisely as Team B was writing about an 'intense military buildup in nuclear as well as conventional forces of all sorts, not moderated either by the West's self-imposed restraints or by the '." "But even at the time of the affair," continues Cahn, "Team B had at its disposal sufficient information to know that the Soviet Union was in severe decline. As Soviet defectors were telling us in anguished terms that the system was collapsing, Team B looked at the quantity but not the quality of missiles, tanks, and planes, at the quantity of Soviet men under arms, but not their morale, leadership, alcoholism, or training."</blockquote></ref>


===Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for Regional Programs=== ===Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for Regional Programs===
In 1977, during the administration of ] ], Wolfowitz moved to ], aiming to broaden his experience of military issues, because, according to Mann, Wolfowitz believed that "The key to preventing nuclear wars was to stop conventional wars."{{Fact|date=April 2007}} He was employed as ] for the ], under then ] ], where he was put to work on the '']'', charged with examining possible areas of threat to the U.S. in the ].{{Facts|date=May 2007}} In 1977, during the ] administration, Wolfowitz moved to ]. He was US Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for Regional Programs for the ], under ] ].

After taking up the post, Wolfowitz attended a seminar presented by Professor ] of the ], in which Kemp argued that the U.S. was concentrating too much on defending against the possibility of a ] invasion of ] through the ] in ] and ignoring the far more likely possibility of them turning southward to seize the ] of the ].{{Facts|date=May 2007}} "This warning struck a chord with Wolfowitz," according to Mann, as it "fit well with the conclusion he had just reached in the Team B intelligence review." Wolfowitz hired Kemp and ], a Soviet specialist from the ], to work with him on preparing the study. "We and our major industrialized allies have a vital and growing stake in the Persian Gulf region because of our need for Persian Gulf oil and because events in the Persian Gulf affect the ]," the report stated, going on to conclude that Soviet seizure of the Persian Gulf oil field would "probably destroy ] and the US-Japanese alliance without recourse to war by the Soviets."{{facts|date=April 2007}}

According to Mann , Wolfowitz enlarged the purview of the ''Limited Contingency Study'' by questioning what would happen if another country in the region were to seize the oil fields.{{Facts|date=May 2007}} He argued that "] has become the militarily pre-eminent in the Persian Gulf," which was "a worrisome development" because of its "radical-Arab stance, its "anti-Western attitudes," its "dependence on Soviet arms sales," and its "willingness to foment trouble in other local nations."{{Facts|date=May 2007}}. He concluded that "Iraq’s implicit power will cause currently moderate local powers to accommodate themselves to Iraq" and that "Iraq may in the future use her military forces against such states as ] or ]."{{Facts|date=May 2007}} To confront these perceived threats, he believed that the United States must "be able to defend the interests of ], ] and ourselves against an Iraqi invasion or show of force" and to make manifest its "capabilities and commitments to balance Iraq’s power," requiring "an increased visibility for U.S. power." As Mann explains, "Iraq was a subject to which Wolfowitz would return over and over again during his career."{{Facts|date=April 2007}}

According to Ross, "no one believed that Iraq posed a serious or imminent threat to the Saudis," but Wolfowitz had told him: "When you look at contingencies, you don’t focus only on the likelihood of the contingency but also on the severity of its consequences."{{Facts|date=April 2007}} In contrast to Wolfowitz, Defense Secretary Brown worried that if the report were leaked, it would damage U.S. relations with Iraq and destabilize Saudi Arabia.{{Facts|date=April 2007}} "The whole thrust of the study," according to Ross, "was to say that had a big problem, that it would take us a long time to get any significant military force into the area."{{facts|date=April 2007}} The study’s recommendations laid the groundwork for what would become the ] (CENTCOM), conceived as ] for the Persian Gulf. It played a key role in the ], after the Bush administration argued that the study’s predictions had come true, and the subsequent ], for which Wolfowitz was a major driving force.{{Facts|date=April 2007}}


In late ] ] began a migration of ] from their traditional base in the ] over to the ] and its ] ].{{Facts|date=April 2007}} Wolfowitz joined this exodus after receiving a phone call from his old boss ], then working on the Reagan campaign, in which he said "Paul, you’ve got to get out of there. We want you in the new administration."{{Facts|date=April 2007}} A short time later, in early 1980, Wolfowitz resigned from the Pentagon and went to work as a visiting professor at the ] (SAIS) at ].{{Facts|date=April 2007}} According to the '']''; "He said it was not he who changed his political philosophy so much as the Democratic Party, which abandoned the hard-headed internationalism of Harry Truman, Kennedy and Jackson."<ref name=Dobbs>Michael Dobbs, , '']'',], ], accessed ], ].</ref> Nevertheless, the '']'' observed in March 2005, in the context of discussing his suitability as president of the ], that "he has not ceased being a registered Democrat."<ref name=Crying> , '']'', ], ], accessed ], ]: "Mr Wolfowitz is not a cynic about outside financial backing for developing nations. In the right circumstances, he believes it can be transforming. For that reason, perhaps, despite a caricature as a 'right-wing hawk', he has not ceased being a registered Democrat. The World Bank needs a man who can think unconventionally. Mr Wolfowitz is that person."</ref> In 1980, Wolfowitz resigned from the Pentagon and became a visiting professor at the ] (SAIS) at ]. Shortly after, he joined the ]. According to '']'': "He said it was not he who changed his political philosophy so much as the Democratic Party, which abandoned the hard-headed internationalism of Harry Truman, Kennedy and Jackson."<ref name=Dobbs>Michael Dobbs, , ''The Washington Post'', April 7, 2003, accessed April 16, 2007.</ref>


===State Department Director of Policy Planning=== ===State Department Director of Policy Planning===
In 1980, following the election of ] ], the newly appointed ] ] was put in charge of putting together the administration's foreign policy advisory team. Allen initially rejected Wolfowitz’s appointment: "He had worked for Carter. I thought he was a Carter guy," Allen later recalled, adding: "He was goner, as far as I was concerned"; but following discussions, instigated by former colleague ], Allen offered him the position of ] at the ].{{facts|date=April 2007}} In this position Wolfowitz and his newly selected staff, which included ], ], ], ], ], ] and ], would be responsible for defining the administration's long-term foreign goals.{{Facts|date=April 2007}} Following the 1980 election of President ], the new ] ] formed the administration's foreign policy advisory team. Allen initially rejected Wolfowitz's appointment but following discussions, instigated by former colleague ], Allen offered Wolfowitz the position of ] at the ].


President Reagan's foreign policy was heavily influenced by the ], as outlined in a 1979 article in '']'' by ] entitled "Dictatorships and Double Standards".
President Reagan’s foreign policy had been heavily influenced by a 1979 article in '']'' by ] entitled "Dictatorships and Double Standards".<!--full citation?--> In the article, written in the aftermath of the ], Kirkpatrick had argued that "We seem to accept the status quo in Communist nations (in the name of 'diversity' and national autonomy) but not in nations ruled by 'right-wing' dictators or white oligarchies," pointing out that the regimes that the Carter administration had pushed for democratic reforms "turn out to be those in which non-Communist autocracies are under pressure from revolutionary guerillas," such as key ] allies ], ] and ], dictator of ]. "Although most governments in the world are, as they always have been, autocracies of one kind or another, no idea hold greater sway in the mind of educated Americans than the belief that it is possible to democratize governments, anytime, anywhere, under any circumstances," a belief which Kirkpatrick disagreed with because "Decades, if not centuries, are normally required for people to acquire the necessary disciplines and habits." This is known as the ].
<blockquote>Although most governments in the world are, as they always have been, autocracies of one kind or another, no idea holds greater sway in the mind of educated Americans than the belief that it is possible to democratize governments, anytime, anywhere, under any circumstances ... (But) decades, if not centuries, are normally required for people to acquire the necessary disciplines and habits.</blockquote>


Notably, Wolfowitz broke from this official line by denouncing ] of ] at a time when ], acting as Reagan's official envoy, was offering the dictator support in his conflict with Iran. James Mann points out: "quite a few neo-conservatives, like Wolfowitz, believed strongly in democratic ideals; they had taken from the philosopher ] the notion that there is a moral duty to oppose a leader who is a 'tyrant.'" Other areas where Wolfowitz disagreed with the administration was in his opposition to attempts to open up dialogue with the ] (PLO) and to the sale of ] (AWACS) aircraft to ]. "In both instances," according to Mann, "Wolfowitz demonstrated himself to be one of the strongest supporters of ] in the Reagan administration." Wolfowitz broke from this official line by denouncing ] of ] at a time when ] was offering the dictator support in his conflict with Iran. James Mann points out: "quite a few neo-conservatives, like Wolfowitz, believed strongly in democratic ideals; they had taken from the philosopher Leo Strauss the notion that there is a moral duty to oppose a leader who is a 'tyrant.{{Single double}}<ref>James Mann, ''Rise of the Vulcans: the history of Bush's war cabinet'' (2004) p. 93</ref> Other areas where Wolfowitz disagreed with the administration was in his opposition to attempts to open up dialogue with the ] (PLO) and to the sale of ] (AWACS) aircraft to ]. "In both instances," according to Mann, "Wolfowitz demonstrated himself to be one of the strongest supporters of ] in the Reagan administration."


Mann stresses: "It was on ] that Wolfowitz launched his boldest challenge to the established order."{{Facts|date=May 2007}} After Nixon and Kissinger had gone to China in the early 70s, U.S. policy was to make concessions to China as an essential ] ally. The Chinese were now pushing for the U.S. to end arms sales to ], and Wolfowitz used the Chinese incentive as an opportunity to undermine Kissinger's foreign policy toward China. Instead, Wolfowitz advocated a unilateralist policy, claiming that the U.S. did not need China’s assistance but that the Chinese needed the U.S. to protect them against the far-more-likely prospect of a Soviet invasion of the Chinese mainland. Wolfowitz soon came into conflict with ] ], who had been Kissinger’s assistant at the time of the visits to China. On ], ], '']'' predicted, it turned out falsely, that "Paul D. Wolfowitz, the director of policy planning … will be replaced," because "Mr. Haig found Mr. Wolfowitz too theoretical."{{Facts|date=April 2007}} Instead, on ], ], ] replaced Haig as U.S. Secretary of State, and Wolfowitz was promoted.{{Facts|date=May 2007}}<!--needs full citations: author, title, publication, dates of publication, dates accessed: throughout.--> Mann stresses: "It was on ] that Wolfowitz launched his boldest challenge to the established order." After Nixon and Kissinger had gone to China in the early 1970s, US policy was to make concessions to China as an essential ] ally. The Chinese were now pushing for the US to end arms sales to ], and Wolfowitz used the Chinese incentive as an opportunity to undermine Kissinger's foreign policy toward China. Instead, Wolfowitz advocated a unilateralist policy, claiming that the US did not need China's assistance but that the Chinese needed the US to protect them against the far more-likely prospect of a Soviet invasion of the Chinese mainland. Wolfowitz soon came into conflict with ] ], who had been Kissinger's assistant at the time of the visits to China. On March 30, 1982, ''The New York Times'' predicted that "Paul D. Wolfowitz, the director of policy planning ... will be replaced", because "Mr. Haig found Mr. Wolfowitz too theoretical." Instead, on June 25, 1982, Haig was replaced by ] as US Secretary of State, and Wolfowitz was promoted.


===State Department Assistant Secretary for East Asian and Pacific Affairs=== ===State Department Assistant Secretary for East Asian and Pacific Affairs===
In 1982, Secretary of State Shultz appointed Wolfowitz as ].
In 1982 the new ] ], who would become an influential mentor to Wolfowitz, appointed him as ]. At that time, the Reagan’s foreign policy was beset with difficulties caused by conflict between Schultz and ] ]. Wolfowitz was able to turn this to his favor by forming a powerful alliance with Weinberger’s Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for Asia ] and ] of the ]. Between them, these three men controlled the administration’s policy for ].{{Facts|date=April 2007}}


], on a visit to the ], had been eagerly welcomed by the dictator ] who quoted heavily from her 1979 '']'' article ''Dictatorships and Double Standards'' and although Kirkpatrick had been forced to speak-out in favor of democracy the article continued to influence Reagan’s policy toward Marcos. Following the assassination of Philippine opposition leader ] in 1983 many within the Reagan administration including the President himself began to fear that the Philippines could fall to the ] and the ] would lose its strongholds at ] and ]. Wolfowitz took this opportunity to re-orient the administration’s policy, stating in an ], ] article in '']'' that "The best antidote to Communism is democracy." This was already the administration’s policy in ] and Wolfowitz has since argued that "You can’t use democracy, as appropriately you should, as a battle with the Soviet Union, and turn around and be completely hypocritical about it when it’s on your side of the line."{{Facts|date=May 2007}} ], on a visit to the ], was welcomed by the dictator ] who quoted heavily from her 1979 '']'' article ''Dictatorships and Double Standards''; although Kirkpatrick had been forced to speak out in favor of democracy, the article continued to influence Reagan's policy toward Marcos. Following the assassination of Philippine opposition leader ] in 1983, many within the Reagan administration including the President himself began to fear that the Philippines could fall to the ] and the ] would lose its strongholds at ] and ]. Wolfowitz tried to change the administration's policy, stating in an April 15, 1985, article in '']'' that "The best antidote to Communism is democracy." Wolfowitz and his assistant ] made trips to ] where they called for democratic reforms and met with non-communist opposition leaders.


Mann points out that "the Reagan administration's decision to support democratic government in the Philippines had been hesitant, messy, crisis-driven and skewed by the desire to do what was necessary to protect the American military installations." Following massive street protests, Marcos fled the country on a US Air Force plane and the US recognized the government of ].
Wolfowitz claims that this policy did not deviate from that lain out by Kirkpatrick in her 1979 article as the "necessary disciplines and habits" she wrote of were already in place. "When we went to work on Marcos, it was not to dismantle the institutions of the Philippines; it was actually to get him to stop dismantling them himself," Wolfowitz later argued of the specifics of the policy; "Military reform, economic reform, getting rid of crony capitalism, relying on the church, political reform: It was very institutionally oriented."{{Facts|date=April 2007}} In pursuance of this policy Wolfowitz and his assistant ] made trips to ] where they called for democratic reforms and met with non-communist opposition leaders but the approach was still very soft. As Wolfowitz later explained: "If we had said, ‘We are enemies of the Marcos regime. We want to see it’s demise rather than reform,’ we would have lost all influence in Manila and would have created a situation highly polarized between a regime that had hunkered down and was prepared to do anything to survive and a population at loose ends," that would have strengthened the communists.{{Facts|date=April 2007}} So at the same time Wolfowitz also fought against moves by the ] to end military aide to the Marcos regime.{{Facts|date=April 2007}}

Mann points out that "the Reagan administration’s decision to support democratic government in the Philippines had been hesitant, messy, crisis-driven and skewed by the desire to do what was necessary to protect the American military installations"; but, <!--according to whom?-->, that decision did eventually pay off <!--diction? avoid POV--> when, following massive street protests, Marcos fled the country on a U.S. Air Force plane and Reagan reluctantly recognized the government of ].<!--whose points of view are these?—full citations needed throughout.--> Wolfowitz has since claimed that this demonstrates that democracy "needs the prodding of the U.S." Wolfowitz’s commitment to democracy would be put to the test in his next posting.{{Facts|date=April 2007}}


===Ambassador to the Republic of Indonesia=== ===Ambassador to the Republic of Indonesia===
] in 1987.|alt=|247x247px]]
{{Citations missing|date=June 2007}}
], during a visit to local School]]
From 1986 to 1989, "during the military-backed government of former ]," Wolfowitz was the ] to the ].<ref name=ARDA>], , online posting, '']'', ], ], accessed ], ].</ref> According to Peter J. Boyer, in his '']'' profile of Wolfowitz, <blockquote>Wolfowitz’s appointment to Indonesia was not an immediately obvious match. He was a ] representing ] in the largest ] republic in the world, an advocate of ] in Suharto's ]. But Wolfowitz’s tenure as Ambassador was a notable success, largely owing to the fact that, in essence, he went native. With tutoring help from his driver, he learned the language, and hurled himself into the culture. He attended academic seminars, climbed volcanoes, and toured the neighborhoods of Jakarta. (3)<ref name=Boyer/></blockquote>
From 1986 to 1989, during the military-backed government of ], Wolfowitz was the US Ambassador to the ].<ref name=ARDA>], , online posting, ''Alliance for Reform and Democracy in Asia'', March 22, 2005, accessed June 20, 2007.</ref>


According to Peter J. Boyer, <blockquote>Wolfowitz's appointment to Indonesia was not an immediately obvious match. He was a Jew representing America in the largest Muslim republic in the world, an advocate of democracy in Suharto's dictatorship. But Wolfowitz's tenure as Ambassador was a notable success, largely because, in essence, he went native. With tutoring help from his driver, he learned the language, and hurled himself into the culture. He attended academic seminars, climbed volcanoes, and toured the neighborhoods of Jakarta.<ref name=Boyer>Peter J. Boyer, , online posting, ''The New Yorker'', November 1, 2004, accessed November 26, 2014 (7 pages).</ref></blockquote>
Sipress and Nakashima report that "Wolfowitz's colleagues and friends, both Indonesian and American" pointed to the "U.S. envoy's quiet pursuit of political and economic reforms in Indonesia."<ref name=SipressNakashima/> According to the ], however, in their opposition to Wolfowitz's later appointment to the presidency of the ], "Analysts in Indonesia ... say the candidate has a poor track record in other areas crucial to the World Bank, such as fighting graft and respect for human rights."<ref name=ARDA/> While Dewi Fortuna Anwar, "a former foreign policy adviser to ], Suharto's successor as head of state" (1998–1999), agreed with others "that Wolfowitz was a competent and popular envoy," saying, "'He was extremely able and very much admired and well-liked on a personal level,'" Anwar qualified that, adding: "'but he never intervened to push human rights or stand up to corruption.'"<ref name=ARDA/> The head of the Indonesian National Human Rights Commission, Abdul Hakim Garuda Nusantara, "who at the time headed the ] Institute ] (LBHI)] that defended ]s and sought to free political prisoners" elaborated: "'Of all former U.S. ambassadors, he was considered closest to and most influential with Suharto and his family, but he never showed interest in issues regarding democratization or respect of human rights. Wolfowitz never once visited our offices. I also never heard him publicly mention corruption, not once.'"<ref name=ARDA/> Anwar generalized further about Wolfowitz's tenure: "'at the time, Washington didn't care too much about human rights and democracy; it was still the ] and they were only concerned about fighting communism.'"<ref name=ARDA/> As Suzanne Goldenberg observes,
<blockquote>some who acknowledge his popularity also discount the argument that Wolfowitz used his influence as an envoy to press for change. ... "It is really too much to claim that he played any kind of role in leading Indonesia to democracy," says Jeffrey Winters, an expert on Indonesia at Chicago's Northwestern University, who was in the country at the time. ... "The real record when you dig into it is that he was very slow to respond to Indonesia's movement for democracy. Indonesia's citizens across the spectrum had been struggling against authoritarian rule. They had been tortured. They had been jailed. They had been ruined in various ways, and the Wolfowitz embassy didn't speak up for them - not once. ... He adds: "He had his chance, and he toed the Reagan hawkish line." The World Bank will be watching for far more than that from Wolfowitz.<ref name=Goldenberg/></blockquote>


Sipress and Nakashima reported that "Wolfowitz's colleagues and friends, both Indonesian and American" pointed to the "U.S. envoy's quiet pursuit of political and economic reforms in Indonesia."<ref name=SipressNakashima/> Dewi Fortuna Anwar, a foreign policy adviser to ], Suharto's successor as head of state (1998–99), stated "that Wolfowitz was a competent and popular envoy." But "he never intervened to push human rights or stand up to corruption."<ref name=ARDA/>
After Suharto was "ousted in 1998 by pro-democracy protests," according to the AP, Wolfowitz himself stated that the former president was guilty "'of suppressing political dissent, of weakening alternative leaders and of showing favoritism to his children's business deals, frequently at the expense of sound economic policy'"; yet, "at the time, thousands of leftists detained after the 1965 U.S.-backed military coup that brought Suharto to power were still languishing in jail without trial ... tens of thousands of people in ], a country Suharto's troops occupied in 1975, died during the 1980s in a series of army anti-insurgency offensives."<ref name=ARDA/> Opposing Wolfowitz's World Bank appointment, Binny Buchori, Director of the International NGO Forum on Indonesian Development ("a coalition of 100 agencies promoting democracy in Indonesia"), told the AP that Wolfowitz "'went to East Timor and saw abuses going on, but then kept quiet.'"<ref name=ARDA/> While, "during his 32-year reign, Suharto, his family and his military and business cronies transformed Indonesia into one of the most graft-ridden countries in the world, plundering an estimated $30 billion ... Wolfowitz 'never alluded to any concerns about the level of corruption or the need for more transparency....'"<ref name=ARDA/>


