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Evolution exclusions?

I understand that the article is a heated issue but when something needs to be said I say it. Specific arguments I am not at the moment qualified to debate have raised the issue and certainly there is much current academic work addressing evolution's influences here and with the transportation advancements of the 20th century along with cultural taboos regarding interracial relationships falling by the waysides, it's undoubtedly soon to be a moot and unverifiable matter soon anyway. HOWEVER I would really love to see someone present the argument that the human brain, an organ of our anatomy, is the only organ to be immune to the effects of evolution that have been observed in other organs in the various ethnic groups distributed about the planet. Adaptation, Natural Selection, Survival of the fittest, Diet over many generations- whatever you like. What made the brain immune? Humbly looking not to question but for an answer. Batvette (talk) 00:23, 31 March 2010 (UTC)

Well, first, better food does not cause evolution, only survival of the fittest does. But the brain HAS evolved. The race/IQ gap exists because Africans evolved when they left Africa in order to deal with things like their land being covered in ice (something Africans had never seen). Only the smartest (black) Africans survived in the snow and ice. For boring reasons involving sunlight amount and synthesis of vitamins in the skin, the races which evolved in these colder places developed lighter skin. Skin color actually has nothing whatsoever to do with intelligence (other than a strong statical correlation). The Africans going west became whites, and the ones going east became Asians. That's why those two races have larger brains than Africans (the "larger brains" is not controversial among scientists). And it's why Africans IQ-test as mentally retarded. This is not my theory; it's both supported and explicitly suggested by peer-reviewed articles in such Academic journals as Intelligence and the one by the APA, but nobody ANYWHERE dares talk about it outside academia.

Even a lot of (presumably well-intentioned) people here try very very hard to suppress all these truths, which as individual statements are uncontested among scientists. The way the truth-suppressors (and others like the media) avoid these facts without telling obvious lies is, to me HILARIOUS, and is really the only reason I care at all about race/IQ. The fact is, I don't care which race is smarter or even if any are smarter at all, but I LOVE watching liars squirm and sweat and make up yet more ridiculous explanations for their obvious lies! In RL they get mad and either shout at you or run away, but here in the wiki world, they throw you out if you shout. And if you run away, other people erase the lies you told, making you look like an idiot when you tell them to somebody else.

Nevertheless, the fact that whites and asians are, literally, more highly evolved is not funny at all; it's tragic. But it HAS been proven true, and you can't make truth false by beating up people who tell it. My personal view is that in this country, no one is educated to their full potential except retards, and that's a crime against humanity. TechnoFaye Kane 03:25, 31 March 2010 (UTC)

Batvette, Techno: Misplaced Pages present ideas that can be verified is reputable, published sources. If you believe that any of the above statements are true, then please present reputable sources who discuss and explain them so that we can agree on the matter. Please note, however, that neither the article nor the talk page is intended as a forum for idle speculation on the topic. --Ludwigs2 14:11, 31 March 2010 (UTC)

As a layman, I can give some ideas why evolution does not necessarily make people more intelligent. First, IQ does not correlate well with success - hence the invention of emotional intelligence, which is supposed to. Secondly, no one likes a smart ass. In a multi-player game, which life is, jealousy can count against the "best" player as the weak group together. You can see this in any revolution by the "masses" against their betters. In the old days, a better brain needed more nourishment and hence more likely starvation when food was short - this still applies across much of the world. In the modern world, higher intelligence leads to more powerful inventions and arguably better weapons for terrorists, global warming etc. Intelligence combined with greed has led to the raping of the world's precious resources - a more stupid country probably wouldn't have been able to squander millions of years of resources in a few generations, so doing better in the long run. All in all, it is not obvious that evolution always favours intelligence. Stephen B Streater (talk) 15:37, 31 March 2010 (UTC)

>As a layman, I can give some ideas why evolution does not necessarily make people more intelligent.

But can you give any that aren't merely your opinion? You have not done so here.

> First, IQ does not correlate well with success

If by success you mean "rich white businessman" success, then I agree. I have had rich, lexus-driving managers who are profoundly stupid. You are also correct that the white man has done more damage to everyone else, the planet, and themselves than all other people combined.

But we're talking about evolution. What the greedy repiglican businessmen have done is completely irrelevant to that because evolution requires tens of thousands of years for even the slightest visible changes. The white man's wholesale pillage and destruction have only been going on for about 2,000 years. That's not enough time to say that intelligence prevents evolution. In fact, as life evolves, there is a monotonic rise in brain capacitity and intelligence. Monkeys aren't self-aware. Apes are (refs on req). And no ape ever made a fire.

Secondly, no one likes a smart ass.

I can vouch for that by all the nasty emails I get every time I write anything on the internet.

In a multi-player game, which life is, jealousy can count against the "best" player as the weak group together. You can see this in any revolution by the "masses" against their betters.

Sure! But that doesn't have anything to do with evolution.

In the old days, a better brain needed more nourishment and hence more likely starvation when food was short - this still applies across much of the world.