Officials involved in the AID program during Wolfowitz's tenure told Alan Sipress and Ellen Nakashima of '']'' that he "took a keen personal interest in development, including health care, agriculture and private sector expansion" and that "Wolfowitz canceled food assistance to the Indonesian government out of concern that Suharto's family, which had an ownership interest in the country's only flour mill, was indirectly benefiting."<ref name=SipressNakashima>Alan Sipress and Ellen Nakashima, , '']'', ], ], accessed ], ].</ref> According to Sipress and Nakashima, Wolfowitz gave a farewell speech to the American Chamber of Commerce in Jakarta in which he stated that "the cost of the high-cost economy remains too high, for the private sector to flourish, special privilege must give way to equal opportunity and equal risk for all."<ref name=SipressNakashima/> Yet, in "The Tragedy of Suharto", published earlier, in May 1998, in '']'', Wolfowitz states: Officials involved in the USAID program during Wolfowitz's tenure told ''The Washington Post'' that he "took a keen personal interest in development, including health care, agriculture and private sector expansion" and that "Wolfowitz canceled food assistance to the Indonesian government out of concern that Suharto's family, which had an ownership interest in the country's only flour mill, was indirectly benefiting."<ref name=SipressNakashima>Alan Sipress and Ellen Nakashima, , ''The Washington Post'', March 28, 2005, accessed April 16, 2007.</ref>
<blockquote>Although it is fashionable to blame all of ]'s present problems on corruption and the failure of Asian values, it is at bottom a case of a bubble bursting, of too many imprudent lenders chasing too many incautious borrowers. But the greed of Mr. ]'s children ensured that their father would take the lion's share of the blame for Indonesia's financial collapse. The Suharto children's favored position became a major obstacle to the measures needed to restore economic confidence. Worst of all, they ensured that the economic crisis would be a political crisis as well. That he allowed this, and that he amassed such wealth himself, is all the more mysterious since he lived a relatively modest life.<ref name=WolfWSJ>Paul Wolfowitz, , '']'', ], ], accessed ], ].</ref></blockquote>


In "The Tragedy of Suharto", published in May 1998, in '']'', Wolfowitz states:
In "The Tragedy of Suharto", Wolfowitz also asserts that, following the ], Suharto blamed this "plea for greater political openness" as "the cause of the violent incidents that marked Indonesia's largely stage-managed elections in 1997."<ref name=WolfWSJ/> In his May 1989 farewell remarks at Jakarta's American Cultural Center, Wolfowitz stated, as quoted by Sipress and Nakashima, that "'if greater openness is a key to economic success, I believe there is increasingly a need for openness in the political sphere as well.'" Sipress and Nakashima observe that "this single, unexpected sentence stunned some members of Suharto's inner circle."<ref name=SipressNakashima/>
<blockquote>Although it is fashionable to blame all of Asia's present problems on corruption and the failure of Asian values, it is at bottom a case of a bubble bursting, of too many imprudent lenders chasing too many incautious borrowers. But the greed of Mr. Suharto's children ensured that their father would take the lion's share of the blame for Indonesia's financial collapse. The Suharto children's favored position became a major obstacle to the measures needed to restore economic confidence. Worst of all, they ensured that the economic crisis would be a political crisis as well. That he allowed this, and that he amassed such wealth himself, is all the more mysterious since he lived a relatively modest life.<ref name=WolfWSJ>Paul Wolfowitz, {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20050208213916/http://www.tempointeraktif.com/ang/min/03/14/kolom3.htm |date=2005-02-08 }}, '']'', May 27, 1998, accessed April 16, 2007.</ref></blockquote>


In 1997 Wolfowitz was still publicly praising Suharto's "strong and remarkable leadership" in testimony on Indonesia before the ].{{Facts|date=May 2007}} In "The Tragedy of Suharto", Wolfowitz writes: "The tragedy for Mr. Suharto and his country is that he would have been widely admired by his countrymen if he had stepped down 10 years ago," adding that "achieving peace among a population so diverse requires a strong leader and a unified military."<ref name=WolfWSJ/> After the ], on ], ], according to Scott Burchill, a Lecturer in International Relations, at the School of Social and International Studies, ], then Deputy Secretary of Defense Wolfowitz observed that "'the reason the terrorists are successful in Indonesia is because the Suharto regime fell and the methods that were used to suppress them are gone.'"<ref name=Burchill>As qtd. in Scott Burchill, After the ], on October 18, 2002, then Deputy Secretary of Defense Wolfowitz observed that "the reason the terrorists are successful in Indonesia is because the Suharto regime fell and the methods that were used to suppress them are gone."<ref name=Burchill>As qtd. in Scott Burchill,
m '']'', ], ], accessed ], ].<!--Please use full citations format, not numbered external links; see prevailing format of article and talk page.--></ref> {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070929125557/http://www.zmag.org/content/showarticle.cfm?ItemID=4291 |date=September 29, 2007 }}, '']'', October 1, 2003, accessed June 7, 2007.</ref>


===Undersecretary of Defense for Policy=== ===Undersecretary of Defense for Policy===
].]]
{{Unreferenced|date=May 2007}}
] (left), and Gen. ] (middle) listen as Secretary of Defense ] addresses reporters regarding the 1991 Gulf War.]] ], Gen. ], and Under Sec. Wolfowitz listen as Defense Sec. ] briefs reporters during the ] in February 1991]]
From 1989 to 1993, serving in the administration of ], Wolfowitz was U.S. ], under then ] ], and was responsible for realigning U.S. ] in the post-] environment.{{Facts|date=May 2007}} From 1989 to 1993, Wolfowitz served in the administration of ] as ], under then US Secretary of Defense ]. During the ], Wolfowitz's team coordinated and reviewed military strategy, raising $50 billion in allied financial support for the operation. Wolfowitz was present with Cheney, ] and others, on February 27, 1991, at the meeting with the President where it was decided that the troops should be demobilized.


On February 25, 1998, Wolfowitz testified before a congressional committee that he thought that "the best opportunity to overthrow Saddam was, unfortunately, lost in the month right after the war."<ref name=intlrel>Transcript of hearing, Committee on International Relations, , February 25, 1998, accessed April 17, 2007.</ref> Wolfowitz added that he was horrified in March as "Saddam Hussein flew helicopters that slaughtered the people in the south and in the north who were rising up against him, while American fighter pilots flew overhead, desperately eager to shoot down those helicopters, and not allowed to do so." During that hearing, he also stated: "Some people might say—and I think I would sympathise with this view—that perhaps if we had delayed the ceasefire by a few more days, we might have got rid of Saddam Hussein."
During the ], Wolfowitz’s team co-ordinated and reviewed military strategy, raising $50 billion in allied financial support for the operation. Wolfowitz was present, alongside Cheney, ] and others, on ] ] at the meeting with the President at which all agreed that the mission had been accomplished and the troops should be demobilised. At that time he did not believe it appropriate for US soldiers to push forward into ] to bring about regime change but did support the policy of encouraging ] and ] ] to rise up against their ].{{Facts|date=May 2007}}


After the ], Wolfowitz and his then-assistant ] wrote the "Defense Planning Guidance of 1992" (DPG), which came to be known as the ], to "set the nation's direction for the next century."<ref name=Bacevich/> As military strategist ] described the doctrine:
On ], ], Wolfowitz testified before a congressional committee that he thought that "the best opportunity to overthrow Saddam was, unfortunately, lost in the month right after the war."<ref name=intlrel>Transcript of hearing, Committee on International Relations, , ], ], accessed ], ].</ref> Wolfowitz added that he was horrified in March as "Saddam Hussein flew helicopters that slaughtered the people in the south and in the north who were rising up against him, while American fighter pilots flew overhead, desperately eager to shoot down those helicopters, and not allowed to do so." During that hearing, he also stated: "Some people might say—and I think I would sympathise with this view—that perhaps if we had delayed the ceasefire by a few more days, we might have got rid of ."


<blockquote>Before this classified document was fully vetted by the White House, it was leaked to ''The New York Times'', which made it front-page news. The draft DPG announced that it had become the "first objective" of U.S. policy "to prevent the re-emergence of a new rival." With an eye toward "deterring potential competitors from even aspiring to a larger regional or global role," the United States would maintain unquestioned military superiority and, if necessary, employ force unilaterally. As window dressing, allies might be nice, but the United States no longer considered them necessary.<ref name=Bacevich/></blockquote>
After the ], Wolfowitz and his then-assistant ] wrote the ] to "set the nation’s direction for the next century" that many saw as a "blueprint for U.S. ]."{{Facts|date=May 2007}} At that time the official administration line was one of "containment", and the contents of Wolfowitz’s plan calling for "preemption" and "]" proved unpalatable to the more-moderate members of the administration, including ] ] and President Bush.{{Facts|date=May 2007}} Defense Secretary Cheney produced a revised plan released in 1992.{{Facts|date=May 2007}} After the election of ] ] in 1992, Wolfowitz fell out of favor and left government until the restoration to power of the ] in 2000.{{Facts|date=May 2007}} During the administration of ] ], from 2000 to 2007, many of the ideas outlined in Wolfowitz's initial plan re-emerged as what is called the ].{{Facts|date=May 2007}}


At that time, the official administration line was "containment", and the contents of Wolfowitz's plan calling for "preemption" and "]" was opposed by ] Colin Powell and President Bush.<ref name=Bacevich/> Defense Secretary Cheney produced a revised plan released in 1992. Many of the ideas in the Wolfowitz Doctrine later became part of the ].<ref name=Bacevich/> He left the government after the ].
===Dean of the Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies===
{{missing citations|date=May 2007}}
From 1994 to 2001, Wolfowitz served as Professor of International Relations and Dean of the ] (SAIS) at ]. He was instrumental in adding more than $75 million to the university's endowment, developing an international finance concentration as part of the curriculum, and combining the various Asian studies programs into one department. Drawing upon his political and defense experience, he also served as a foreign policy advisor to ] on the ] campaign and as a paid consultant for aerospace and defense conglomerate ].{{Facts|date=May 2007}}


===Johns Hopkins University===
According to Kampfner, "Wolfowitz used his perch at the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies as a test-bed for a new conservative world vision."{{Facts|date=May 2007}} Wolfowitz was associated with the ] (PNAC); he signed both the PNAC's ], ] "]"<ref name=PNACstmt>], et al., , '']'', ], ], accessed ], ]. In addition to Abrams and Wolfowitz, other signatories are: ], ], ], ], ], ], ], ], ], ], ], ], ], ], ], ], ], ], ], ], ], ], and ].</ref>, which begins by stating: <blockquote>American foreign and defense policy is adrift. Conservatives have criticized the incoherent policies of the Clinton Administration. They have also resisted isolationist impulses from within their own ranks. But conservatives have not confidently advanced a strategic vision of America's role in the world. They have not set forth guiding principles for American foreign policy. They have allowed differences over tactics to obscure potential agreement on strategic objectives. And they have not fought for a defense budget that would maintain American security and advance American interests in the new century. ... We aim to change this. We aim to make the case and rally support for American global leadership.</blockquote> and its ], ] "open letter to President Bill Clinton", which begins by stating: "We are writing you because we are convinced that current American policy toward Iraq is not succeeding, and that we may soon face a threat in the ] more serious than any we have known since the end of the ]."<ref name=PNACltr>], et al., '']'', ], ], accessed ], ]. In addition to Abrams and Wolfowitz, signatories are: ], ], ], ], ], ], ], ], ], ], ], ], ], ], ], and ].</ref>{{See main|Project for the New American Century}}{{Further information|]}}
{{Main|Project for the New American Century}}
From 1994 to 2001, Wolfowitz served as Professor of International Relations and Dean of the Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS) at ].<ref name=Bacevich>], , '']'' (March 2013)</ref> He was instrumental in adding more than $75 million to the university's endowment, developing an international finance concentration as part of the curriculum, and combining the various Asian studies programs into one department. He also advised ] on foreign policy during his ] campaign, which was managed by Donald Rumsfeld.<ref>, '']'' (February 7, 2002)</ref>


According to Kampfner, "Wolfowitz used his perch at the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies as a test-bed for a new conservative world vision." Wolfowitz was associated with the ] (PNAC); he signed both the PNAC's June 3, 1997 "]",<ref name=PNACstmt>], et al., {{usurped|1=}}, Project for the New American Century, June 3, 1997, accessed May 27, 2007.</ref> and its January 26, 1998, open letter to President Bill Clinton.<ref name=PNACltr>], et al., {{usurped|1=}} Project for the New American Century, January 26, 1998, accessed May 24, 2007.</ref>
In February 1998 Wolfowitz testified before a ] hearing, stating that the current administration lacked the sense of purpose to "liberate ourselves, our friends and allies in the region, and the Iraqi people themselves from the menace of ]."<ref>U.S. House Committee on International Relations, , ], ], accessed ], ].</ref> In his testimony, he lamented the decision at the end of the ] to call for a ceasefire before attempting to achieve those goals. Wolfowitz urged the administration to support Iraqi opposition groups, in particular the ] of ] with arms, intelligence and financing as a way of overthrowing the current regime without risking American troops.{{Fact|date=May 2007}}


In February 1998, Wolfowitz testified before a ] hearing, stating that the current administration lacked the sense of purpose to "liberate ourselves, our friends and allies in the region, and the Iraqi people themselves from the menace of Saddam Hussein."<ref>U.S. House Committee on International Relations, , February 25, 1998, accessed April 18, 2007.</ref>
In September 2000 the PNAC produced a 90-page report entitled ''Rebuilding America's Defenses: Strategies, Forces and Resources for a New Century'', advocating the redeployment of U.S. troops in permanent bases in strategic locations throughout the world where they can be ready to act to protect U.S. interests abroad.<ref name=PNACrpt>'''', ], September 2000, accessed ], ].</ref> During the ] campaign, Wolfowitz served as a foreign policy advisor to ] as part of the group led by ] calling itself ].<ref name=Sieff>Martin Sieff, Bush's Brain Trust Had a Grand Plan for the Middle East. The Results Are Coming Home Every Day in Body Bags", '']'', ], ], accessed ], ].</ref>

In September 2000, the PNAC produced a 90-page report entitled ''Rebuilding America's Defenses: Strategies, Forces and Resources for a New Century'', advocating the redeployment of US troops in permanent bases in strategic locations throughout the world where they can be ready to act to protect US interests abroad.<ref name=PNACrpt>''{{usurped|1=}}'', Project for the New American Century, September 2000, accessed May 14, 2007.</ref> During the ] campaign, Wolfowitz served as a foreign policy advisor to ] as part of the group led by ] calling itself ].<ref name=Sieff>Martin Sieff, {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080307125546/http://dir.salon.com/story/books/review/2004/04/08/vulcans/index.html |date=March 7, 2008 }} Bush's Brain Trust Had a Grand Plan for the Middle East. The Results Are Coming Home Every Day in Body Bags", '']'', April 8, 2004, accessed May 19, 2007.</ref>


===Deputy Secretary of Defense=== ===Deputy Secretary of Defense===
], 2001]]
{{missing citations|date=May 2007}}
], director of Washington Headquarters Services, as the 28th Deputy Secretary of Defense, ], ].]] ], Defense Secretary ], and Deputy Secretary Wolfowitz in March 2003]]
] General ] at ], May 14, 2004.]]
From 2001 to 2005, during the administration of ] ], Wolfowitz returned to government, serving as ] reporting to ] ]. In May 2001, during the height of ]-American tensions that surrounded the ], he ordered the recall and destruction of 600,000 Chinese-made berets that had been issued to troops, stating: "U.S. troops shall not wear berets made in China."<ref>, '']'', ], ], accessed ], ].</ref> Following that action, in the early months of the administration, Wolfowitz was sidelined, as President Bush seemed to follow his predecessors' policies of "containment", although, in '']'', ] quotes former ] ] as denying that "containment" was U.S. defense policy .{{Facts|date=May 2007}}.
]i Emir ], October 5, 2001]]
] as he tours ], Iraq, July 21, 2003]]
] testifying before the ] in March 2004]]
] aboard the ] in July 2004]]
]
From 2001 to 2005, during the ] administration, Wolfowitz served as U.S. Deputy Secretary of Defense reporting to U.S. Secretary of Defense ].


The ] in 2001 were a turning point in administration policy, as Wolfowitz later explained: "9/11 really was a wake up call and that if we take proper advantage of this opportunity to prevent the future terrorist use of weapons of mass destruction that it will have been an extremely valuable wake up call," adding: "if we say our only problem was to respond to 9/11, and we wait until somebody hits us with nuclear weapons before we take that kind of threat seriously, we will have made a very big mistake."<ref name=SFChron> of "Wolfowitz interview with the San Francisco Chronicle", conducted by Robert Collier, "Presenter: Deputy Secretary of Defense Paul Wolfowitz", press release, ], February 23, 2002, accessed May 26, 2007. </ref>
]
The ] of ] proved to be a radical turning point in administration policy, as Wolfowitz later explained: "9/11 really was a wake up call and that if we take proper advantage of this opportunity to prevent the future terrorist use of weapons of mass destruction that it will have been an extremely valuable wake up call," adding: "if we say our only problem was to respond to 9/11, and we wait until somebody hits us with nuclear weapons before we take that kind of threat seriously, we will have made a very big mistake."<ref name=SFChron> of "Wolfowitz interview with the San Francisco Chronicle", conducted by Robert Collier, "Presenter: Deputy Secretary of Defense Paul Wolfowitz", press release, '']'', ], ], accessed ], ]. </ref>


In the first emergency meeting of the ] on the day of the attacks, Rumsfeld asked, "Why shouldn’t we go against Iraq, not just al-Qaeda?" with Wolfowitz adding that Iraq was a "brittle, oppressive regime that might break easily—it was doable," and, according to ], "from that moment on, he and Wolfowitz used every available opportunity to press the case."{{Facts|date=May 2007}} The idea was initially rejected, mainly at the behest of ] ], but, according to Kampfner, "Undeterred Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz held secret meetings about opening up a second front—against Saddam. Powell was excluded."{{Facts|date=May 2007}} In such meetings they created a policy that would later be dubbed the ], centering on "]", ], and the ], which, as ] explains, in his '']'' article on the invasion and the early phases of the ], the ] had advocated in their earlier letters.<ref name=Hersh/> In the first emergency meeting of the ] on the day of the attacks, Rumsfeld asked, "Why shouldn't we go against Iraq, not just al-Qaeda?" with Wolfowitz adding that Iraq was a "brittle, oppressive regime that might break easily—it was doable," and, according to ], "from that moment on, he and Wolfowitz used every available opportunity to press the case."<ref name="BWARS">{{cite book |last=Kampfner |first=John |author-link=John Kampfner |title=Blair's wars |publisher=Simon and Schuster |year=2003 |page=156 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=U4xti2TmG6UC&pg=PA156 |isbn=978-0-7432-4829-7}}</ref> The idea was initially rejected, at the behest of Secretary of State Colin Powell, but, according to Kampfner, "Undeterred Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz held secret meetings about opening up a second front—against Saddam. Powell was excluded." In such meetings they created a policy that would later be dubbed the ], centering on "pre-emption" and the ], which the ] had advocated in their earlier letters.<ref name=Hersh />


After the ], the U.S. had to deal immediately with the threat of ] in ].<ref name=Hersh/> The ] began on ], ]. Victory was declared on ], ]. Just under a month later, on October 10, 2001, ], then Secretary-General of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation, went to ] to offer ] troops, planes and ships to assist. Wolfowitz rebuffed the offer, saying: "We can do everything we need to." Wolfowitz later announced publicly, according to Kampfner, "that 'allies, coalitions and diplomacy' were of little immediate concern."{{Facts|date=May 2007}} After the September 11 attacks, the US invaded ] to fight ], which had orchestrated the attack.<ref name=Hersh/> The ] began on October 7, 2001. On October 10, 2001, ], then Secretary-General of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, went to ] to offer ] troops, planes and ships to assist. Wolfowitz rebuffed the offer, saying: "We can do everything we need to." Wolfowitz later announced publicly, according to Kampfner, "that 'allies, coalitions and diplomacy' were of little immediate concern."


Ten months later, on January 15, 2003, with hostilities still continuing, Wolfowitz made a fifteen-hour visit to the Afghan capital, ], and met with the new president ]. Wolfowitz stated, "We're clearly moving into a different phase, where our priority in Afghanistan is increasingly going to be stability and reconstruction. There's no way to go too fast. Faster is better." Despite the promises, according to Hersh, "little effort to provide the military and economic resources" necessary for reconstruction was made.<ref name=Hersh /> This criticism would also re-occur after the ] later that year.<ref name=Hersh />
] ] ] at ], March 26, 2002.]]
Ten months later, on ], ], with hostilities still continuing, Wolfowitz made a fifteen-hour visit to the Afghan capital, ], and met with the new president ]. Wolfowitz stated, "We’re clearly moving into a different phase, where our priority in Afghanistan is increasingly going to be stability and reconstruction. There’s no way to go too fast. Faster is better." Despite the promises, according to Hersh, "little effort to provide the military and economic resources" necessary for reconstruction was made.<ref name=Hersh/> This criticism would also re-occur after the ] later that year.<ref name=Hersh/>


On ], ] the ] was called in Washington to oppose US pressure on the government of ]. Wolfowitz was the sole representative of the Bush administration to attend, speaking alongside Former ] ] and former ] ]. Kampfner claims that this was part of a systematic campaign by the neo-cons to undermine Powell while he was away on a peace mission to the ]. According to ] in '']'', the administration had exposed itself to being momentarily characterised as anti-Israel, which would have meant losing votes and financial support.<ref name=Engel>], , '']'', ], ], accessed ], ].</ref> As reported by the ], Wolfowitz told the crowd that ] ] "wants you to know that he stands in solidarity with you".<ref>, '']'', ], ], accessed ], ].</ref> Sharon Samber and Matthew E. Berger reported for ] (JTA) that Wolfowitz continued by saying that "Innocent Palestinians are suffering and dying as well. It is critical that we recognize and acknowledge that fact," before being booed and drowned out by chants of "No more Arafat."<ref>Sharon Samber and Matthew E. Berger, ", '']'' (]), ], ], accessed ], ].</ref> According to Engel this may have been a turning point that saw a return to a more pro-Israeli position within the administration as Bush feared being outflanked on the right.<ref name=Engel/> On April 16, 2002, the National Solidarity Rally for Israel was called in Washington to promote US support and collaboration with Israel. Wolfowitz was the sole representative of the Bush administration to attend, speaking alongside Former ] ] and former ] ]. As reported by the ], Wolfowitz told the crowd that ] ] "wants you to know that he stands in solidarity with you".<ref>, ], April 15, 2002, accessed April 18, 2007.</ref> Sharon Samber and Matthew E. Berger reported for ] (JTA) that Wolfowitz continued by saying that "Innocent Palestinians are suffering and dying as well. It is critical that we recognize and acknowledge that fact," before being booed and drowned out by chants of "No more Arafat."<ref>Sharon Samber and Matthew E. Berger, ", ] (]), April 15, 2002, accessed May 3, 2007.</ref>


Following the declaration of victory in Afghanistan the Bush administration had started to plan for the next stage of the ]. According to ], "Emboldened by their experience in Afghanistan, they saw the opportunity to root out hostile regimes in the Middle East and to implant very American interpretations of democracy and free markets, from Iraq to Iran and Saudi Arabia. Wolfowitz epitomised this view."{{Facts|date=May 2007}} Setting his sights on Iraq, which he had identified as a key region during his time as U.S. Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for Regional Programs under ] ], Wolfowitz "saw a liberated Iraq as both paradigm and linchpin for future interventions."{{Facts|date=May 2007}} Following the invasion of Afghanistan the Bush administration had started to plan for the next stage of the ]. According to ], "Emboldened by their experience in Afghanistan, they saw the opportunity to root out hostile regimes in the Middle East and to implant very American interpretations of democracy and free markets, from Iraq to Iran and Saudi Arabia. Wolfowitz epitomized this view." Wolfowitz "saw a liberated Iraq as both paradigm and linchpin for future interventions." The ] began on March 19.<ref name=Hersh>], Donald Rumsfeld Has His Own Special Sources. Are they reliable?" ''The New Yorker'', May 12, 2003, accessed May 8, 2007.</ref>


Prior to the invasion, Wolfowitz actively championed it, as he later stated: "For reasons that have a lot to do with the U.S. government bureaucracy we settled on the one issue that everyone could agree on which was weapons of mass destruction as the core reason"<ref name=DODTranscript> of telephone interview of Paul Wolfowitz, conducted by ], "Presenter: Deputy Secretary of Defense Paul Wolfowitz", press release, '']'', May 9, 2003, accessed May 2, 2007. </ref><ref name=USAToday>Qtd. in ], , ''USA Today'', May 30, 2003, accessed May 8, 2007.</ref>
The invasion of Iraq began on ], ] and lasted until President Bush declared "Mission Accomplished" on ], ].{{See main|2003 invasion of Iraq}}
As Hersh explains, in his article published in '']'' eleven days after President Bush declared ], however: "After a year of bitter infighting, the Bush Administration remains sharply divided about Iraq."<ref name=Hersh>], Donald Rumsfeld Has His Own Special Sources. Are they reliable?" '']'', ], ], accessed ], ].</ref>


The job of finding WMD and providing justification for the attack would fall to the intelligence services, but, according to Kampfner, "Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz believed that, while the established security services had a role, they were too bureaucratic and too traditional in their thinking." As a result, "they set up what came to be known as the 'cabal', a cell of eight or nine analysts in a new ] based in the U.S. Defense Department." According to an unnamed Pentagon source quoted by Hersh, the OSP "was created in order to find evidence of what Wolfowitz and his boss, Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld, believed to be true—that Saddam Hussein had close ties to ], and that Iraq had an enormous arsenal of chemical, biological, and possibly even nuclear weapons that threatened the region and, potentially, the United States."<ref name=Hersh/>
Prior to the invasion, Wolfowitz had a plan to sell the war to the more skeptical members of the administration as well as the general public, as he later clarified: "For bureaucratic reasons, we settled on one issue, ], because it was the one reason everyone could agree on."<ref name=USAToday>Qtd. in ], , '']'', ], ], accessed ], ].</ref><ref name=Tanenhaus2>], , "(], Deputy Defense Secretary Paul Wolfowitz, Weekly Standard Editor ], former Pentagon official ])", '']'' July 2003, '']'', ], ], accessed ], ].</ref><ref name=DODTranscript> of telephone interview of Paul Wolfowitz, conducted by ], "Presenter: Deputy Secretary of Defense Paul Wolfowitz", press release, '']'', ], ], accessed ], ]. , Vanity Fair."]</ref><ref name=PostelDrury>Danny Postel, , interview with ], '']'', ], ], rpt. in ]'', ], ], accessed ], ].</ref><ref name=RamptonStauber>Cf. ] and ], ''] The Uses of Propaganda in Bush's War on Iraq'' (New York: Tarcher/Penguin, 2003).</ref>


Within months of being set up, the OSP "rivaled both the CIA and the Pentagon's ], the DIA, as President Bush's main source of intelligence regarding Iraq's possible possession of weapons of mass destruction and connection with Al Qaeda." Hersh explains that the OSP "relied on data gathered by other intelligence agencies and also on information provided by the ], or INC, the exile group headed by ]." According to Kampfner, the CIA had ended its funding of the INC "in the mid-1990s when doubts were cast about Chalabi's reliability." Nevertheless, "as the administration geared up for conflict with Saddam, Chalabi was welcomed in the inner sanctum of the Pentagon" under the auspices of the OSP, and "Wolfowitz did not see fit to challenge any of Chalabi's information." The actions of the OSP have led to accusation of the Bush administration "fixing intelligence to support policy" with the aim of influencing Congress in its use of the ].<ref name=Hersh />
The job of finding these WMD and providing justification for the attack would fall to the intelligence services, but, according to Kampfner, "Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz believed that, while the established security services had a role, they were too bureaucratic and too traditional in their thinking."{{Facts|date=May 2007}} As a result, borrowing an idea from their old ] days, "they set up what came to be known as the 'cabal', a cell of eight or nine analysts in a new ] based in the ]."{{Facts|date=May 2007}} According to an unnamed Pentagon source quoted by Hersh, the OSP "was created in order to find evidence of what Wolfowitz and his boss, Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld, believed to be true—that ] had close ties to ], and that Iraq had an enormous arsenal of chemical, biological, and possibly even nuclear weapons that threatened the region and, potentially, the United States."<ref name=Hersh/>


Kampfner outlined Wolfowitz's strategy for the ], which "envisaged the use of air support and the occupation of southern Iraq with ground troops, to install a new government run by ]'s ]." Wolfowitz believed that the operation would require minimal troop deployment, Hersh explains, because "any show of force would immediately trigger a revolt against Saddam within Iraq, and that it would quickly expand."<ref name=Hersh /> The financial expenditure would be kept low, Kampfner observes, if "under the plan American troops would seize the oil fields around Basra, in the South, and sell the oil to finance the opposition."
Within months of being set-up, the OSP "rivaled both the C.I.A. and the Pentagon’s own ], the D.I.A., as President Bush’s main source of intelligence regarding Iraq’s possible possession of weapons of mass destruction and connection with Al Qaeda." Hersh explains further that the OSP "relied on data gathered by other intelligence agencies and also on information provided by the ], or I.N.C., the exile group headed by ]."{{Facts|date=May 2007}} According to Kampfner, the ] had ended its funding of the I.N.C. "in the mid-1990s when doubts were cast about Chalabi’s reliability."{{Facts|date=May 2007}} Also according to Kampfner, however, "as the administration geared up for conflict with Saddam, Chalabi was welcomed in the inner sanctum of the Pentagon" under the auspices of the OSP, and "Wolfowitz did not see fit to challenge any of Chalabi’s information."{{Facts|date=May 2007}} The actions of the OSP have led to accusation of the Bush administration "fixing intelligence to support policy" with the aim of influencing congress in its use of the ].{{Facts|date=May 2007}} The arguments, however, did prove effective; the administration continued to focus on the Hussein regime's long history of involvement with international terrorist organizations and the current predominance of Zarqawi's Al Qaeda in Iraq.<ref name=Hersh/>


On March 27, 2003, Wolfowitz told the ]<ref name="NYT01" /> that oil revenue earned by Iraq alone would pay for Iraq's reconstruction after the Iraq war; he testified his "rough recollection" was:<ref name="NYT01" /> "The oil revenues of that country could bring between $50 and $100 billion over the course of the next two or three years. Now, there are a lot of claims on that money, but ... We are dealing with a country that can really finance its own reconstruction and relatively soon."<ref>Paul Blustein, , ''The Washington Post'', March 21, 2005, accessed April 18, 2007.</ref> By October of that year, "], the Pentagon's chief spokesman, said 'prewar estimates that may be borne out in fact are likelier to be more lucky than smart.' added that earlier estimates and statements by Mr. Wolfowitz and others 'oozed with uncertainty.'" Di Rita's comments came as a much less optimistic secret Pentagon study—which had been complete at the time of Wolfowitz's testimony—was coming to public light, and when actual production results in Iraq were coinciding with those projected in the less optimistic Pentagon study.<ref name="NYT01">], , ''The New York Times'', October 5, 2003. Retrieved September 5, 2010. Referenced in ], , ''The New York Times'', September 4, 2010 (September 5, 2010, p. WK8, NY ed.).</ref>
Kampfner outlined Wolfowitz’s strategy for the ], which "envisaged the use of air support and the occupation of southern Iraq with ground troops, to install a new government run by ] ]" and which began on ], ].{{Facts|date=May 2007}} Wolfowitz believed that the operation would require minimal troop deployment, Hersh explains, because "any show of force would immediately trigger a revolt against Saddam within Iraq, and that it would quickly expand."<ref name=Hersh/> The financial expenditure would be kept low, Kampfner observes, if "under the plan American troops would seize the oil fields around Basra, in the South, and sell the oil to finance the opposition."{{Facts|date=May 2007}}


During Wolfowitz's pre-war testimony before Congress, he dismissed General ] estimates of the size of the post war occupation force as incorrect and estimated that fewer than 100,000 troops would be necessary in the war. Two days after Shinseki testified, Wolfowitz said to the House Budget Committee on ], ]:<blockquote>There has been a good deal of comment—some of it quite outlandish—about what our postwar requirements might be in Iraq. Some of the higher end predictions we have been hearing recently, such as the notion that it will take several hundred thousand U.S. troops to provide stability in post-Saddam Iraq, are wildly off the mark. It is hard to conceive that it would take more forces to provide stability in post-Saddam Iraq than it would take to conduct the war itself and to secure the surrender of Saddam's security forces and his army—hard to imagine.<ref name=Hersh/><!--still unclear source; needs checking and verification.--></blockquote><!--moved other material to talk page; this section is longer than it needs to be; the cross-linked articles on the 2003 invasion of Iraq discuss the matter in detail and give sources; the passages citing "Kampfner" are not sourced at all and/or not sourced properly, and what follows is not relevant to this article on Wolfowitz (the subject).--> During Wolfowitz's pre-war testimony before Congress, he dismissed General ]'s estimates of the size of the post war occupation force which would be needed. General Shinseki testified to the ] on February 25, 2003, that "something in the order of several hundred thousand soldiers" would probably be required for postwar Iraq. By contrast, Wolfowitz estimated that fewer than 100,000 troops would be necessary in Iraq.<ref name=Schmitt2003>{{cite news|last=Schmitt|first=Eric|url=https://www.nytimes.com/2003/02/28/us/threats-responses-military-spending-pentagon-contradicts-general-iraq-occupation.html|title=Pentagon Contradicts General on Iraq Occupation Force's Size|work=The New York Times|date=February 28, 2003|access-date=April 4, 2012}}</ref> Two days after Shinseki testified, Wolfowitz said to the House Budget Committee on February 27, 2003:<blockquote>There has been a good deal of comment—some of it quite outlandish—about what our postwar requirements might be in Iraq. Some of the higher end predictions we have been hearing recently, such as the notion that it will take several hundred thousand U.S. troops to provide stability in post-Saddam Iraq, are wildly off the mark. It is hard to conceive that it would take more forces to provide stability in post-Saddam Iraq than it would take to conduct the war itself and to secure the surrender of Saddam's security forces and his army—hard to imagine.<ref name=Hersh /></blockquote>


On ], ], while in Baghdad, Iraq, staying at the ] Wolfowitz narrowly escaped an attack when six rockets slammed into the floors below his room blowing out the windows and frames.<ref>Jane Arraf, , '']'', ], ], accessed ], ].</ref> Army Lt. Col. Charles H. Buehring was killed and seventeen others soldiers were wounded.<ref>, '']'', ], ], accessed ], ].</ref> Wolfowitz and his DOD staffers escaped unharmed and returned to the United States on ], ]. On October 26, 2003, while in ] staying at the ] Wolfowitz narrowly escaped an attack when six rockets hit the floors below his room.<ref>Jane Arraf, , CNN, October 26, 2003, accessed April 18, 2007.</ref> Army Lt. Col. Charles H. Buehring was killed and seventeen other soldiers were wounded.<ref>, ], October 27, 2003, accessed April 18, 2007.</ref> Wolfowitz and his DOD staffers escaped unharmed and returned to the United States on October 28, 2003.


===President of the World Bank=== ===President of the World Bank===
]
In January 2005, Wolfowitz was nominated to be president of the ]. Criticism of his nomination appeared in European media.<ref>Alan Beattie and Edward Alden, , '']'', ], ], accessed ], ].</ref> ] in Economics and former chief economist for the World Bank ] reportedly said: "'The World Bank will once again become a hate figure. This could bring street protests and violence across the developing world.'"<ref>Qtd. in Robert Preston, , '']'', ], ] (Registration required), rpt. in '']'', ], ], accessed ], ]. </ref> In a speech at the U.N. Economic and Social Council, Economist ] was also quite vocal in his opposition to Wolfowitz: "It's time for other candidates to come forward that have experience in development. This is a position on which hundreds of millions of people depend for their lives … Let's have a proper leadership of professionalism."<ref name=Many> , '']'', ], ], accessed ], ].</ref>]
In March 2005, Wolfowitz was nominated to be president of the World Bank by US President ].<ref>Paul Blustein and Peter Baker, , ''The Washington Post'', March 27, 2005, accessed January 3, 2009.</ref> Criticism of his nomination appeared in the media.<ref>Alan Beattie and Edward Alden, , '']'', March 16, 2005, accessed April 16, 2007.</ref> ] in Economics and former chief economist for the World Bank ] said: "'The World Bank will once again become a hate figure. This could bring street protests and violence across the developing world.'"<ref>{{cite web |url=https://www.telegraph.co.uk/finance/2912412/Stiglitz-warns-of-violence-if-Wolfowitz-goes-to-World-Bank.html |archive-url=https://ghostarchive.org/archive/20220112/https://www.telegraph.co.uk/finance/2912412/Stiglitz-warns-of-violence-if-Wolfowitz-goes-to-World-Bank.html |archive-date=January 12, 2022 |url-access=subscription |url-status=live |title=Stiglitz warns of violence if Wolfowitz goes to World Bank |first=Robert |last=Peston |date=March 20, 2005 |work=] |access-date=May 8, 2012}}{{cbignore}}</ref> In a speech at the U.N. Economic and Social Council, economist ] also opposed Wolfowitz: "It's time for other candidates to come forward that have experience in development. This is a position on which hundreds of millions of people depend for their lives ... Let's have a proper leadership of professionalism."<ref name=Many> {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20071001125902/http://english.aljazeera.net/English/archive/archive?ArchiveId=10430 |date=October 1, 2007 }}, '']'', April 16, 2007, accessed April 16, 2007.</ref>


In the United States, however, there was some praise for the nomination. For example, an editorial in '']'' states: "Mr. Wolfowitz is willing to speak the truth to power … he saw earlier than most, and spoke publicly about, the need for dictators to plan democratic transitions. It is the world's dictators who are the chief causes of world poverty. If anyone can stand up to the ]s of the world, it must be the man who stood up to ]."<ref>, '']'', ], ], accessed ], ], Review & Outlook (Past Featured Article), accessed ], ].</ref> In the US, there was some praise for the nomination. An editorial in '']'' stated: <blockquote>Mr. Wolfowitz is willing to speak the truth to power ... he saw earlier than most, and spoke publicly about, the need for dictators to plan democratic transitions. It is the world's dictators who are the chief causes of world poverty. If anyone can stand up to the ]s of the world, it must be the man who stood up to Saddam Hussein.<ref>, '']'', March 17, 2005, accessed April 16, 2007, Review & Outlook (Past Featured Article), accessed June 8, 2007.</ref></blockquote>He was confirmed and became president on June 1, 2005. He soon attended the ] to discuss issues of ] and the ] in ]. When this meeting was interrupted by the ], Wolfowitz was present with other world leaders at the press conference given by ] ].


Several of Wolfowitz's initial appointments at the bank proved controversial, including two US nationals (Robin Cleveland and Kevin Kellems) formerly with the Bush administration, whom he appointed as close advisors with $250,000 tax-free contracts.<ref name=DeYoung>Karen DeYoung, , ''The Washington Post'', April 15, 2007: A12, accessed May 1, 2007.</ref> Another appointee, ], faced criticism, including from his colleagues, for attempting to bring policies on climate change and ] towards a more conservative position.<ref name = Gaouette/><ref name=Guha>Krishna Guha, , ''The Financial Times'', April 24, 2007, updated April 25, 2007, accessed May 2, 2007.</ref>
He was confirmed and took up the position on ], ].One of Wolfowitz's first official acts was to attend the ] to discuss issues of ] and the ] in ]. When this meeting was interrupted by the ], Wolfowitz was present with other world leaders at the press conference given by ] ].


Wolfowitz gave special emphasis to two particular issues. Identifying Sub-Saharan Africa as the region most challenged to improve living standards, he traveled widely in the region. He also made clear his focus on fighting corruption. Several aspects of the latter program raised controversy. Overturning the names produced by a formal search process, he appointed a figure linked to the US Republican party to head the bank's internal watchdog. Member countries worried that Wolfowitz's willingness to suspend lending to countries on grounds of corruption was vulnerable to selective application in line with US foreign policy interests. In a debate on the proposed Governance and Anti-Corruption Strategy at the bank's 2006 Annual Meetings, shareholders directed Wolfowitz to undertake extensive consultations and revise the strategy to show how objective measures of corruption would be incorporated into decisions and how the shareholders' representatives on the bank's Board would play a key role. Following the consultations and revisions, the Board approved a revised strategy in spring 2007.<ref name=Cassidy/>
Several of Wolfowitz's initial appointments at the Bank proved controversial, including two US nationals (] and ]) formerly with the Bush administration, whom he appointed as close advisors with $250,000 tax-free contracts.<ref name=DeYoung>Karen DeYoung, , '']'', ], ]: A12, accessed ], ].</ref> Another appointee, ] has been criticized by his colleagues and others for attempts to change policies on family planning and climate change towards a conservative line."<ref name=Gaouette>Nicole Gaouette, Repeated Absence of References to Birth Control in Internal Reports Alarms Women's Health Advocates", '']'', ], ], accessed May 1, 2007.</ref><ref name=Guha>Krishna Guha, , '']'', ], ], updated ], ], accessed ], ].</ref>{{See|#Ongoing criticism of Wolfowitz|#Wolfowitz's leadership of the World Bank}}


==Controversies==
In his public presentations, Wolfowitz sought to give special emphasis to two particular issues. Identifying Sub-Saharan Africa as the region most challenged to improve living standards, he traveled widely in the region. He also made clear his intention to heighten further his predecessor's focus on fighting corruption. However, several aspects of the latter program raised controversy. Overturning the names produced by a formal search process, he appointed a figure linked to the US Republican party to head the Bank's internal watchdog. In addition, member countries worried that Wolfowitz's willingness to suspend lending to countries on grounds of corruption was vulnerable to selective application—possibly in line with US foreign policy interests. In a heated debate on the proposed Governance and Anti-Corruption Strategy at the Bank's 2006 Annual Meetings, shareholders directed Wolfowitz to undertake extensive consultations and revise the strategy, ''inter alia'' to show how objective measures of corruption would be incorporated into decisions and how the shareholders' representatives on the Bank's Board would play a key role. Following the consultations and revisions, the Board approved a revised strategy in spring 2007.<ref name=Cassidy/>


===Wolfowitz's relationship with Shaha Riza===
==Political views and military policies==
{{Main|Shaha Riza}}
===Neoconservatism===
After President George W. Bush nominated Wolfowitz as president of the ], journalists reported that Wolfowitz was involved in a relationship with World Bank Senior Communications Officer (and Acting Manager of External Affairs) for the Middle East and North Africa Regional Office Shaha Ali Riza.<ref name=Sherwell>Philip Sherwell, , ''The Telegraph'', August 1, 2002, Retrieved April 18, 2007.</ref> According to Richard Leiby, of ''The Washington Post'', Riza is "an Oxford-educated British citizen, was born in Tunisia and grew up in Saudi Arabia. She is known for her expertise on women's rights and has been listed on the bank's Web site as a media contact for Iraq reconstruction issues."<ref name=Leiby>Richard Leiby, , ''The Washington Post'', March 22, 2007, C-03, Retrieved May 1, 2007.</ref> According to Leiby and Linton Weeks, in their essay "In the Shadow of a Scandal", Riza's employment at the World Bank predated Wolfowitz's nomination as Bank president: "Riza started at the World Bank as a consultant in July 1997 and became a full-time employee in 1999"; and the relationship between Riza and Wolfowitz pre-dated it as well: <blockquote>In the early 1990s, Riza joined the National Endowment for Democracy and is credited there with development of the organization's Middle East program. Wolfowitz was on the endowment's board—which is how Riza first met him, according to Turkish journalist Cengiz Candar, a friend of the couple. "Shaha was married at the time and Paul was married," Candar recalled, and it wasn't until late 1999—after Riza divorced and Wolfowitz had separated from his wife of 30 years, Clare Selgin Wolfowitz—that the couple began dating."<ref name=WeeksLeiby>Linton Weeks and Richard Leiby, , ''The Washington Post'', May 10, 2007, Retrieved May 10, 2007. (Page 2 of 3 pages.)</ref><ref name=Leiby/></blockquote>
{{See main|Neoconservatism}}
Political analysts consider Wolfowitz a ] whose political views were influenced by his ] mentor ] and Bloom's ] mentors ] and ], with whom Wolfowitz also later studied; some classify Wolfowitz's perspectives as "Straussian", whereas others question that label and regard it as pigeon-holing him.<ref name=Warde/><ref name=Hersh/><ref name=PostelDrury/><ref name=RamptonStauber/>


When Wolfowitz was considered for head of the CIA after the 2000 election, Clare Wolfowitz wrote President-elect George Bush a letter telling him that her husband's relationship with a foreign national—Riza—posed a national security risk.<ref> {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20081012184055/http://www.salon.com/books/feature/2007/11/09/house_of_bush_3/print.html |date=October 12, 2008 }}, Craig Unger, Salon.com, November 9, 2007; ], David Shankbone, ''Wikinews'', November 12, 2007</ref> It has been reported that ] intercepted the letter.<ref> {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070622091757/http://villagevoice.com/blogs/bushbeat/archive/2007/06/libby_and_wolfi.php |date=June 22, 2007 }}, Ward Harkarvey, ''The Village Voice'', June 14, 2007.</ref> ] also reported on the letter Clare Wolfowitz wrote:
===Pre-emption===
<blockquote>This embittered letter remained a closely guarded secret, although a former high official of the CIA told me about it. Chris Nelson also reported it on April 16 in his widely respected, nonpartisan foreign policy newsletter: "A certain Ms. Riza was even then Wolfowitz's true love. The problem for the CIA wasn't just that she was a foreign national, although that was and is today an issue for anyone interested in CIA employment. The problem was that Wolfowitz was married to someone else, and that someone was really angry about it, and she found a way to bring her complaint directly to the President. So when we, with our characteristic innocence, put Wolfowitz on our short-list for CIA, we were instantly told, by a very, very, very senior Republican foreign policy operative, 'I don't think so.' " The ''Daily Mail'' of London also reported on his wife's letter when Wolfowitz was appointed president of the World Bank in 2005.<ref>, Sidney Blumenthal, Salon.com, May 24, 2007.</ref></blockquote>
{{See also|Preemptive war|Bush doctrine#Preemption|2003 Invasion of Iraq#Legality of invasion}}
Wolfowitz is a long-term advocate of "]"––a military policy to strike first to eliminate presumed threats, according to ]: "]'s ] and highly assertive civilian leadership, assembled by Wolfowitz, gained extraordinary influence, especially after ]. These civilians were the most vigorous advocates for taking action against ] and for the use of pre-emptive military action to combat ]."<ref name=Hersh/>


According to the London '']'' on March 20, 2005, despite their cultural differences:<blockquote>Riza, an Arab feminist who confounds portrayals of Wolfowitz as a leader of a "Zionist conspiracy" of Jewish neoconservatives in Washington ... works as the bank's senior gender co-ordinator for the Middle East and North Africa ... not only shares Wolfowitz's passion for spreading democracy in the Arab world, but is said to have reinforced his determination to remove Saddam Hussein's oppressive regime.<ref name="ProfTOL">, ''The Sunday Times'', March 20, 2005, Retrieved April 18, 2007.</ref></blockquote>The relationship created further controversy over Wolfowitz's nomination to head the World Bank, because the bank's ethics rules preclude sexual relationships between a manager and a staff member serving under that manager, even if one reports to the other only indirectly through a chain of supervision.
Wolfowitz explained his position in a 2002 interview with Robert Collier, of the ], stating: "I think the premise of a policy has to be we can't afford to wait for proof beyond a reasonable doubt. That is a way in which any number of terrorist regimes have, over the last 20 years, gotten away with doing things that I think encourage more behavior of that kind."<ref name=SFChron/> He added, apparently as clarification: "you can't wait until you have evidence beyond a reasonable doubt that somebody did something in the past, you know that people are planning to do something against you in the future and that they're developing incredibly destructive weapons to do it with and that's not tolerable."<ref name=SFChron/>


Wolfowitz initially proposed to the World Bank's Ethics Committee that he recuse himself from personnel matters regarding Riza, but the committee rejected that proposal.<ref name="Hitt1">Greg Hitt, , ''The Wall Street Journal'', May 2, 2007, A8, Retrieved May 8, 2007 (restricted access; free preview); rpt. , ''goldnotes.wordpress.com'', May 2, 2007, Retrieved May 8, 2007; cf. Greg Hitt, , '']'', ''Wall Street Journal Online'', May 7, 2007, Washington Wire, Retrieved May 8, 2007.</ref> Riza was "seconded to the State Department", or placed on "external assignment", assigned "a job at the state department under ], the daughter of the vice-president, promoting democracy in the Middle East".<ref name="Goldenberg2">Suzanne Goldenberg, , ''The Guardian'', April 7, 2007, Retrieved May 2, 2007.</ref> She "was also moved up to a managerial pay grade in compensation for the disruption to her career", resulting in a raise of over $60,000, as well as guarantees of future increases; "The staff association claims that the pay rise was more than double the amount allowed under employee guidelines."<ref name="Goldenberg2" /><ref name="McQuillen">William McQuillen, (Update2), '']'', April 30, 2007, accessed May 2, 2007.</ref> A promotion and raise had been among the options suggested by a World Bank ethics committee that was set up to advise on the situation.<ref name="EthicsCommitteeCaseNo2">{{cite web|url=http://bicusa.org/proxy/Document.10080.aspx |title=Ethics Committee Case No 2 and President Papers|url-status=dead|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20081212015110/http://bicusa.org/proxy/Document.10080.aspx |archive-date=December 12, 2008}} , ''World Bank'', "strictly confidential" documents posted online at ''bicusa.org'', April 12, 2007, Retrieved April 14, 2007.</ref> According to Steven R. Weisman, however, in a report published in ''The New York Times'', the then-current chair of the committee emphasized that he was not informed at the time of the details or extent of the present and future raises built into the agreement with Riza.<ref>Steven R. Weisman, , ''The New York Times'', April 27, 2007, Retrieved May 1, 2007.</ref> Wolfowitz referred to the controversy concerning his relationship with Riza in a statement posted on the website of the World Bank at the time (April 12, 2007).<ref name="Wolfstat">Paul Wolfowitz, , ''Worldbank.org'', April 12, 2007, Retrieved May 1, 2007. (Video and audio links.)</ref>
As Hersh explains: "Pre-emption would emerge as the overriding idea behind the Administration’s ]."<ref name=Hersh/> According to Kampfner, who discusses Wolfowitz in relation to the "The alliance of Blairites and Bushites" in his article "The British Neoconservatives", published in '']'' on ], ], less than a fortnight after the end of the ], the British government's own policy of "[[Interventionism (politics)|Liberal
interventionism]]", an "originally leftish view of military action found a harder edge and a willing match in the primacy and pre-emption doctrine of the Bush administration and its leading thinker, Paul Wolfowitz. Both groups have united around their abhorrence of the centre-right and centre-left mainstream of the early 1990s - the likes of ], ] and the early ] - citing inaction over ] as their main crime."<ref name=Kampfner2>], , '']'', ], ], accessed ], ]; cf. ] and ].</ref>


The affair resurfaced in headlines in 2011.<ref> {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110521073250/http://newledger.com/2011/05/dominique-strauss-kahn-anwar-ibrahim-and-paul-wolfowitz-the-woman-troubles-of-men-who-oversee-money/|date=May 21, 2011}}, New Ledger. May 16, 2011. Accessed June 9, 2011</ref><ref>, Robert E. Kelly. May 25, 2011. Retrieved June 9, 2011</ref><ref>, Business Live. June 6, 2011. Retrieved June 9, 2011</ref>
Hersh, Kampfner, and others have argued that the policy of pre-emption (and the United States's subsequent conduct of the ]) contradict treaty requirements found in the ], to which the ] is a signatory, as it is to the ]s. Article 51 of the Charter, for example, refers a member state's "individual" and "collective" right to engage in "self-defense" in response to an "armed attack" against it; while offering a basis for the attacks against ] and the ] in ] by the ] and its coalition allies after the ], critics of the Bush administration argue that it does not provide a similar basis for such "pre-emptive" attacks as the ].<ref name=ch7art51>, , ''uncharter.org'' (searchable version of the ]), accessed ], ]: <blockquote>Nothing in the present Charter shall impair the inherent right of individual or collective self-defence if an armed attack occurs against a Member of the United Nations, until the Security Council has taken measures necessary to maintain international peace and security. Measures taken by Members in the exercise of this right of self-defence shall be immediately reported to the Security Council and shall not in any way affect the authority and responsibility of the Security Council under the present Charter to take at any time such action as it deems necessary in order to maintain or restore international peace and security.</blockquote></ref>{{See main|2003 Invasion of Iraq#The United Nations, the ICC and the 2003 Invasion}}


===Wolfowitz's leadership of the World Bank Group===
===Iranian dissidents and Iran===
In early 2007, ] published on a series of investigative stories on the World Bank, based in part on leaks of internal bank documents.<ref name=BeharFeb>{{cite news|author=]|url=http://www.foxnews.com/story/0,2933,250800,00.html|title=World Bank Launches Internal Probe to Root Out Leakers|publisher=Fox News|date=February 8, 2007|access-date=May 14, 2007|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070403125447/http://www.foxnews.com/story/0,2933,250800,00.html|archive-date=April 3, 2007|url-status=dead}}</ref> On April 11, 2007, Reuters and Al Kamen in ''The Washington Post'', reported that Wolfowitz and the World Bank board had hired the ] law firm to oversee an investigation into the leaking of internal bank documents to Fox News.<ref name=ReutersFoxNews>Reuters, {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070516080549/http://www.foxnews.com/story/0,2933,265200,00.html |date=May 16, 2007 }}, Fox News, April 11, 2007, accessed May 16, 2007.</ref><ref name=Kamenprobe>Al Kamen, , ''The Washington Post'', April 11, 2007, accessed May 16, 2007.</ref> Those reports cite an internal memo to the bank staff later posted on the internet, dated April 9, 2007, in which the World Bank's general counsel, Ana Palacio, states that the bank's legal staff was scrutinizing two articles by investigative reporter ] published on the website of Fox News on January 31 and March 27, 2007.<ref name=Behar1-2>], {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070518144206/http://www.foxnews.com/story/0,2933,248601,00.html |date=May 18, 2007 }}, Fox News, January 31, 2007, and {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070510231807/http://www.foxnews.com/story/0,2933,261290,00.html |date=May 10, 2007 }}, Fox News, March 27, 2007, both accessed May 14, 2007.</ref> A day after the second report published by Behar, on March 28, 2007, Kamen had disclosed that "Bank records obtained by the Government Accountability Project" documented pay raises in excess of Bank policies given to ].<ref name=Kamen1>Al Kamen, , ''The Washington Post'', March 28, 2007, accessed May 10, 2007.</ref>
Since the ] Wolfowitz has been a notable advocate for Iranian dissidents, including ], the bestselling author of '']''.{{Fact|date=February 2007}}
], who was both a member of his staff and an associate of the ], investigated for alleged espionage for Israel on ] soil, including leaking information to Israel in order to damage Iranian-US relations, pled guilty to some of those charges, pursuant to a plea agreement in which he would "cooperate in the larger federal investigation" involving "two former employees of the ], ] and ]."<ref>Tom Regan, , '']'', ], ], accessed ], ].</ref><ref name=Markon>Jerry Markon,, '']'', ], ], accessed ], ]:<blockquote>Franklin, 58, a specialist on ], pleaded guilty to two conspiracy counts and a third charge of possessing classified documents … two counts of conspiring to communicate secret information and a third charge of keeping numerous classified documents at his ] home. He said he took the documents home to keep up his expertise and prepare for "point-blank questions" from his bosses, including Defense Secretary ]."</ref>{{See main|Lawrence Franklin espionage scandal}}


On April 12, 2007, the London '']'' reported that, in a 2005 memorandum, Wolfowitz had personally directed the bank's human resources chief to offer Riza a large pay rise and promotion, according to two anonymous sources who told the ''Financial Times'' that they had seen the memo.<ref name=GuhaCallan>Krishna Guha and Eoin Callan, , ''The Financial Times'', April 12, 2007, accessed May 14, 2007.</ref> The memo was part of a package of 102 pages of documents released by the bank on April 14, 2007.<ref name=GuhaCallan/>
==Some perspectives on Wolfowitz in the media==
In his 2002 profile of Wolfowitz in '']'', Eric Schmitt describes Wolfowitz as a "lightning rod" for President ]:
<blockquote>Deputy Defense Secretary Paul D. Wolfowitz got a call 10 days ago from ], President Bush's chief political adviser, dispatching him to a big rally here in support of ]. ] was stung by criticism from conservative Republicans over its policies toward Israel.<br><br>
So last Monday Mr. Wolfowitz, who is one of Israel's staunchest allies in the administration, also found himself in front of the Capitol as Mr. Bush's emissary, drowned out by chants of ''Down with ]!''<br><br>
Mr. Wolfowitz, who is Jewish, was booed repeatedly when he spoke—in his largely pro-Israel speech—of the ''innocent Palestinians'' who were suffering, along with Israelis, from the bloodshed.<br><br>
Mr. Wolfowitz has had his share of lightning-rod days as one of the administration's leading hawks. He is a strong advocate for building missile defenses and expanding the global campaign against terrorism, to include toppling President ] of ]. But Mr. Wolfowitz, the Pentagon's second in command, did not volunteer for political spear-catching duty … <ref name=Schmitt/><ref name=Rubin>Cf. Yossi Klein Halevi, "Twin Hatreds: ] and ]" and Robert Lieber, "Why Do They Hate Us and Why Do They Love Us", chap. 6 and 14, respectively, in ] and Judith Colp Rubin, eds., '''' ( ], ]: The Global Research in International Affairs Center, 2004), accessed ], ]. ] (IDC) in ], ], which also publishes the '']'', ed. ].]</ref></blockquote>


On April 14, 2007, after reviewing these documents, the ''Financial Times'' concluded that it was "a potentially fatal blow" to Wolfowitz.<ref name="GuhaCallan"/> In contrast, Fox News concluded that the new documents might offer Wolfowitz a "new lifeline" in the scandal, because the bank's ethics committee had launched a review of the Riza compensation case in early 2006 and concluded that it did not warrant any further attention by the committee.<ref name=Behar3>], , Fox News, April 14, 2007, accessed May 14, 2007.</ref>
Prior to Wolfowitz's nomination to the World Bank, as cited in media profiles of him, in ''Rise of the Vulcans: The History of Bush's War Cabinet'' (New York: Viking, 2004), ] described him as "the most influential underling in ]."<ref name=Goldenberg/> According to Goldenberg, as well as various other sources, "A former colleague says "Hawk doesn't do him justice. What about velociraptor?"<ref name=Goldenberg/><ref>, '']'', ], ], accessed ], ]. (Premium content.)<!--not checked, not verified--></ref>
Wolfowitz failed, on April 19, 2007, to attend a high-profile meeting and the controversy led to disruption at the World Bank when some employees wore ]s "in a display of defiance against his leadership."<ref>, ''The Guardian'', April 19, 2007, accessed April 20, 2007.</ref><ref>, '']'', April 20, 2007, accessed April 20, 2007.</ref>


World Bank Group's board of executive directors and staffers complained also that Wolfowitz was imposing ] policies to eliminate family planning from World Bank programs. According to Nicole Gaouette, in her report published in the '']'' on April 19, 2007, ]—the managing director whom Wolfowitz had appointed who has also been criticized for overly-conservative policies concerning climate change<ref name=Guha/> and "a Roman Catholic with ties to a conservative Salvadoran political party"—repeatedly deleted references to family planning from World Bank proposals.<ref name=Gaouette>Nicole Gaouette, Repeated Absence of References to Birth Control in Internal Reports Alarms Women's Health Advocates", '']'', April 19, 2007, accessed May 1, 2007.</ref>
In his book review of ''Rise of the Vulcans'', Martin Sieff views Mann's portrayal of Wolfowitz as disappointing in its uncritical omissions and departures from reality: <blockquote>Wolfowitz on Iraq as described by Mann is Wolfowitz as he wishes to be seen -- and perhaps even sees himself. Here is a dignified, cautious, responsible intellectual heavyweight, a moderate centrist who comes late in the day and reluctantly, but only after soberly weighing all things in the balance, to the profound conclusion that Iraq must be conquered for the Good of the Republic and to end its very real threat of weapons of mass destruction. It has about as much connection to reality as describing ] as a ].<ref name=Sieff/></blockquote>


On May 14, 2007, the World Bank committee investigating the alleged ethics violations reported (in part):
For ] 2003 (5764), '']'' named Paul Wolfowitz its inaugural "Man of the Year": "In this year when ] is once again a fact of life, the name 'Wolfowitz' has become its lightning rod … Surely this is one distinction he does not relish. Yet it remains a part of what makes this, uniquely, Wolfowitz's year."<ref name=JP>Bret Stephens, , '']'', ] 2003 (5764), accessed ], ].</ref><ref name=Rubin/>
* "Mr. Wolfowitz's contract requiring that he adhere to the Code of Conduct for board officials and that he avoid any conflict of interest, real or apparent, were violated";
* "The salary increase Ms. Riza received at Mr. Wolfowitz's direction was in excess of the range established by Rule 6.01";
* "The ad hoc group concludes that in actuality, Mr Wolfowitz from the outset cast himself in opposition to the established rules of the institution"; and
* "He did not accept the bank's policy on conflict of interest, so he sought to negotiate for himself a resolution different from that which would have applied to the staff he was selected to head."<ref name=CNNMoney>Reuters, {{cite web|url=http://money.cnn.com/2007/05/15/news/newsmakers/wolfowitz.reut/?postversion=2007051507 |title=Wolfowitz Rejects World Bank Ethics Ruling |access-date=May 15, 2007 |url-status=bot: unknown |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070518235908/http://money.cnn.com/2007/05/15/news/newsmakers/wolfowitz.reut/?postversion=2007051507 |archive-date=May 18, 2007 }}: Bank Committee Determines That President Violated Ethics Standards Over His Girlfriend's Promotion; Wolfowitz Calls Findings 'unbalanced' and 'flawed'", online posting, '']Money.com'' ("The Internet home of '']'', '']'', '']''"), May 15, 2007, accessed November 17, 2008.</ref>


Wolfowitz appeared before the World Bank Group's board of executive directors to respond on May 15. Adams speculated that "With Mr Wolfowitz so far refusing to step down, the board may need to take radical action to break the stalemate. Members have discussed a range of options, including sacking Mr Wolfowitz, issuing a vote of no confidence or reprimanding him. Some board members argue that a vote of no confidence would make it impossible for him to stay in the job."<ref name=Adams>Richard Adams, , '']'', May 15, 2007, accessed May 16, 2007.</ref> By Wednesday, May 16, 2007, ''The New York Times'', reported that "after six weeks of fighting efforts to oust him as president ... Wolfowitz began today to negotiate the terms of his possible resignation, in return for the bank dropping or softening the charge that he had engaged in misconduct ..."<ref name=Weisman3>Steven R. Weisman, , ''The New York Times'', May 16, 2007, accessed May 16, 2007.</ref> After expressions from the Bush administration that it "fully" supported Wolfowitz as World Bank president and its urging a "fair hearing" for him, President Bush expressed "regret" at Wolfowitz's impending resignation.<ref name=Aversa>Jeannine Aversa (]), , '']'', May 9, 2007, accessed November 17, 2008; {{cite web |url=http://www.chron.com/disp/story.mpl/ap/fn/4814948.html |title=Markets: Bush Expresses Regret Over Wolfowitz |access-date=May 13, 2017 |url-status=bot: unknown |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070519040810/http://www.chron.com/disp/story.mpl/ap/fn/4814948.html |archive-date=May 19, 2007 }}, '']'', May 17, 2007, accessed November 19, 2008.</ref>
In June 2004, as reported on the ] television program '']'', ] asked about Paul Wolfowitz: "Is he really on our side?", narrating the context: "I sat in on—I was in ] in '01 for a ] team operation and he came in and briefed us. And after the brief, I just thought, is he really on our side? Sorry."<ref>Qtd. on '''', ], ], ], accessed ], ].</ref>


On May 17, 2007, the World Bank Group's board of Executive Directors announced that Paul Wolfowitz would resign as World Bank Group president at the end of June 2007.<ref name=Weisman4>Steven R. Weisman, , ''The New York Times'', May 18, 2007, accessed May 18, 2007.</ref>
] ] aboard the ] in 2004]]Journalist and polemicist ] stated in an interview with ] published on September 23, 2004: "The thing that would most surprise people about Wolfowitz if they met him is that he's a real ]."<ref>Johann Hari, , '']'', ], ], accessed ], ].</ref> In a piece that Hitchens contributed later to '']'', he elaborates:<blockquote>I can't exactly say that I know the man, but on the occasions that I have met him I have been very struck by the difference between his manner and the amazing volleys of obloquy and abuse that have been flung at him. (This is made easier, for savants such as ], by the fact that the first four letters of his surname spell an animal that is known in nursery rhymes to be big and bad. How satirical can one possibly get?) The truth is, he's a bit bleeding heart for my taste, even though I know some very tough Kurdish and Iraqi and Iranian and Lebanese antifascist militants who would welcome him as a blood-brother. No shame in that, I think.<ref name=Hitchens>], "Fighting Words: A Wartime Lexicon: , '']'', ], ], accessed ], ].</ref></blockquote>


==Recent activities==
'']'' reported on ], ] that Malaysian politician ], Wolfowitz's longtime friend, had said in an interview that Wolfowitz "passionately believes in freedom and understands the issues of ], environment degradation, living conditions and health issues which (are) very much a World Bank agenda."<ref>, '']'', ], ], accessed ], ].</ref>
As a visiting scholar of the ], Wolfowitz has blogged for the group<ref>{{cite web |url=http://blog.american.com/2011/05/the-friend-of-my-enemy-is-my-enemy/ |title=The Friend of My Enemy is My Enemy « the Enterprise Blog |website=blog.american.com |access-date=January 15, 2022 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110602031622/http://blog.american.com/2011/05/the-friend-of-my-enemy-is-my-enemy/ |archive-date=June 2, 2011 |url-status=dead}}</ref> and appeared in group events.<ref> {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110601045811/http://www.aei.org/event/100390 |date=June 1, 2011 }}. AEI, March 28, 2011.</ref><ref> {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110603144145/http://www.aei.org/event/100395 |date=June 3, 2011 }}. AEI, April 11, 2011.</ref> In 2011, he wrote columns that appeared in publications such as ''The Independent'', ''The Sunday Times'', and ''Newsweek''.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.aei.org/scholarWorks?scholarId=126&type=article&name=Paul%20Wolfowitz&title=Visiting%20Scholar |title=AEI - Scholars - Paul Wolfowitz |access-date=May 31, 2011 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110428171946/http://www.aei.org/scholarWorks?scholarId=126&type=article&name=Paul%20Wolfowitz&title=Visiting%20Scholar |archive-date=April 28, 2011 }}</ref>


Wolfowitz is a former steering committee member of the ].<ref> {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140202095633/http://www.bilderbergmeetings.org/former-steering-committee-members.html |date=February 2, 2014 }}</ref>
According to Sipress and Nakashima, reporting in the '']'' several days later, ], Indonesia's first democratically-elected president after the fall of Suharto, "was so taken by Wolfowitz's 1989 speech that he asked to be introduced. Wahid, a leader of Indonesia's largest Muslim organization and staunch proponent of ] said in an interview … that they became friends and he remains proud of that relationship today despite differences over the ]. Wahid was impeached by his political rivals in 2001 but remains highly influential."<ref name=SipressNakashima/>


In February 2013, Wolfowitz publicly supported ] in an ] submitted to the ].<ref>, ''The Daily Beast'', February 28, 2013.</ref>
On ], ], after Wolfowitz was appointed to the World Bank, the ] (ETAN) quoted East Timorese ]-winner ]'s comment that "Those who have suspicions and reservations should not have them because Wolfowitz is very humane and sensitive," adding: "Ramos-Horta said he had met with Wolfowitz several times when the current US deputy defense secretary was Washington's envoy to Indonesia between 1986 and 1989, a time when East Timor was still under occupation by Jakarta."<ref>, '']'' (ETAN), ], ], accessed ], ]. At the time Ramos-Horta was the foreign minister of ]; he was appointed Prime Minister in July 2006.</ref>


In February 2015, Wolfowitz advised presidential candidate ].<ref>, ''Bloomberg Politics'', February 22, 2015, 3:09 PM CST.</ref>
In his article about Wolfowitz's problems as president of the ], published in '']'' on ], ], for which he interviewed Bank "insiders", Robert Calderisi, who "worked at the World Bank from 1979 to 2002," wonders whether Wolfowitz is "The Worst Man in the World?", concluding, in retrospect it seems in part rather prophetically: "most insiders believe the bank is becoming the very caricature of a US-dominated, ideological agency that they have always denied it was. Its critics may feel vindicated, but friends of international development will worry that the Europeans - who are the largest providers of aid to poor countries - will lose confidence in using the bank as an objective channel. Or they may bide their time and decide that Paul Wolfowitz will be the last US-appointed president of the World Bank."<ref name=Calderisi>Robert Calderisi, , '']'', ], ], accessed ], ].</ref>


In August 2016, Wolfowitz announced his intention to vote for ] in the ], despite having "serious reservations about her."<ref>{{cite web|title=Former Bush adviser Wolfowitz to vote for Clinton: Spiegel|url=https://www.reuters.com/article/us-usa-election-clinton-wolfowitz-idUSKCN1111XS|website=]|access-date=August 26, 2016|date=August 26, 2016}}</ref> However, in a December interview on Fox Business, Wolfowitz claimed that he did not in fact vote for Clinton.<ref>{{cite web|title= Amb. Wolfowitz Raises Concerns About Surveillance and Putin
A year later, in mid-May 2007, as a result of the more-current controversy in the media about his leadership of the ], according to ''Washington Post'' op-ed columnist Sebastian Mallaby, Wolfowitz became involved in an "endgame" both for his career and for the institution of the World Bank itself.<ref name=Mallaby>Sebastian Mallaby, , '']'', ], ], Op-Ed: A15, accessed ], ].</ref>{{See|#Current controversies|#Wolfowitz's leadership of the World Bank}}
|website=]|url=http://www.foxbusiness.com/politics/2016/12/21/amb-wolfowitz-raises-concerns-about-surveillance-and-putin.html|date=December 21, 2016}}</ref>


In January 2017, Wolfowitz wrote an op-ed in '']'' commenting on a "dissent cable" that had been signed by 1,000 ] criticizing ].<ref>{{cite news |last=Wolfowitz |first=Paul D. |date=January 31, 2017 |title=A Diplomat's Proper Channel of Dissent |url=https://www.nytimes.com/2017/01/31/opinion/a-diplomats-proper-channel-of-dissent.html |newspaper=] |access-date=February 1, 2017 }}
==Some cultural portrayals of Wolfowitz==
</ref>
The title character of the novel '']'' (2000) by ] was based on Wolfowitz’s mentor at ] ], while the character of one of his students, Philip Gorman, whose father is a fellow professor who comes into conflict with Ravelstein and who goes on to work for the ], is believed to be based on Wolfowitz.<ref name=Plotz>David Plotz, , '']'', ], ], ], ].</ref><ref name=Fallows>],
, '']'', March 2002, accessed ], ].</ref> According to ], in ''Rise of the Vulcans'' (New York: Vintage, 2004), "Wolfowitz thought that the novelist’s portrait was simply inaccurate or possibly a composite based in part on some other Bloom students and their fathers."{{Fact|date=May 2007}}<ref>Cf. of telephone interview of Paul Wolfowitz, conducted by ], "Presenter: Deputy Secretary of Defense Paul Wolfowitz", press release, '']'', ], ], accessed ], ] , Vanity Fair."] Cf. Tanenhaus, "Bush's Brain Trust", '']'' July 2003.</ref>


In February 2023, Wolfowitz was awarded ] with Grand Cordon by ] ].<ref>{{cite news |last1=Teng |first1=Pei-ju |title=Ex-USTBC chair receives presidential medal for promoting Taiwan-U.S. ties |url=https://focustaiwan.tw/politics/202302080022 |access-date=9 February 2023 |agency=Central News Agency |date=8 February 2023}}</ref><ref>{{cite news |last1=Madjar |first1=Kayleigh |title=President Tsai confers honor on Paul Wolfowitz |url=https://www.taipeitimes.com/News/front/archives/2023/02/09/2003794014 |access-date=9 February 2023 |work=Taipei Times |date=9 February 2023}}</ref>
Wolfowitz found public prominence through his involvement in the 2003 ], criticized in '']'', the film by ]. According to Suzanne Goldenberg's profile of Wolfowitz published in '']'', "one of the most indelible moments of the film … is when Paul Wolfowitz … puts a generous dollop of spit on his comb before smoothing his hair for a television appearance."<ref name=Goldenberg/> She describes Wolfowitz as the "intellectual high priest of the Bush administration's hawks," observing prophetically: "Iffy grooming habits are the least of Wolfowitz's worries as he takes on the presidency of the World Bank."<ref name=Goldenberg/>

Wolfowitz is featured in the Autumn 2004 ] television documentary film series '']: The Rise of the Politics of Fear'', directed by ], which compares the rise of the American ] and radical ], arguing that there are close connections between them, that some popular beliefs about these groups are inaccurate, and that both movements have benefited from exaggerating the scale of the terrorist threat, inflating a myth of a dangerous enemy in order to draw people to support them.<ref name=Hartmann>See Thom Hartmann, , '']'', ], ], rpt. in '']'', ], ], accessed ], ].</ref> Curtis' documentary series examines Wolfowitz's work with ] and his various other roles in various administrations leading up to the 2003 U.S. Invasion of Iraq: "According to Curtis' BBC documentary, Wolfowitz's group, known as "Team B," came to the conclusion that the Soviets had developed several terrifying new weapons of mass destruction, featuring a nuclear-armed submarine fleet that used a sonar system that didn't depend on sound and was, thus, undetectable with our current technology."<ref name=Hartmann/>

On 30 January 2007, after his visit to ] in ], ], news media released photographs of Paul Wolfowitz's socks, which had holes in them.<ref name=BBCHoles>, '']'', 31 January 2007, accessed 18 April 2007.</ref> A few days later, '']'' announced that the Turkish Hosiery Manufacturers' Association sent him twelve pairs of socks.<ref name=Zaman>, '']'', 2 February 2007, accessed 18 April 2007.</ref>

==Recent controversies==
===Wolfowitz's economic arguments pertaining to the Iraq War===
On ], ], Wolfowitz told a Congressional panel that oil revenue earned by Iraq alone would pay for Iraq's reconstruction after the Iraq war; he testified: "The oil revenues of that country could bring between $50 and $100 billion over the course of the next two or three years. Now, there are a lot of claims on that money, but … We are dealing with a country that can really finance its own reconstruction and relatively soon.”<ref> An Examination of the Presumptive World Bank President’s Works on Oil, National Security, Development, Corruption, Human Rights, and Debt" (Jan. 2001 – May 2005), '']'' (May 2005), accessed ], ].</ref><ref name=Vidal>Cf. ], , '']'', ], ], Review, accessed ], ], rpt. in ''lawyersagainstthewar.org'', accessed ], ]; rpt. as "Goat Song: Unanswered Questions—Before, During, After 9/11", ''Dreaming War: Blood for Oil and the Cheney-Bush Junta'' (New York: Nation Books/Thunder's Mouth Press, 2002), ISBN 1560255021 (10), ISBN 978-1560255024 (13).</ref><ref name=Warde/> By March 2005, two years later, oil revenues were not paying for the occupation and reconstruction of Iraq, Wolfowitz's estimation of 50 to 100 billion US dollars had not materialized, and, in light of his miscalculation, detractors criticized his appointment to head of the World Bank.<ref>Paul Blustein, , '']'', ], ], accessed ], ].</ref>

===Wolfowitz's relationship with Shaha Riza===
{{main|Shaha Riza}}
After President George W. Bush's nomination of Wolfowitz as president of the ], journalists reported that Wolfowitz had become involved in a relationship with World Bank Senior Communications Officer (and Acting Manager of External Affairs) for the Middle East and North Africa Regional Office ].<ref name=Sherwell>Philip Sherwell, , '']'', ], ], accessed ], ].</ref> According to Richard Leiby, of '']'', Riza is "an ]-educated ] citizen, was born in ] and grew up in ]. She's known for her expertise on ] and has been listed on the bank's Web site as a ] contact for ] reconstruction issues."<ref name=Leiby>Richard Leiby, , '']'', ], ], C-03, accessed ], ].</ref> According to Leiby and Leiby and Linton Weeks, in their more recent essay "In the Shadow of a Scandal", Riza's employment at the World Bank predated Wolfowitz's nomination as Bank president: "Riza started at the World Bank as a consultant in July 1997 and became a full-time employee in 1999"; and the relationship between Riza and Wolfowitz pre-dated it as well: <blockquote>In the early 1990s, Riza joined the ] and is credited there with development of the organization's ] program. Wolfowitz was on the endowment's board—which is how Riza first met him, according to Turkish journalist ], a friend of the couple. "Shaha was married at the time and Paul was married," Candar recalled, and it wasn't until late 1999—after Riza divorced and Wolfowitz had separated from his wife of 30 years, ]—that the couple began dating."<ref name=Leiby/><ref name=WeeksLeiby>Linton Weeks and Richard Leiby, , '']'', ], ], accessed ], ]. (Page 2 of 3 pages.)</ref></blockquote>

According to the profile of Wolfowitz published in the London '']'' on ], ], cited earlier, despite their cultural differences, "Riza, an Arab feminist who confounds portrayals of Wolfowitz as a leader of a '] conspiracy' of Jewish ] in Washington … works as the bank’s senior gender co-ordinator for the Middle East and north Africa … not only shares Wolfowitz’s passion for spreading democracy in the ] world, but is said to have reinforced his determination to remove ]’s oppressive regime."<ref name=ProfTOL>, '']'', ], ], accessed ], ].</ref>

The reported relationship created further controversy concerning Wolfowitz’s nomination to head the World Bank, because the organization's own ethics rules preclude sexual relationships between a manager and a staff member serving under that manager, even if one reports to the other only indirectly through a chain of supervision. Sharon Churcher and Annette Witheridge, in ''The Daily Mail'', quote one World Bank employee's statement that "Unless Riza gives up her job, this will be an impossible conflict of interest"; the observation of "a Washington insider": "His womanizing has come home to roost … Paul was a foreign policy hawk long before he met Shaha, but it doesn't look good to be accused of being under the thumb of your mistress"; and Wolfowitz's response: "If a personal relationship presents a potential conflict of interest, I will comply with Bank policies to resolve the issue."<ref name=ChurcherWitheridge>Sharon Churcher and Annette Witheridge, '']'', ], ], accessed ], ].</ref>

Wolfowitz initially proposed to the World Bank's Ethics Committee that he recuse himself from personnel matters regarding Riza, but the committee rejected that proposal.<ref name=Hitt1>Greg Hitt, , '']'', ], ], A8, accessed ], ] (restricted access; free preview); rpt. , ''goldnotes.wordpress.com'', ], ], accessed ], ]; cf. Greg Hitt, , '']'', ''Wall Street Journal Online'', ], ], Washington Wire, accessed ], ].</ref> Riza was "seconded to the ]", or placed on "external assignment," assigned "a job at the state department under ], the daughter of the ], promoting democracy in the Middle East … "<ref name=Goldenberg2>Suzanne Goldenberg, , '']'', ], ], accessed ], ].</ref> She "was also moved up to a managerial pay grade in compensation for the disruption to her career," resulting in a raise of over $60,000, as well as guarantees of future increases; "The staff association claims that the pay rise was more than double the amount allowed under employee guidelines."<ref name=Goldenberg2/><ref name=McQuillen>William McQuillen, (Update2), '']'', ], ], accessed ], ].</ref> A promotion and raise had been among the options suggested by a World Bank ethics committee that was set up to advise on the situation.<ref name=EthicsCommitteeCaseNo2>{{PDF|}} , '']'', ''worldbank.org'', "strictly confidential" documents posted online at ''bicusa.org'', ], ], accessed ], ].</ref> According to Steven R. Weisman, however, in a report published in '']'', the then-current chair of the committee emphasized that he was not informed at the time of the details or extent of the present and future raises built into the agreement with Riza.<ref>Steven R. Weisman, , '']'', ], ], accessed ], ].</ref> Wolfowitz refers to the controversy concerning his relationship with Riza in his recent statement posted on the website of the World Bank (], ]).<ref name=Wolfstat>Paul Wolfowitz, , ''Worldbank.org'', ], ], accessed ], ]. (Video and audio links.)</ref>

===Wolfowitz's leadership of the World Bank Group===
<!--Full citations are required throughout; ]: author, title, publication, date of publication, date accessed. When adding information and sources, please follow prevailing citation format in this article.-->
Beginning early in 2007, '']'' published on its website a series of investigative stories on the World Bank, based in part on leaks to Fox of internal bank documents. On ], ], '']'' reported that the Bank had launched a probe of Fox's sources.<ref name=BeharFeb>{{cite news|author=]|url=http://www.foxnews.com/story/0,2933,250800,00.html|title=World Bank Launches Internal Probe to Root Out Leakers|publisher=]|date=]|accessdate=2007-05-14}}</ref>

On ], ], ] and Al Kamen, in his column in '']'', reported that Wolfowitz and the World Bank board had hired the Williams and Connolly law firm to oversee an investigation into the leaking of internal bank documents to ].<ref name=ReutersFoxNews>], , '']'' ], ], accessed ], ].</ref><ref name=Kamenprobe>Al Kamen, , '']'', ], ], accessed ], ].</ref> Those reports cite an internal memo to the bank staff later posted on the internet, dated ], ], in which the World Bank's general counsel, Ana Palacio, states that the Bank's legal staff was scrutinizing two articles by investigative reporter ] published on the website of '']'' on ] and ], ].<ref>Jeff Powell, online posting, , '']'' (self-published website), ], ], accessed ], ]. <!--dubious source? ].--></ref><ref name=Behar1-2>], , '']'', ], ] and , '']'', ], ], both accessed ], ].</ref> A day after the second report published by Behar, on ], ], Kamen had disclosed that "Bank records obtained by the Government Accountability Project" documented pay raises in excess of Bank policies given to ], with whom Wolfowitz was "romantically linked."<ref name=Kamen1>Al Kamen, , '']'', ], ], accessed ], ].</ref>
On ], ] Krishna Guha and Eoin Callan reported in the London '']'' that, in a 2005 memorandum, Wolfowitz had personally directed the Bank's human resources chief to offer Riza a large pay rise and promotion, according to two anonymous sources who told the ''Financial Times'' that they had seen the memo.<ref name=GuhaCallan>Krishna Guha and Eoin Callan, , '']'', ], ], accessed ], ].</ref> The memo was part of a package of 102 pages of documents publicly released by the bank on ], ].<ref name=GuhaCallan/>

On ], ], after reviewing the 102-page document package, the ''Financial Times'' concluded that it was "a potentially fatal blow" to Wolfowitz.<ref name=GuhaCallan> , '']'', ], ], accessed ], ].</ref> In contrast, '']'' concluded that the new documents might offer Wolfowitz a "new lifeline" in the scandal, particularly because of new evidence in the paper trail that the Bank's ethics committee had launched a review of the Riza compensation case in early 2006 and concluded that it did not warrant any further attention by the committee.<ref name=Behar3>], , '']'' ], ], accessed ], ].</ref>
Media speculations about Wolfowitz quitting his position as president of the ] intensified on ], ] after his failure to attend a high-profile meeting.<ref>, '']'', ], ], accessed ], ].</ref> The controversy about Wolfowitz's girlfriend, former Senior Communications Officer ] led to disruption at the World Bank when some employees wore ]s "in a display of defiance against his leadership."<ref>, '']'', ], ], accessed ], ].</ref>

World Bank Group's board of executive directors and staffers complained also that Wolfowitz was imposing ] policies to eliminate ] from World Bank programs. According to Nicole Gaouette, in her report published in the '']'' on ], ], ]—the managing director whom Wolfowitz had appointed who has also been criticized for overly-conservative policies concerning climate change<ref name=Guha/> and "a Roman Catholic with ties to a conservative Salvadoran political party"—repeatedly deleted references to family planning from World Bank proposals: "A copy of the report obtained by the Los Angeles Times shows repeated deletions of references to family planning and contraception."<ref name=Gaouette>Nicole Gaouette, Repeated Absence of References to Birth Control in Internal Reports Alarms Women's Health Advocates", '']'', ], ], accessed ], ].</ref> According to Gaouette, "Women's health advocates said the situation was worrisome. 'There's mismanagement there,' said ], a regional director for the ]. 'Wolfowitz appointed a guy in a very high position who felt free to censor in line with his personal beliefs. I think that's good grounds for sacking.'" According to Gaouette's account, Daboub "questioned staff outrage directed at him: 'To me this sounds like a storm in a glass of water,' he said in a recent interview. 'There is no reason understandable for this.'" In an email obtained by the ] and quoted by Gaouette, Madagascar country program coordinator Lilia Burunciuc wrote, "'One of the requests received from was to take out all references to family planning. We did that.'" Moreover, "Bank staff members dispute Daboub's claim that he made no changes to the Madagascar report. 'It's a blatant lie,' said one staffer who has seen the document. Like other internal critics, the employee requested anonymity because he said he feared for his job."<ref name=Gaouette/>

On ], ] the World Bank committee investigating the alleged ethics violations reported (in part):
*" Mr. Wolfowitz's contract requiring that he adhere to the Code of Conduct for board officials and that he avoid any conflict of interest, real or apparent, were violated";
*"The salary increase Ms. Riza received at Mr. Wolfowitz's direction was in excess of the range established by Rule 6.01";
*"The ad hoc group concludes that in actuality, Mr Wolfowitz from the outset cast himself in opposition to the established rules of the institution"; and
*"He did not accept the bank's policy on conflict of interest, so he sought to negotiate for himself a resolution different from that which would have applied to the staff he was selected to head."<ref name=CNNMoney>], : Bank Committee Determines That President Violated Ethics Standards Over His Girlfriend's Promotion; Wolfowitz Calls Findings 'unbalanced' and 'flawed'", online posting, '']'' ("The Internet home of '']'', '']'', '']''"), ], ], accessed ], ].</ref>

According to Richard Adams, in '']'', Wolfowitz appeared before the World Bank Group's board of executive directors to respond on Tuesday, ], ], and, the following day, on Wednesday, May 16, in another board meeting, its executive directors would "consider the report and make a statement later in the week." Adams speculates that "With Mr Wolfowitz so far refusing to step down, the board may need to take radical action to break the stalemate. Members have discussed a range of options, including sacking Mr Wolfowitz, issuing a vote of no confidence or reprimanding him. Some board members argue that a vote of no confidence would make it impossible for him to stay in the job."<ref name=Adams>Richard Adams, , '']'', ], ], accessed ], ].</ref> If the World Bank's board of directors "votes him out," according to Michael Hirsh, in the ], ] issue of '']'', he would be "the first president dismissed in 62-year history … "<ref name=Hirsh>Michael Hirsh, , '']'', ], ], accessed ], ].</ref> By mid-afternoon, Wednesday, ], ], Steven Weisman reported in '']'', according to "bank officials," "After six weeks of fighting efforts to oust him as president … Wolfowitz began today to negotiate the terms of his possible resignation, in return for the bank dropping or softening the charge that he had engaged in misconduct … "<ref name=Weisman3>Steven R. Weisman, , '']'', ], ], accessed ], ].</ref> After recent expressions from the ] that it "fully" supported Wolfowitz as World Bank president and its urging a "fair hearing" for him, ] Bush has expressed "regret" at Wolfowitz's then-impending resignation.<ref name=Aversa>Jeannine Aversa (]), , '']'', ], ], accessed ], ]; , '']'', ], ], accessed ], ].</ref>

On ], ], in a statement published on its website, the ]'s board of Executive Directors announced that Paul Wolfowitz would resign as World Bank Group president at the end of June 2007; their statement is followed by a statement from Wolfowitz about his tenure as president and his hopes for the World Bank's future success.<ref name=WBGS2> , '']'', ], ], accessed ], ].</ref>

Steven R. Weisman, of '']'', has updated his earlier articles and the Times' "Timeline" for the "World Bank controversy", providing an account of why Wolfowitz's so-called "'second chance' at career" has turned "sour" for him.<ref name=Weisman4>Steven R. Weisman, , '']'', ], ], accessed ], ].</ref>

==Wolfowitz biography==
A biography, entitled '']'', by ], Van Vleck Professor of Law at ], is published by Praeger Security International, a division of ].<ref name=Kamen2>Al Kamen, , '']'', ], ]: A21, accessed ], ]. ], ].]</ref>


==See also== ==See also==
{{Portal|Biography|Politics}}
*]
* '']''
*]
*] (JINSA) * ] (WINEP)
*] * ]
*]
*]
*] (WINEP) Board of Advisors
*]
*]


==Notes== ==Notes==
{{reflist|2}} {{Reflist|30em}}

<div class="references-small">
==Further reading==
<!--See http://en.wikipedia.org/Wikipedia:Footnotes for an explanation of how to generate footnotes using the <ref(erences/)> tags-->
* Bazbauers, Adrian Robert. "The wolfensohn, wolfowitz, and zoellick presidencies: Revitalising the neoliberal agenda of the world bank." ''Forum for Development Studies'' 41#1 (2014) pp.&nbsp;91–114..
</div>
* Davis, Jack. "Paul Wolfowitz on Intelligence Policy-Relations" (CIA Center For The Study Of Intelligence, 1996)
* Hanlon, Joseph. "Wolfowitz, the World Bank, and illegitimate lending." ''Brown Journal of World Affairs'' 13.2 (2007): 41-54 .
* Immerman, Richard H. ''Empire for Liberty: A History of American Imperialism from Benjamin Franklin to Paul Wolfowitz'' (2010) pp.&nbsp;196–231
* Meyer, Karl E. and Shareen Blair Brysac. ''Kingmakers: The Invention of the Modern Middle East'' (2009) pp 381–410.
* Milne, David. "Paul Wolfowitz and the promise of American power, 1969–2001." on ''American foreign policy'' (Manchester University Press, 2017) pp.&nbsp;159–192.
* Milne, David. "Intellectualism in US diplomacy: Paul Wolfowitz and his predecessors." ''International Journal'' 62.3 (2007): 667-680.
* Rich, Bruce. "The Brief, Broken Presidency of Paul Wolfowitz." in ''Foreclosing the Future: The World Bank and the Politics of Environmental Destruction'' (2013) pp: 114-137.
* Solomon, Lewis D. ''Paul D. Wolfowitz: Visionary intellectual, policymaker, and strategist'' (Greenwood, 2007), aq standard scholarly biography.
* Wolfowitz, Paul D. "Clinton's first year." ''Foreign Affairs'' (1994) 73#1: 28-43.


==External links==
{{Wikiquote|Paul Wolfowitz}}
{{Commons}}
{{commons|Paul Wolfowitz}}
{{Wikiquote}}
{{Wikisource author}}
* {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20111027190900/http://www.aei.org/scholar/126 |date=October 27, 2011 }} at the American Enterprise Institute's website
* {{C-SPAN|8543}}


==Bibliography==
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*. Search result in obsolete directory of "The President and His Leadership Team". Accessed ], ]. * . Search result in obsolete directory of "The President and His Leadership Team". Accessed May 4, 2007.
*—Archived biography at the ]. Last updated: ], ]. Accessed ], ]. * {{webarchive |url=https://web.archive.org/web/20060502184118/http://www.defenselink.mil/bios/wolfowitz_bio.html |date=May 2, 2006 |title="Paul Wolfowitz, Deputy Secretary of Defense" }} – Archived biography at the ]. Last updated: March 16, 2005. Accessed May 2, 2007.
* Wolfowitz, Paul.. Online posting. '']'', ''Worldbank.org'', April 12, 2007. Accessed May 1, 2007. (Video and audio links.)


{{s-start}}
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{{s-off}}
*Boyer, Peter J. . Online posting. '']'', ], ]. Accessed ], ]. (7 pages.)
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*]. . Online posting. '']'', ], ]. Accessed ], ]. (11 pages.)
{{s-ttl|title=]|years=1981–1982}}
*Gardiner, Nile. . '']'', ], ]. Accessed ], ]. (Originally published in '']''.)
{{s-aft|after=]}}
*Goldenberg, Suzanne. . '']'', ], ]. Accessed ], ].
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{{s-bef|before=]}}
*{{nndb name|id=290/000023221|name=Paul Wolfowitz}}.
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*. '']'', ], ]. Accessed ], ]. (Premium content; subscription required.)
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*Plotz, David. . '']'', ], ].
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*Schmitt, Eric. . '']'', ], ]. Accessed ], ]. (TimesSelect subscription required.)
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*] '']''. New York: Praeger Security International, a division of ], 2007. ISBN 0-275-99587-9 (10). ISBN 978-0-275-99587-4 (13).
{{s-ttl|title=]|years=2001–2005}}

{{s-aft|after=]}}
;Recent commentaries and speeches by Wolfowitz
|-
* by Paul Wolfowitz. Online postings. '']'', ''web.worldbank.org'', ], ] – ], ]. Accessed ], ].
{{s-dip}}
*. "Speeches". '']'', ''web.worldbank.org'', ], ]. Accessed ], ].
{{s-bef|before=]}}
* by Paul Wolfowitz. Online postings. '']'', ''web.worldbank.org'', ], ] – ], ]. Accessed ], ].
{{s-ttl|title=]|years=1986–1989}}

{{s-aft|after=]}}
;Interviews
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*]. . '']''. March 2002. Accessed ], ].
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*. ''Rumsfeld's War''. '']''. ] (PBS). Online posting. ], ]. Accessed ], ]. (Inc. segment on Paul Wolfowitz, with audio and video links to full program first broadcast in June 2004.)
{{s-ttl|title=]|years=2005–2007}}
*]. . '']''. ] (PBS). Broadcast ], ]. Accessed ], ]. (Video clip not yet accessible on site. Video clips of earlier interviews with Wolfowitz are accessible.)
{{s-aft|after=]}}
*]. . "(], Deputy Defense Secretary Paul Wolfowitz, Weekly Standard Editor ], former Pentagon official ])". '']'' July 2003. '']''. ], ]. Accessed ], ]. Cf. U.S. Department of Defense News Transcript.
|-
* of telephone interview of Paul Wolfowitz, conducted by ]. "Presenter: Deputy Secretary of Defense Paul Wolfowitz". Press release. '']'', ], ]. Accessed ], ]. , Vanity Fair".] Cf. Tanenhaus, "Bush's Brain Trust", '']'' July 2003.
{{s-aca}}
* of "Wolfowitz interview with the San Francisco Chronicle", conducted by Robert Collier. "Presenter: Deputy Secretary of Defense Paul Wolfowitz". Press release. '']'', ], ], accessed ], ].
{{s-bef|before=George Packard}}
*]. . '']'', ], ].
{{s-ttl|title=Dean of the ]|years=1993–2001}}
*]. Paul Wolfowitz Wants the World to Understand Him". '']'', ], ].
{{s-aft|after=]}}

{{s-end}}
;Other related sources:
*]. . '']'', ], ], Op-Ed. (TimesSelect subscription required.)
*. '']''.
*Churcher, Sharon, and Annette Witheridge. '']'', ], ]. (About reaction to Wolfowitz's nomination to head the World Bank.)
*Davis, Jack. "", '']'', 39.5 (1996).
*England, Phil. . '']'' 2.21 (Winter 2004): 23-25. (Book rev. of John Kampfner, ''Blair's Wars''.)
*Goldenberg, Suzanne. . '']'', ], ].
*. Inc. video clip: . '']'' (UK), ], ]. Accessed ], ].
*], and ]. . Excerpt from Chapter One of '']: The Inside Story of the Invasion and Occupation of Iraq''. New York: ], 2006. ISBN 0-375-42262-5 (10). ISBN 978-0-375-42262-1 (13).
*] Donald Rumsfeld Has His Own Special Sources. Are They Reliable?" '']'', ], ]. Accessed ], ]. (6 pages.)
*Hirsh, Michael. . '']'', ], ]. Accessed ], ]. (2 pages.)
*Hughes, John. . '']'', ], ]. (Discusses Wolfowitz's personal character.)
*]. . '']'', Politics, ], ]. Accessed ], ]. (Inc. link to: in the ''New Statesman''.)<!--Whatever sources by Kampfner have been used in this Misplaced Pages article need citations throughout; see unattributed citations to "Kampfner" throughout. See earlier editorial interpolation(s).-->
*–––. ''''. London: ], 2004. ISBN 0743248295 (10). ISBN 978-0743248297 (13). (See book rev. by Phil England.)
*Lekic, Slobodan (]). . '']'', ], ]. Cf. . ''Kabar-indonesia Indo News'', ], ]. Accessed ], ]. (Defunct links.) See for alternative access. Accessed ], ].
*Macewan, Arthur. Wolfowitz at the World Bank". '']'' (archives), ], ]. Accessed ], ].
*Mallaby, Sebastian. . '']'', ], ], Op-Ed: A15. Accessed ], ].
*]. . '']'', ] ].
* at '']''. News updates. Last accessed ], ].
* listed by '']''. Accessed ], ].
*Purdum, Todd S. . '']'', ], ]. (TimesSelect subscription required.)
*] and ]. ''] The Uses of Propaganda in Bush's War on Iraq''. New York: Tarcher/Penguin, 2003. ISBN 1-58542-276-2. London: Constable & Robinson, 2003. ISBN 1-84119-837-4. Sidney: Hodder Headline Australia, 2003. ISBN 0-73361-812-X.
*Sipress, Alan, and Ellen Nakashima. . '']'', ], ]. (On Wolfowitz's tenure as Ambassador to Indonesia.)
*. '']'' News Archive. Updated to inc. "Timeline: World Bank Controversy". (Some articles require TimesSelect subscription for full access; others provide free full access.) Accessed ], ].
*]. . '']'', ], ], Review. Rpt. in ''lawyersagainstthewar.org'', accessed ], ]. Rpt. as "Goat Song: Unanswered Questions—Before, During, After 9/11". ''Dreaming War: Blood for Oil and the Cheney-Bush Junta''. New York: Nation Books/Thunder's Mouth Press, 2002. ISBN 1560255021 (10). ISBN 978-1560255024 (13).
*. '']''. ]. Online posting. ''www.pbs.org'', ], ].
*. ''Bank Information Center'', ''bicusa.org'', ], ]. Accessed ], ]. ("BIC has specifically dedicated this webpage to monitoring Paul Wolfowitz’s presidency. The page is intended to inform individuals, ] organizations and the ], by providing facts and linking to analysis on President Wolfowitz's appointments, speeches and travel schedule. BIC’s intention is to help the public both monitor President Wolfowitz's decisions and interpret their significance." Cf. ''''.)
*]. '']''. New York: Simon & Schuster, 2002. ISBN 0743204735 (10). ISBN 978-0743204736 (13).
*–––. '']''. 2nd ed. New York: Simon & Schuster, 2004. Simon & Schuster. ISBN 074325547X (10). ISBN 978-0743255479 (13).
*–––. '']''. New York: Simon & Schuster, 2006. ISBN 0743272234 (10). ISBN 978-0743272230 (13).

;Additional related official external links
*. Online posting. '']'', ''web.worldbank.org'', ], ]. Accessed ], ].
**, ], ]. Accessed ], ].
*. ''World Bank Annual Report 2005''. Accessed ], ].
*Wolfowitz, Paul. . Online posting. '']'', ''Worldbank.org'', ], ]. Accessed ], ]. (Video and audio links.)

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Latest revision as of 17:33, 19 January 2025

American politician and diplomat (born 1943)

Paul Wolfowitz
Official portrait, 2001
10th President of the World Bank Group
In office
June 1, 2005 – June 30, 2007
Preceded byJames Wolfensohn
Succeeded byRobert Zoellick
28th United States Deputy Secretary of Defense
In office
March 2, 2001 – June 1, 2005
PresidentGeorge W. Bush
SecretaryDonald Rumsfeld
Preceded byRudy de Leon
Succeeded byGordon England
5th Dean of the Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies
In office
1994–2001
Preceded byGeorge R. Packard
Succeeded byJessica Einhorn
Under Secretary of Defense for Policy
In office
May 15, 1989 – January 19, 1993
PresidentGeorge H. W. Bush
Preceded byFred Iklé
Succeeded byFrank G. Wisner
United States Ambassador to Indonesia
In office
April 11, 1986 – May 12, 1989
PresidentRonald Reagan
George H. W. Bush
Preceded byJohn H. Holdridge
Succeeded byJohn Cameron Monjo
16th Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs
In office
December 22, 1982 – March 12, 1986
PresidentRonald Reagan
Preceded byJohn H. Holdridge
Succeeded byGaston J. Sigur Jr.
12th Director of Policy Planning
In office
February 13, 1981 – December 22, 1982
PresidentRonald Reagan
Preceded byAnthony Lake
Succeeded byStephen W. Bosworth
Personal details
Born (1943-12-22) December 22, 1943 (age 81)
New York City, United States
Political partyDemocratic (before 1981)
Republican (1981–present)
Spouse Clare Selgin ​ ​(m. 1968; div. 2002)​
Children3
EducationCornell University (BA)
University of Chicago (MA, PhD)
WebsiteAEI website
This article is part of a series on
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Paul Dundes Wolfowitz (born December 22, 1943, in Brownsville, Brooklyn, New York City) is an American political scientist and diplomat who served as the 10th President of the World Bank, U.S. Deputy Secretary of Defense, U.S. Ambassador to Indonesia, and dean of Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS) at Johns Hopkins University. He is currently a visiting scholar at the American Enterprise Institute.

Having proposed a plan to invade Iraq in 2001, Wolfowitz was an early advocate of the Iraq War and has widely been described as an architect of the war. In the aftermath of the insurgency and civil war that followed the invasion, Wolfowitz denied influencing policy on Iraq and disclaimed responsibility. He is a leading neoconservative.

In 2005, he left the Pentagon to serve as president of the World Bank only to resign after two years over a scandal involving allegations he used his position to help World Bank staffer Shaha Riza to whom he was romantically linked. A Reuters report described his tenure there as "a protracted battle over his stewardship, prompted by his involvement in a high-paying promotion for his companion". Wolfowitz is the only World Bank president to have resigned over a scandal.

Early life

The second child of Jacob Wolfowitz (b. Warsaw; 1910–1981) and Lillian Dundes, Paul Wolfowitz was born in Brownsville, Brooklyn, New York, into a Polish Jewish immigrant family, and grew up mainly in Ithaca, New York, where his father was a professor of statistical theory at Cornell University. As a student at Cornell, Paul Wolfowitz was profoundly impacted by John Hersey's Hiroshima (1946), leading him to become "a soft-spoken former aspiring-mathematician-turned-policymaker ... world views ... were forged by family history and in the halls of academia rather than in the jungles of Vietnam or the corridors of Congress ... ... escaped Poland after World War I. The rest of his father's family perished in the Holocaust."

In the mid-1960s, while Paul was an undergraduate student at Cornell residing at the Cornell Branch of the Telluride Association, he met Clare Selgin, who later became an anthropologist. They married in 1968, had three children and lived in Chevy Chase, Maryland. They separated in 1999, and, according to some sources, became legally separated in 2001 and divorced in 2002.

In late 1999, Wolfowitz began dating Shaha Riza. Their relationship led to controversy later, during his presidency of the World Bank Group.

Wolfowitz speaks five languages in addition to English: Arabic, French, German, Hebrew, and Indonesian. He was reportedly the model for a minor character named Philip Gorman in Saul Bellow's 2000 book Ravelstein.

Education

Wolfowitz entered Cornell University in 1961. He lived in the Telluride House in 1962 and 1963, while philosophy professor Allan Bloom served as a faculty mentor living in the house. In August 1963, he and his mother participated in the civil-rights march on Washington organized by A. Philip Randolph Wolfowitz was a member of the Quill and Dagger society. Wolfowitz graduated in 1965 with a B.A. in mathematics. Against his father's wishes, Wolfowitz decided to go to graduate school to study political science. Wolfowitz would later say that "one of the things that ultimately led me to leave mathematics and go into political science was thinking I could prevent nuclear war."

In 1972, Wolfowitz received a Ph.D. in political science from the University of Chicago, writing his doctoral dissertation on Nuclear Proliferation in the Middle East: The Politics and Economics of Proposals for Nuclear Desalting. At the University of Chicago, Wolfowitz took two courses with Leo Strauss. He completed his dissertation under Albert Wohlstetter. Wohlstetter became Wolfowitz's "mentor". In the words of Wolfowitz's future colleague Richard Perle: "Paul thinks the way Albert thinks." In the summer of 1969, Wohlstetter arranged for Wolfowitz, Perle and Peter Wilson to join the Committee to Maintain a Prudent Defense Policy which was set up by Cold War architects Paul Nitze and Dean Acheson.

While finishing his dissertation, Wolfowitz taught in the department of political science at Yale University from 1970 to 1972; one of his students was future colleague Scooter Libby.

Career

Arms Control and Disarmament Agency

Main article: Team B

In the 1970s, Wolfowitz and Perle served as aides to proto-neoconservative Democratic Senator Henry M. Jackson. A Cold War liberal, Jackson supported higher military spending and a hard line against the Soviet Union alongside more traditional Democratic causes, such as social welfare programs, civil rights, and labor unions.

In 1972, US President Richard Nixon, under pressure from Senator Jackson, dismissed the head of the Arms Control and Disarmament Agency (ACDA) and replaced him with Fred Ikle. Ikle brought in a new team that included Wolfowitz. While at ACDA, Wolfowitz wrote research papers and drafted testimony, as he had previously done at the Committee to Maintain a Prudent Defense Policy. He traveled with Ikle to strategic arms limitations talks in Paris and other European cities. He also helped dissuade South Korea from reprocessing plutonium that could be diverted into a clandestine weapons program.

Under President Gerald Ford, the American intelligence agencies came under attack over their annually published National Intelligence Estimate. According to James Mann, "The underlying issue was whether the C.I.A. and other agencies were underestimating the threat from the Soviet Union, either by intentionally tailoring intelligence to support Kissinger's policy of détente or by simply failing to give enough weight to darker interpretations of Soviet intentions." Attempting to counter these claims, Director of Central Intelligence George H. W. Bush formed a committee of anti-Communist experts, headed by Richard Pipes, to reassess the raw data. Based on the recommendation of Perle, Pipes picked Wolfowitz for this committee, which was later called Team B.

The team's 1976 report, which was leaked to the press, stated that "all the evidence points to an undeviating Soviet commitment to what is euphemistically called the 'worldwide triumph of socialism,' but in fact connotes global Soviet hegemony", highlighting a number of key areas where they believed the government's intelligence analysts had failed. According to Jack Davis, Wolfowitz observed later:

The B-Team demonstrated that it was possible to construct a sharply different view of Soviet motivation from the consensus view of the analysts and one that provided a much closer fit to the Soviets' observed behavior (and also provided a much better forecast of subsequent behavior up to and through the invasion of Afghanistan). The formal presentation of the competing views in a session out at Langley also made clear that the enormous experience and expertise of the B-Team as a group were formidable."

Team B's conclusions have faced criticism. They have been called "worst-case analysis", ignoring the "political, demographic, and economic rot" already eating away at the Soviet system. Wolfowitz reportedly had a central role in Team B, mostly focused on analyzing the role that medium-range missiles played in Soviet military strategy.

In 1978, Wolfowitz was investigated by the FBI for providing intelligence to an Israeli government official while he was still an employee at ACDA. He was accused of handing over a classified document, via an AIPAC intermediary, which detailed the proposed sale of U.S. weapons to an Arab government. An inquiry was launched, but the probe was later dropped and Wolfowitz was never charged.

Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for Regional Programs

In 1977, during the Carter administration, Wolfowitz moved to the Pentagon. He was US Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for Regional Programs for the US Defense Department, under US Secretary of Defense Harold Brown.

In 1980, Wolfowitz resigned from the Pentagon and became a visiting professor at the Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS) at Johns Hopkins University. Shortly after, he joined the Republican Party. According to The Washington Post: "He said it was not he who changed his political philosophy so much as the Democratic Party, which abandoned the hard-headed internationalism of Harry Truman, Kennedy and Jackson."

State Department Director of Policy Planning

Following the 1980 election of President Ronald Reagan, the new National Security Advisor Richard V. Allen formed the administration's foreign policy advisory team. Allen initially rejected Wolfowitz's appointment but following discussions, instigated by former colleague John Lehman, Allen offered Wolfowitz the position of Director of Policy Planning at the Department of State.

President Reagan's foreign policy was heavily influenced by the Kirkpatrick Doctrine, as outlined in a 1979 article in Commentary by Jeane Kirkpatrick entitled "Dictatorships and Double Standards".

Although most governments in the world are, as they always have been, autocracies of one kind or another, no idea holds greater sway in the mind of educated Americans than the belief that it is possible to democratize governments, anytime, anywhere, under any circumstances ... (But) decades, if not centuries, are normally required for people to acquire the necessary disciplines and habits.

Wolfowitz broke from this official line by denouncing Saddam Hussein of Iraq at a time when Donald Rumsfeld was offering the dictator support in his conflict with Iran. James Mann points out: "quite a few neo-conservatives, like Wolfowitz, believed strongly in democratic ideals; they had taken from the philosopher Leo Strauss the notion that there is a moral duty to oppose a leader who is a 'tyrant.'" Other areas where Wolfowitz disagreed with the administration was in his opposition to attempts to open up dialogue with the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) and to the sale of Airborne Warning and Control System (AWACS) aircraft to Saudi Arabia. "In both instances," according to Mann, "Wolfowitz demonstrated himself to be one of the strongest supporters of Israel in the Reagan administration."

Mann stresses: "It was on China that Wolfowitz launched his boldest challenge to the established order." After Nixon and Kissinger had gone to China in the early 1970s, US policy was to make concessions to China as an essential Cold War ally. The Chinese were now pushing for the US to end arms sales to Taiwan, and Wolfowitz used the Chinese incentive as an opportunity to undermine Kissinger's foreign policy toward China. Instead, Wolfowitz advocated a unilateralist policy, claiming that the US did not need China's assistance but that the Chinese needed the US to protect them against the far more-likely prospect of a Soviet invasion of the Chinese mainland. Wolfowitz soon came into conflict with Secretary of State Alexander Haig, who had been Kissinger's assistant at the time of the visits to China. On March 30, 1982, The New York Times predicted that "Paul D. Wolfowitz, the director of policy planning ... will be replaced", because "Mr. Haig found Mr. Wolfowitz too theoretical." Instead, on June 25, 1982, Haig was replaced by George Shultz as US Secretary of State, and Wolfowitz was promoted.

State Department Assistant Secretary for East Asian and Pacific Affairs

In 1982, Secretary of State Shultz appointed Wolfowitz as Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs.

Jeane Kirkpatrick, on a visit to the Philippines, was welcomed by the dictator Ferdinand Marcos who quoted heavily from her 1979 Commentary article Dictatorships and Double Standards; although Kirkpatrick had been forced to speak out in favor of democracy, the article continued to influence Reagan's policy toward Marcos. Following the assassination of Philippine opposition leader Benigno Aquino Jr. in 1983, many within the Reagan administration including the President himself began to fear that the Philippines could fall to the communists and the US military would lose its strongholds at Clark Air Force Base and Subic Bay Naval Station. Wolfowitz tried to change the administration's policy, stating in an April 15, 1985, article in The Wall Street Journal that "The best antidote to Communism is democracy." Wolfowitz and his assistant Lewis Libby made trips to Manila where they called for democratic reforms and met with non-communist opposition leaders.

Mann points out that "the Reagan administration's decision to support democratic government in the Philippines had been hesitant, messy, crisis-driven and skewed by the desire to do what was necessary to protect the American military installations." Following massive street protests, Marcos fled the country on a US Air Force plane and the US recognized the government of Corazón Aquino.

Ambassador to the Republic of Indonesia

Paul Wolfowitz (center) during his tenure as United States Ambassador to the Republic of Indonesia in 1987.
U.S. Ambassador to Indonesia Paul Wolfowitz, wearing local Indonesian traditional Batik Shirt, during a visit to local School

From 1986 to 1989, during the military-backed government of President Suharto, Wolfowitz was the US Ambassador to the Republic of Indonesia.

According to Peter J. Boyer,

Wolfowitz's appointment to Indonesia was not an immediately obvious match. He was a Jew representing America in the largest Muslim republic in the world, an advocate of democracy in Suharto's dictatorship. But Wolfowitz's tenure as Ambassador was a notable success, largely because, in essence, he went native. With tutoring help from his driver, he learned the language, and hurled himself into the culture. He attended academic seminars, climbed volcanoes, and toured the neighborhoods of Jakarta.

Sipress and Nakashima reported that "Wolfowitz's colleagues and friends, both Indonesian and American" pointed to the "U.S. envoy's quiet pursuit of political and economic reforms in Indonesia." Dewi Fortuna Anwar, a foreign policy adviser to B. J. Habibie, Suharto's successor as head of state (1998–99), stated "that Wolfowitz was a competent and popular envoy." But "he never intervened to push human rights or stand up to corruption."

Officials involved in the USAID program during Wolfowitz's tenure told The Washington Post that he "took a keen personal interest in development, including health care, agriculture and private sector expansion" and that "Wolfowitz canceled food assistance to the Indonesian government out of concern that Suharto's family, which had an ownership interest in the country's only flour mill, was indirectly benefiting."

In "The Tragedy of Suharto", published in May 1998, in The Wall Street Journal, Wolfowitz states:

Although it is fashionable to blame all of Asia's present problems on corruption and the failure of Asian values, it is at bottom a case of a bubble bursting, of too many imprudent lenders chasing too many incautious borrowers. But the greed of Mr. Suharto's children ensured that their father would take the lion's share of the blame for Indonesia's financial collapse. The Suharto children's favored position became a major obstacle to the measures needed to restore economic confidence. Worst of all, they ensured that the economic crisis would be a political crisis as well. That he allowed this, and that he amassed such wealth himself, is all the more mysterious since he lived a relatively modest life.

After the 2002 Bali bombing, on October 18, 2002, then Deputy Secretary of Defense Wolfowitz observed that "the reason the terrorists are successful in Indonesia is because the Suharto regime fell and the methods that were used to suppress them are gone."

Undersecretary of Defense for Policy

Flag of the Under Secretary of Defense for Policy.
Gen. Colin Powell, Gen. Norman Schwarzkopf, and Under Sec. Wolfowitz listen as Defense Sec. Dick Cheney briefs reporters during the Gulf War in February 1991

From 1989 to 1993, Wolfowitz served in the administration of George H. W. Bush as Under Secretary of Defense for Policy, under then US Secretary of Defense Dick Cheney. During the 1991 Persian Gulf War, Wolfowitz's team coordinated and reviewed military strategy, raising $50 billion in allied financial support for the operation. Wolfowitz was present with Cheney, Colin Powell and others, on February 27, 1991, at the meeting with the President where it was decided that the troops should be demobilized.

On February 25, 1998, Wolfowitz testified before a congressional committee that he thought that "the best opportunity to overthrow Saddam was, unfortunately, lost in the month right after the war." Wolfowitz added that he was horrified in March as "Saddam Hussein flew helicopters that slaughtered the people in the south and in the north who were rising up against him, while American fighter pilots flew overhead, desperately eager to shoot down those helicopters, and not allowed to do so." During that hearing, he also stated: "Some people might say—and I think I would sympathise with this view—that perhaps if we had delayed the ceasefire by a few more days, we might have got rid of Saddam Hussein."

After the 1991 Persian Gulf War, Wolfowitz and his then-assistant Scooter Libby wrote the "Defense Planning Guidance of 1992" (DPG), which came to be known as the Wolfowitz Doctrine, to "set the nation's direction for the next century." As military strategist Andrew Bacevich described the doctrine:

Before this classified document was fully vetted by the White House, it was leaked to The New York Times, which made it front-page news. The draft DPG announced that it had become the "first objective" of U.S. policy "to prevent the re-emergence of a new rival." With an eye toward "deterring potential competitors from even aspiring to a larger regional or global role," the United States would maintain unquestioned military superiority and, if necessary, employ force unilaterally. As window dressing, allies might be nice, but the United States no longer considered them necessary.

At that time, the official administration line was "containment", and the contents of Wolfowitz's plan calling for "preemption" and "unilateralism" was opposed by Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Colin Powell and President Bush. Defense Secretary Cheney produced a revised plan released in 1992. Many of the ideas in the Wolfowitz Doctrine later became part of the Bush Doctrine. He left the government after the 1992 election.

Johns Hopkins University

Main article: Project for the New American Century

From 1994 to 2001, Wolfowitz served as Professor of International Relations and Dean of the Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS) at Johns Hopkins University. He was instrumental in adding more than $75 million to the university's endowment, developing an international finance concentration as part of the curriculum, and combining the various Asian studies programs into one department. He also advised Bob Dole on foreign policy during his 1996 US presidential election campaign, which was managed by Donald Rumsfeld.

According to Kampfner, "Wolfowitz used his perch at the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies as a test-bed for a new conservative world vision." Wolfowitz was associated with the Project for the New American Century (PNAC); he signed both the PNAC's June 3, 1997 "Statement of Principles", and its January 26, 1998, open letter to President Bill Clinton.

In February 1998, Wolfowitz testified before a congressional hearing, stating that the current administration lacked the sense of purpose to "liberate ourselves, our friends and allies in the region, and the Iraqi people themselves from the menace of Saddam Hussein."

In September 2000, the PNAC produced a 90-page report entitled Rebuilding America's Defenses: Strategies, Forces and Resources for a New Century, advocating the redeployment of US troops in permanent bases in strategic locations throughout the world where they can be ready to act to protect US interests abroad. During the 2000 US presidential election campaign, Wolfowitz served as a foreign policy advisor to George W. Bush as part of the group led by Condoleezza Rice calling itself The Vulcans.

Deputy Secretary of Defense

Wolfowitz and Dutch Foreign Minister Jozias van Aartsen, 2001
President George W. Bush, Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld, and Deputy Secretary Wolfowitz in March 2003
Wolfowitz with Chairman of The Joint Chiefs of Staff General Richard B. Myers at Andrews Air Force Base, May 14, 2004.
Wolfowitz meets with Qatari Emir Hamad bin Khalifa Al Thani, October 5, 2001
Dep. Sec. Wolfowitz is escorted by Army General David Petraeus as he tours Mosul, Iraq, July 21, 2003
Wolfowitz, Rumsfeld, and General Richard Myers testifying before the 9/11 Commission in March 2004
Wolfowitz and Rear Admiral Robert T. Moeller aboard the USS Ronald Reagan in July 2004
Deputy Secretary Wolfowitz departs the USS Abraham Lincoln (CVN-72) in January 2005

From 2001 to 2005, during the George W. Bush administration, Wolfowitz served as U.S. Deputy Secretary of Defense reporting to U.S. Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld.

The September 11 attacks in 2001 were a turning point in administration policy, as Wolfowitz later explained: "9/11 really was a wake up call and that if we take proper advantage of this opportunity to prevent the future terrorist use of weapons of mass destruction that it will have been an extremely valuable wake up call," adding: "if we say our only problem was to respond to 9/11, and we wait until somebody hits us with nuclear weapons before we take that kind of threat seriously, we will have made a very big mistake."

In the first emergency meeting of the National Security Council on the day of the attacks, Rumsfeld asked, "Why shouldn't we go against Iraq, not just al-Qaeda?" with Wolfowitz adding that Iraq was a "brittle, oppressive regime that might break easily—it was doable," and, according to John Kampfner, "from that moment on, he and Wolfowitz used every available opportunity to press the case." The idea was initially rejected, at the behest of Secretary of State Colin Powell, but, according to Kampfner, "Undeterred Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz held secret meetings about opening up a second front—against Saddam. Powell was excluded." In such meetings they created a policy that would later be dubbed the Bush Doctrine, centering on "pre-emption" and the war on Iraq, which the PNAC had advocated in their earlier letters.

After the September 11 attacks, the US invaded Afghanistan to fight Al-Qaeda, which had orchestrated the attack. The invasion of Afghanistan began on October 7, 2001. On October 10, 2001, George Robertson, then Secretary-General of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, went to the Pentagon to offer NATO troops, planes and ships to assist. Wolfowitz rebuffed the offer, saying: "We can do everything we need to." Wolfowitz later announced publicly, according to Kampfner, "that 'allies, coalitions and diplomacy' were of little immediate concern."

Ten months later, on January 15, 2003, with hostilities still continuing, Wolfowitz made a fifteen-hour visit to the Afghan capital, Kabul, and met with the new president Hamid Karzai. Wolfowitz stated, "We're clearly moving into a different phase, where our priority in Afghanistan is increasingly going to be stability and reconstruction. There's no way to go too fast. Faster is better." Despite the promises, according to Hersh, "little effort to provide the military and economic resources" necessary for reconstruction was made. This criticism would also re-occur after the 2003 invasion of Iraq later that year.

On April 16, 2002, the National Solidarity Rally for Israel was called in Washington to promote US support and collaboration with Israel. Wolfowitz was the sole representative of the Bush administration to attend, speaking alongside Former Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and former New York Mayor Rudolph Giuliani. As reported by the BBC, Wolfowitz told the crowd that US President George W. Bush "wants you to know that he stands in solidarity with you". Sharon Samber and Matthew E. Berger reported for Jewish Telegraphic Agency (JTA) that Wolfowitz continued by saying that "Innocent Palestinians are suffering and dying as well. It is critical that we recognize and acknowledge that fact," before being booed and drowned out by chants of "No more Arafat."

Following the invasion of Afghanistan the Bush administration had started to plan for the next stage of the War on Terror. According to John Kampfner, "Emboldened by their experience in Afghanistan, they saw the opportunity to root out hostile regimes in the Middle East and to implant very American interpretations of democracy and free markets, from Iraq to Iran and Saudi Arabia. Wolfowitz epitomized this view." Wolfowitz "saw a liberated Iraq as both paradigm and linchpin for future interventions." The 2003 invasion of Iraq began on March 19.

Prior to the invasion, Wolfowitz actively championed it, as he later stated: "For reasons that have a lot to do with the U.S. government bureaucracy we settled on the one issue that everyone could agree on which was weapons of mass destruction as the core reason"

The job of finding WMD and providing justification for the attack would fall to the intelligence services, but, according to Kampfner, "Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz believed that, while the established security services had a role, they were too bureaucratic and too traditional in their thinking." As a result, "they set up what came to be known as the 'cabal', a cell of eight or nine analysts in a new Office of Special Plans (OSP) based in the U.S. Defense Department." According to an unnamed Pentagon source quoted by Hersh, the OSP "was created in order to find evidence of what Wolfowitz and his boss, Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld, believed to be true—that Saddam Hussein had close ties to Al Qaeda, and that Iraq had an enormous arsenal of chemical, biological, and possibly even nuclear weapons that threatened the region and, potentially, the United States."

Within months of being set up, the OSP "rivaled both the CIA and the Pentagon's Defense Intelligence Agency, the DIA, as President Bush's main source of intelligence regarding Iraq's possible possession of weapons of mass destruction and connection with Al Qaeda." Hersh explains that the OSP "relied on data gathered by other intelligence agencies and also on information provided by the Iraqi National Congress, or INC, the exile group headed by Ahmad Chalabi." According to Kampfner, the CIA had ended its funding of the INC "in the mid-1990s when doubts were cast about Chalabi's reliability." Nevertheless, "as the administration geared up for conflict with Saddam, Chalabi was welcomed in the inner sanctum of the Pentagon" under the auspices of the OSP, and "Wolfowitz did not see fit to challenge any of Chalabi's information." The actions of the OSP have led to accusation of the Bush administration "fixing intelligence to support policy" with the aim of influencing Congress in its use of the War Powers Act.

Kampfner outlined Wolfowitz's strategy for the 2003 invasion of Iraq, which "envisaged the use of air support and the occupation of southern Iraq with ground troops, to install a new government run by Ahmed Chalabi's Iraqi National Congress." Wolfowitz believed that the operation would require minimal troop deployment, Hersh explains, because "any show of force would immediately trigger a revolt against Saddam within Iraq, and that it would quickly expand." The financial expenditure would be kept low, Kampfner observes, if "under the plan American troops would seize the oil fields around Basra, in the South, and sell the oil to finance the opposition."

On March 27, 2003, Wolfowitz told the House Appropriations Committee that oil revenue earned by Iraq alone would pay for Iraq's reconstruction after the Iraq war; he testified his "rough recollection" was: "The oil revenues of that country could bring between $50 and $100 billion over the course of the next two or three years. Now, there are a lot of claims on that money, but ... We are dealing with a country that can really finance its own reconstruction and relatively soon." By October of that year, "Lawrence Di Rita, the Pentagon's chief spokesman, said 'prewar estimates that may be borne out in fact are likelier to be more lucky than smart.' added that earlier estimates and statements by Mr. Wolfowitz and others 'oozed with uncertainty.'" Di Rita's comments came as a much less optimistic secret Pentagon study—which had been complete at the time of Wolfowitz's testimony—was coming to public light, and when actual production results in Iraq were coinciding with those projected in the less optimistic Pentagon study.

During Wolfowitz's pre-war testimony before Congress, he dismissed General Eric K. Shinseki's estimates of the size of the post war occupation force which would be needed. General Shinseki testified to the US Senate Armed Services Committee on February 25, 2003, that "something in the order of several hundred thousand soldiers" would probably be required for postwar Iraq. By contrast, Wolfowitz estimated that fewer than 100,000 troops would be necessary in Iraq. Two days after Shinseki testified, Wolfowitz said to the House Budget Committee on February 27, 2003:

There has been a good deal of comment—some of it quite outlandish—about what our postwar requirements might be in Iraq. Some of the higher end predictions we have been hearing recently, such as the notion that it will take several hundred thousand U.S. troops to provide stability in post-Saddam Iraq, are wildly off the mark. It is hard to conceive that it would take more forces to provide stability in post-Saddam Iraq than it would take to conduct the war itself and to secure the surrender of Saddam's security forces and his army—hard to imagine.

On October 26, 2003, while in Baghdad staying at the Al-Rashid Hotel Wolfowitz narrowly escaped an attack when six rockets hit the floors below his room. Army Lt. Col. Charles H. Buehring was killed and seventeen other soldiers were wounded. Wolfowitz and his DOD staffers escaped unharmed and returned to the United States on October 28, 2003.

President of the World Bank

Press conference at G8 Summit (Paul Wolfowitz standing at rear on right)

In March 2005, Wolfowitz was nominated to be president of the World Bank by US President George W. Bush. Criticism of his nomination appeared in the media. Nobel Laureate in Economics and former chief economist for the World Bank Joseph Stiglitz said: "'The World Bank will once again become a hate figure. This could bring street protests and violence across the developing world.'" In a speech at the U.N. Economic and Social Council, economist Jeffrey Sachs also opposed Wolfowitz: "It's time for other candidates to come forward that have experience in development. This is a position on which hundreds of millions of people depend for their lives ... Let's have a proper leadership of professionalism."

In the US, there was some praise for the nomination. An editorial in The Wall Street Journal stated:

Mr. Wolfowitz is willing to speak the truth to power ... he saw earlier than most, and spoke publicly about, the need for dictators to plan democratic transitions. It is the world's dictators who are the chief causes of world poverty. If anyone can stand up to the Robert Mugabes of the world, it must be the man who stood up to Saddam Hussein.

He was confirmed and became president on June 1, 2005. He soon attended the 31st G8 summit to discuss issues of global climate change and the economic development in Africa. When this meeting was interrupted by the July 7, 2005 London bombings, Wolfowitz was present with other world leaders at the press conference given by British Prime Minister Tony Blair.

Several of Wolfowitz's initial appointments at the bank proved controversial, including two US nationals (Robin Cleveland and Kevin Kellems) formerly with the Bush administration, whom he appointed as close advisors with $250,000 tax-free contracts. Another appointee, Juan José Daboub, faced criticism, including from his colleagues, for attempting to bring policies on climate change and family planning towards a more conservative position.

Wolfowitz gave special emphasis to two particular issues. Identifying Sub-Saharan Africa as the region most challenged to improve living standards, he traveled widely in the region. He also made clear his focus on fighting corruption. Several aspects of the latter program raised controversy. Overturning the names produced by a formal search process, he appointed a figure linked to the US Republican party to head the bank's internal watchdog. Member countries worried that Wolfowitz's willingness to suspend lending to countries on grounds of corruption was vulnerable to selective application in line with US foreign policy interests. In a debate on the proposed Governance and Anti-Corruption Strategy at the bank's 2006 Annual Meetings, shareholders directed Wolfowitz to undertake extensive consultations and revise the strategy to show how objective measures of corruption would be incorporated into decisions and how the shareholders' representatives on the bank's Board would play a key role. Following the consultations and revisions, the Board approved a revised strategy in spring 2007.

Controversies

Wolfowitz's relationship with Shaha Riza

Main article: Shaha Riza

After President George W. Bush nominated Wolfowitz as president of the World Bank, journalists reported that Wolfowitz was involved in a relationship with World Bank Senior Communications Officer (and Acting Manager of External Affairs) for the Middle East and North Africa Regional Office Shaha Ali Riza. According to Richard Leiby, of The Washington Post, Riza is "an Oxford-educated British citizen, was born in Tunisia and grew up in Saudi Arabia. She is known for her expertise on women's rights and has been listed on the bank's Web site as a media contact for Iraq reconstruction issues." According to Leiby and Linton Weeks, in their essay "In the Shadow of a Scandal", Riza's employment at the World Bank predated Wolfowitz's nomination as Bank president: "Riza started at the World Bank as a consultant in July 1997 and became a full-time employee in 1999"; and the relationship between Riza and Wolfowitz pre-dated it as well:

In the early 1990s, Riza joined the National Endowment for Democracy and is credited there with development of the organization's Middle East program. Wolfowitz was on the endowment's board—which is how Riza first met him, according to Turkish journalist Cengiz Candar, a friend of the couple. "Shaha was married at the time and Paul was married," Candar recalled, and it wasn't until late 1999—after Riza divorced and Wolfowitz had separated from his wife of 30 years, Clare Selgin Wolfowitz—that the couple began dating."

When Wolfowitz was considered for head of the CIA after the 2000 election, Clare Wolfowitz wrote President-elect George Bush a letter telling him that her husband's relationship with a foreign national—Riza—posed a national security risk. It has been reported that Scooter Libby intercepted the letter. Sidney Blumenthal also reported on the letter Clare Wolfowitz wrote:

This embittered letter remained a closely guarded secret, although a former high official of the CIA told me about it. Chris Nelson also reported it on April 16 in his widely respected, nonpartisan foreign policy newsletter: "A certain Ms. Riza was even then Wolfowitz's true love. The problem for the CIA wasn't just that she was a foreign national, although that was and is today an issue for anyone interested in CIA employment. The problem was that Wolfowitz was married to someone else, and that someone was really angry about it, and she found a way to bring her complaint directly to the President. So when we, with our characteristic innocence, put Wolfowitz on our short-list for CIA, we were instantly told, by a very, very, very senior Republican foreign policy operative, 'I don't think so.' " The Daily Mail of London also reported on his wife's letter when Wolfowitz was appointed president of the World Bank in 2005.

According to the London Sunday Times on March 20, 2005, despite their cultural differences:

Riza, an Arab feminist who confounds portrayals of Wolfowitz as a leader of a "Zionist conspiracy" of Jewish neoconservatives in Washington ... works as the bank's senior gender co-ordinator for the Middle East and North Africa ... not only shares Wolfowitz's passion for spreading democracy in the Arab world, but is said to have reinforced his determination to remove Saddam Hussein's oppressive regime.

The relationship created further controversy over Wolfowitz's nomination to head the World Bank, because the bank's ethics rules preclude sexual relationships between a manager and a staff member serving under that manager, even if one reports to the other only indirectly through a chain of supervision.

Wolfowitz initially proposed to the World Bank's Ethics Committee that he recuse himself from personnel matters regarding Riza, but the committee rejected that proposal. Riza was "seconded to the State Department", or placed on "external assignment", assigned "a job at the state department under Liz Cheney, the daughter of the vice-president, promoting democracy in the Middle East". She "was also moved up to a managerial pay grade in compensation for the disruption to her career", resulting in a raise of over $60,000, as well as guarantees of future increases; "The staff association claims that the pay rise was more than double the amount allowed under employee guidelines." A promotion and raise had been among the options suggested by a World Bank ethics committee that was set up to advise on the situation. According to Steven R. Weisman, however, in a report published in The New York Times, the then-current chair of the committee emphasized that he was not informed at the time of the details or extent of the present and future raises built into the agreement with Riza. Wolfowitz referred to the controversy concerning his relationship with Riza in a statement posted on the website of the World Bank at the time (April 12, 2007).

The affair resurfaced in headlines in 2011.

Wolfowitz's leadership of the World Bank Group

In early 2007, Fox News published on a series of investigative stories on the World Bank, based in part on leaks of internal bank documents. On April 11, 2007, Reuters and Al Kamen in The Washington Post, reported that Wolfowitz and the World Bank board had hired the Williams & Connolly law firm to oversee an investigation into the leaking of internal bank documents to Fox News. Those reports cite an internal memo to the bank staff later posted on the internet, dated April 9, 2007, in which the World Bank's general counsel, Ana Palacio, states that the bank's legal staff was scrutinizing two articles by investigative reporter Richard Behar published on the website of Fox News on January 31 and March 27, 2007. A day after the second report published by Behar, on March 28, 2007, Kamen had disclosed that "Bank records obtained by the Government Accountability Project" documented pay raises in excess of Bank policies given to Shaha Riza.

On April 12, 2007, the London Financial Times reported that, in a 2005 memorandum, Wolfowitz had personally directed the bank's human resources chief to offer Riza a large pay rise and promotion, according to two anonymous sources who told the Financial Times that they had seen the memo. The memo was part of a package of 102 pages of documents released by the bank on April 14, 2007.

On April 14, 2007, after reviewing these documents, the Financial Times concluded that it was "a potentially fatal blow" to Wolfowitz. In contrast, Fox News concluded that the new documents might offer Wolfowitz a "new lifeline" in the scandal, because the bank's ethics committee had launched a review of the Riza compensation case in early 2006 and concluded that it did not warrant any further attention by the committee. Wolfowitz failed, on April 19, 2007, to attend a high-profile meeting and the controversy led to disruption at the World Bank when some employees wore blue ribbons "in a display of defiance against his leadership."

World Bank Group's board of executive directors and staffers complained also that Wolfowitz was imposing Bush administration policies to eliminate family planning from World Bank programs. According to Nicole Gaouette, in her report published in the Los Angeles Times on April 19, 2007, Juan José Daboub—the managing director whom Wolfowitz had appointed who has also been criticized for overly-conservative policies concerning climate change and "a Roman Catholic with ties to a conservative Salvadoran political party"—repeatedly deleted references to family planning from World Bank proposals.

On May 14, 2007, the World Bank committee investigating the alleged ethics violations reported (in part):

  • "Mr. Wolfowitz's contract requiring that he adhere to the Code of Conduct for board officials and that he avoid any conflict of interest, real or apparent, were violated";
  • "The salary increase Ms. Riza received at Mr. Wolfowitz's direction was in excess of the range established by Rule 6.01";
  • "The ad hoc group concludes that in actuality, Mr Wolfowitz from the outset cast himself in opposition to the established rules of the institution"; and
  • "He did not accept the bank's policy on conflict of interest, so he sought to negotiate for himself a resolution different from that which would have applied to the staff he was selected to head."

Wolfowitz appeared before the World Bank Group's board of executive directors to respond on May 15. Adams speculated that "With Mr Wolfowitz so far refusing to step down, the board may need to take radical action to break the stalemate. Members have discussed a range of options, including sacking Mr Wolfowitz, issuing a vote of no confidence or reprimanding him. Some board members argue that a vote of no confidence would make it impossible for him to stay in the job." By Wednesday, May 16, 2007, The New York Times, reported that "after six weeks of fighting efforts to oust him as president ... Wolfowitz began today to negotiate the terms of his possible resignation, in return for the bank dropping or softening the charge that he had engaged in misconduct ..." After expressions from the Bush administration that it "fully" supported Wolfowitz as World Bank president and its urging a "fair hearing" for him, President Bush expressed "regret" at Wolfowitz's impending resignation.

On May 17, 2007, the World Bank Group's board of Executive Directors announced that Paul Wolfowitz would resign as World Bank Group president at the end of June 2007.

Recent activities

As a visiting scholar of the American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research, Wolfowitz has blogged for the group and appeared in group events. In 2011, he wrote columns that appeared in publications such as The Independent, The Sunday Times, and Newsweek.

Wolfowitz is a former steering committee member of the Bilderberg group.

In February 2013, Wolfowitz publicly supported legal recognition for same-sex marriage in an amicus brief submitted to the US Supreme Court.

In February 2015, Wolfowitz advised presidential candidate Jeb Bush.

In August 2016, Wolfowitz announced his intention to vote for Hillary Clinton in the 2016 United States presidential election, despite having "serious reservations about her." However, in a December interview on Fox Business, Wolfowitz claimed that he did not in fact vote for Clinton.

In January 2017, Wolfowitz wrote an op-ed in The New York Times commenting on a "dissent cable" that had been signed by 1,000 Foreign Service Officers criticizing President Trump's executive action on immigration.

In February 2023, Wolfowitz was awarded Order of Brilliant Star with Grand Cordon by President of the Republic of China Tsai Ing-wen.

See also

Notes

  1. Zachary A. Goldfarb, "Wolfowitz Joins Think Tank as Visiting Scholar", online posting, The New Yorker, July 3, 2007, accessed July 3, 2007.
  2. keller, bill (September 22, 2002). "The Sunshine Warrior". The New York Times. Retrieved May 6, 2019.
  3. ^ Topaz, Jonathan (June 17, 2014). "Wolfowitz: Not Iraq War 'architect'". Politico. Retrieved May 6, 2019.
  4. Purdum, Todd (February 1, 2003). "The Brains Behind Bush's War Policy". The New York Times. Retrieved May 6, 2019.
  5. "Wolfowitz Retreats on Al Qaeda Charge". The New York Times. September 13, 2003. Retrieved May 6, 2019.
  6. Draper, Robert (2020). To Start a War: How the Bush Administration took America into Iraq. Penguin Press. ISBN 978-0-525-56104-0. OCLC 1124907438.
  7. Harnden, Toby (March 18, 2013). "10 Years On, Paul Wolfowitz Admits U.S. Bungled in Iraq". Politico. Retrieved May 6, 2019.
  8. Paul, Reynolds (March 17, 2005). "Wolfowitz to spread neo-con gospel". BBC. Retrieved April 8, 2009.
  9. Ostroy, Andy (June 20, 2014). "Dick Cheney's Big Neo-Con Con". The Huffington Post. Retrieved August 6, 2016.
  10. King, Neil; Hitt, Greg (May 18, 2007). "Wolfowitz Quits World Bank as U.S. Relents". The Wall Street Journal. Retrieved March 23, 2020.
  11. "Statements of Executive Directors and President Wolfowitz", World Bank Group, May 17, 2007, accessed May 17, 2007.
  12. Matthew Jones, "Wolfowitz Exit Seen Clearing Way for Progress", Reuters (UK), May 18, 2007, accessed May 18, 2007.
  13. Parker, Jennifer. "World Bank Chief Paul Wolfowitz Resigns". ABC News. Retrieved March 23, 2020.
  14. ^ Suzanne Goldenberg, "Guardian Profile: Paul Wolfowitz", The Guardian, April 1, 2005, accessed May 1, 2007.
  15. ^ David Dudley, "Paul's Choice", Cornell Alumni Magazine Online 107.1 (July/August 2004), accessed May 17, 2007.
  16. Lewis D. Solomon: PAUL D. WOLFOWITZ. Visionary Intellectual, Policymaker, and Strategist. 2007 ISBN 978-0-275-99587-4 https://api.pageplace.de/preview/DT0400.9780275995881_A47347221/preview-9780275995881_A47347221.pdf
  17. ^ Eric Schmitt, "The Busy Life of Being a Lightning Rod for Bush", The New York Times, April 22, 2002, accessed March 24, 2008.
  18. ^ John Cassidy, "The Next Crusade: Paul Wolfowitz at the World Bank", online posting, The New Yorker, April 9, 2007, accessed May 7, 2007.
  19. ^ Linton Weeks and Richard Leiby, "In the Shadow of a Scandal", The Washington Post, May 10, 2007, Retrieved May 10, 2007. (Page 2 of 3 pages.)
  20. ^ Ivo H. Daalder; James H. Lindsay (2005). America Unbound: The Bush Revolution in Foreign Policy. Wiley. p. 26. ISBN 978-0471741503.
  21. James Mann, Rise of the Vulcans: the history of Bush's war cabinet (2004) pp. 28–31
  22. ^ Bacevich, Andrew, A Letter to Paul Wolfowitz, Harper's (March 2013)
  23. "Profile: Paul Wolfowitz Archived May 19, 2007, at the Wayback Machine, Right Web (International Relations Center), updated April 19, 2007, accessed May 21, 2007.
  24. Kit Oldham, "Cyberpedia Library: Jackson, Henry M. 'Scoop' (1912–1983): HistoryLink.org Essay 5516", historylink.org (The Online Encyclopedia of Washington State History), August 19, 2003, accessed May 17, 2007.
  25. Sam Tanenhaus, "The Hard Liner" 2 November 2003
  26. Qtd. by Jack Davis, "The Challenge of Managing Uncertainty: Paul Wolfowitz on Intelligence-Policy Relations", Studies in Intelligence 39.5 (1996):35–42, accessed May 21, 2007. ("Jack Davis served in the Directorate of Intelligence.)
  27. "FBI probes DOD office - (United Press International)". The Washington Times. January 13, 2005. Archived from the original on January 13, 2005. Retrieved October 11, 2022.
  28. Michael Dobbs, "For Wolfowitz, a Vision May Be Realized", The Washington Post, April 7, 2003, accessed April 16, 2007.
  29. James Mann, Rise of the Vulcans: the history of Bush's war cabinet (2004) p. 93
  30. ^ AP, "Indonesian Rights Groups Denounce Wolfowitz' World Bank Nomination", online posting, Alliance for Reform and Democracy in Asia, March 22, 2005, accessed June 20, 2007.
  31. Peter J. Boyer, "The Believer: Paul Wolfowitz Defends His War", online posting, The New Yorker, November 1, 2004, accessed November 26, 2014 (7 pages).
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  33. Paul Wolfowitz, "The Tragedy of Suharto" Archived 2005-02-08 at the Wayback Machine, The Wall Street Journal, May 27, 1998, accessed April 16, 2007.
  34. As qtd. in Scott Burchill, "What the West Wants from Indonesia" Archived September 29, 2007, at the Wayback Machine, Z Magazine, October 1, 2003, accessed June 7, 2007.
  35. Transcript of hearing, Committee on International Relations, "U.S. Options in Confronting Iraq", February 25, 1998, accessed April 17, 2007.
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  38. Elliott Abrams, et al., "Open letter to President Bill Clinton," Project for the New American Century, January 26, 1998, accessed May 24, 2007.
  39. U.S. House Committee on International Relations, "U.S. Options in Confronting Iraq", February 25, 1998, accessed April 18, 2007.
  40. Rebuilding America's Defenses: Strategies, Forces and Resources for a New Century, Project for the New American Century, September 2000, accessed May 14, 2007.
  41. Martin Sieff, "Mission Accomplished: Archived March 7, 2008, at the Wayback Machine Bush's Brain Trust Had a Grand Plan for the Middle East. The Results Are Coming Home Every Day in Body Bags", Slate, April 8, 2004, accessed May 19, 2007.
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  43. Kampfner, John (2003). Blair's wars. Simon and Schuster. p. 156. ISBN 978-0-7432-4829-7.
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  48. Qtd. in Associated Press, "Wolfowitz Comments Revive Doubts Over Iraq's WMD", USA Today, May 30, 2003, accessed May 8, 2007.
  49. ^ Gerth, Jeff, "Report Offered Bleak Outlook About Iraq Oil, The New York Times, October 5, 2003. Retrieved September 5, 2010. Referenced in Frank Rich, "Freedom's just another word", The New York Times, September 4, 2010 (September 5, 2010, p. WK8, NY ed.).
  50. Paul Blustein, "Wolfowitz Strives To Quell Criticism", The Washington Post, March 21, 2005, accessed April 18, 2007.
  51. Schmitt, Eric (February 28, 2003). "Pentagon Contradicts General on Iraq Occupation Force's Size". The New York Times. Retrieved April 4, 2012.
  52. Jane Arraf, "Bold, Well-executed Attack", CNN, October 26, 2003, accessed April 18, 2007.
  53. "DoD Identifies Army Casualty", United States Department of Defense, October 27, 2003, accessed April 18, 2007.
  54. Paul Blustein and Peter Baker, "Wolfowitz Picked for World Bank", The Washington Post, March 27, 2005, accessed January 3, 2009.
  55. Alan Beattie and Edward Alden, "Shareholders' dismay at lack of consultation", The Financial Times, March 16, 2005, accessed April 16, 2007.
  56. Peston, Robert (March 20, 2005). "Stiglitz warns of violence if Wolfowitz goes to World Bank". The Daily Telegraph. Archived from the original on January 12, 2022. Retrieved May 8, 2012.
  57. "Many Wary, Some Cheer Wolfowitz Pick" Archived October 1, 2007, at the Wayback Machine, Al Jazeera, April 16, 2007, accessed April 16, 2007.
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  59. Karen DeYoung, "Wolfowitz Clashed Repeatedly With World Bank Staff: Tenure as President Has Been Rocky", The Washington Post, April 15, 2007: A12, accessed May 1, 2007.
  60. ^ Nicole Gaouette, "World Bank May Target Family Planning: Repeated Absence of References to Birth Control in Internal Reports Alarms Women's Health Advocates", The Los Angeles Times, April 19, 2007, accessed May 1, 2007.
  61. ^ Krishna Guha, "Wolfowitz Deputy Under Fire for Climate Change", The Financial Times, April 24, 2007, updated April 25, 2007, accessed May 2, 2007.
  62. Philip Sherwell, "Special 'relationship' Behind US West Asia policy", The Telegraph, August 1, 2002, Retrieved April 18, 2007.
  63. ^ Richard Leiby, "Reliable Source: What Will the Neighbors Say?", The Washington Post, March 22, 2007, C-03, Retrieved May 1, 2007.
  64. How Cheney took control of Bush's foreign policy Archived October 12, 2008, at the Wayback Machine, Craig Unger, Salon.com, November 9, 2007; Interview with Vanity Fair contributing editor Craig Unger, David Shankbone, Wikinews, November 12, 2007
  65. Libby and Wolfie: A Story of Reacharounds Archived June 22, 2007, at the Wayback Machine, Ward Harkarvey, The Village Voice, June 14, 2007.
  66. Wolfowitz's tomb, Sidney Blumenthal, Salon.com, May 24, 2007.
  67. "Profile: Paul Wolfowitz: Hawk with a Lot of Loot Needs a Bit of Lady Luck", The Sunday Times, March 20, 2005, Retrieved April 18, 2007.
  68. Greg Hitt, "World Bank Ex-Board Member Disputes Wolfowitz", The Wall Street Journal, May 2, 2007, A8, Retrieved May 8, 2007 (restricted access; free preview); rpt. 2-2007/ "World Bank Ex-Board Member Disputes Wolfowitz", goldnotes.wordpress.com, May 2, 2007, Retrieved May 8, 2007; cf. Greg Hitt, "Top Wolfowitz Adviser Resigns", The Wall Street Journal, Wall Street Journal Online, May 7, 2007, Washington Wire, Retrieved May 8, 2007.
  69. ^ Suzanne Goldenberg, "Wolfowitz Under Fire After Partner Receives Promotion and Pay Rise", The Guardian, April 7, 2007, Retrieved May 2, 2007.
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  71. "Ethics Committee Case No 2 and President Papers". Archived from the original on December 12, 2008. , World Bank, "strictly confidential" documents posted online at bicusa.org, April 12, 2007, Retrieved April 14, 2007.
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  76. "France's Lagarde leads IMF race", Business Live. June 6, 2011. Retrieved June 9, 2011
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  79. Al Kamen, "Under Flood of Criticism, Looking to Plug a Leak", The Washington Post, April 11, 2007, accessed May 16, 2007.
  80. Richard Behar, "Wolfowitz vs. the World Bank Board: It's Trench Warfare" Archived May 18, 2007, at the Wayback Machine, Fox News, January 31, 2007, and "World Bank Anticorruption Drive Blunted as China Threatens to Halt Loans" Archived May 10, 2007, at the Wayback Machine, Fox News, March 27, 2007, both accessed May 14, 2007.
  81. Al Kamen, "In the Loop: Where the Money Is", The Washington Post, March 28, 2007, accessed May 10, 2007.
  82. ^ Krishna Guha and Eoin Callan, "Wolfowitz Laid Out Terms for Partner’s Pay Package", The Financial Times, April 12, 2007, accessed May 14, 2007.
  83. Richard Behar, "Documents May Give Wolfowitz New Lifeline in World Bank Scandal", Fox News, April 14, 2007, accessed May 14, 2007.
  84. "Wolfowitz Absent As World Bank Board Decides Fate", The Guardian, April 19, 2007, accessed April 20, 2007.
  85. "Wolfowitz's Troubles Disrupt World Bank", San Francisco Chronicle, April 20, 2007, accessed April 20, 2007.
  86. Reuters, "Wolfowitz Rejects World Bank Ethics Ruling". Archived from the original on May 18, 2007. Retrieved May 15, 2007.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: bot: original URL status unknown (link): Bank Committee Determines That President Violated Ethics Standards Over His Girlfriend's Promotion; Wolfowitz Calls Findings 'unbalanced' and 'flawed'", online posting, CNNMoney.com ("The Internet home of Fortune, Money, Business 2.0"), May 15, 2007, accessed November 17, 2008.
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Further reading

  • Bazbauers, Adrian Robert. "The wolfensohn, wolfowitz, and zoellick presidencies: Revitalising the neoliberal agenda of the world bank." Forum for Development Studies 41#1 (2014) pp. 91–114..
  • Davis, Jack. "Paul Wolfowitz on Intelligence Policy-Relations" (CIA Center For The Study Of Intelligence, 1996) online
  • Hanlon, Joseph. "Wolfowitz, the World Bank, and illegitimate lending." Brown Journal of World Affairs 13.2 (2007): 41-54 online.
  • Immerman, Richard H. Empire for Liberty: A History of American Imperialism from Benjamin Franklin to Paul Wolfowitz (2010) pp. 196–231 excerpt and text search
  • Meyer, Karl E. and Shareen Blair Brysac. Kingmakers: The Invention of the Modern Middle East (2009) pp 381–410.
  • Milne, David. "Paul Wolfowitz and the promise of American power, 1969–2001." on American foreign policy (Manchester University Press, 2017) pp. 159–192.
  • Milne, David. "Intellectualism in US diplomacy: Paul Wolfowitz and his predecessors." International Journal 62.3 (2007): 667-680.
  • Rich, Bruce. "The Brief, Broken Presidency of Paul Wolfowitz." in Foreclosing the Future: The World Bank and the Politics of Environmental Destruction (2013) pp: 114-137.
  • Solomon, Lewis D. Paul D. Wolfowitz: Visionary intellectual, policymaker, and strategist (Greenwood, 2007), aq standard scholarly biography.
  • Wolfowitz, Paul D. "Clinton's first year." Foreign Affairs (1994) 73#1: 28-43. online

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