Sadly, I'm afraid that you, literally don't know what you're talking about. Where have stupid people survived when smart ones died of starvation for no other reason than their brains required more nutrition? The brain uses only 20% of the body's energy output, and the difference in energy use between a smart and a stupid person requires a PET scan even to measure. It's microwatts.

In the modern world, higher intelligence leads to

Yes, but those bad things don't have anything to do with evolution. Evil white people have LOTS of kids, and that's how you measure evolutionary success.

> a more stupid country probably wouldn't have been able to squander millions of years of resources in a few generations, so doing better in the long run.

Yeah, but "the long run" hasn't happened yet. Only when people like cheney and the iraq towelheads nuke all human life off the planet can you say that intelligence subverts evolution. So far, the importance of intelligence in evolution is only surpassed by the inventions of RNA, prokaryotic cells, multicelluar organisms, and sex. TechnoFaye Kane 06:21, 3 April 2010 (UTC)

You may have missed the point of my response. It is not intended to be a thoroughly researched and sourced text for article space, merely a spread of ideas which show why it is not obvious that high intelligence is always a one-way evolutionary bet. Since you asked, my comments are not all my opinion, so I suppose that means that I have already included ideas which aren't merely my opinion. I notice make a number of uncited assertions yourself, BTW. I'd be particularly interested in your source for your microwatts statement, given that the large brain size in humans is generally agreed to be both necessary for high intelligence and costly in energy terms - see Introduction, for example. Stephen B Streater (talk) 09:56, 6 April 2010 (UTC)

Report on Rewrite

I have finished my two days (plus two hours) of work on the rewrite. Comments: 1) Thanks to all editors for allowing my the freedom to make so many dramatic changes. 2) I did the best I could but, obviously, the article still needs a lot of work. My main failure was in not rewriting the environmental and heriditarian interpretation sections. Right now, they are just a collection of unconnected comments from the previous version. There are several other editors involved in this article (DJ, Aprock, Occam, MathSci) who could do a great job with those sections. I hope they will be bold! 3) The main improvements, I think, are: First, I used the outline that arose from the mediation. I played no part in writing that outline, nor do I particularly like it, but Misplaced Pages is all about consensus. Second, I dramatically decreased the length of the article. WP:Size recommends 30-50K for an article size, so my cutting was extensive. Third, I tried to significantly clean up the references and other junk. Needless to say, there is still much more that could be done. David.Kane (talk) 14:08, 1 April 2010 (UTC)

Lead Discussion

I think the image to the right would be acceptable for illustrating both the differences as well as the considerable overlap between group scores in the US. I'm assuming Mathsci (and perhaps others) have an objection? Btw, I'm entirely flexible on this. --Aryaman (talk) 10:14, 5 April 2010 (UTC)

I think this is fine in the main body of the text where more context is provided. The lede has been written with reference to worldwide IQ testing, not just the US, so that would be another factor arguing against its prominent inclusion in the lede. For the time being it seems best to concentrate on content rather than images, which can be moved around at a later stage. Mathsci (talk) 10:19, 5 April 2010 (UTC)

I agree that this image belongs in the lead. David.Kane (talk) 12:33, 5 April 2010 (UTC)

Can I just ask if someone has checked to make sure this image really appears in the source cited and that it is real data from a wide-ranging survey of some kind? I ask because I find it incredible that four groups were tested and found to have very different average IQ's, yet they all had the EXACT same frequency distribution of IQ relative to the mean. Studying human height you will find that more deprived populations tend to have wider bell curves, because diseases that stunt growth don't affect everybody, they come hit-or-miss. I would expect intelligence to behave the same way unless it really is 100% genetic with no environmental influences at all. If that's what the data says, then I have no objections, but I just want to be sure we're not letting false information into the article under the assumption that it's legitimate. —Soap— 13:15, 5 April 2010 (UTC)

With regard to the new lead, I have been bold and made some (minor?) changes. Outside of that, I think that the new second paragraph is excellent, albeit a bit wordy. But my main concern is that there are no citations to support it. Then again, everything in there is supported later in the article. Question: Wouldn't it be a good idea to cite at least a few things here, at least the APA report? David.Kane (talk) 13:02, 5 April 2010 (UTC)

With regard to the third paragraph, are there other academic bodies besides the APA that have made "official statements" which concluded that "the cause of the racial IQ gap is currently unknown?" Not that I know of . . . . David.Kane (talk) 13:12, 5 April 2010 (UTC)

I think using the image in the lead is a bad idea, even if Soap's concerns are unfounded, the image completely adopts and lends legitimcacy to the both of the problematic categories of "race" and "intelligence" without conveying any of the problemes involved in their definition. I would find it misleading in the lead, but appropriate in a section of the article particularly describing the studies on which the graph is based.·Maunus·ƛ· 13:43, 5 April 2010 (UTC)

I'm slightly peripheral to this discussion, but I would nevertheless be concerned that having such a prominent diagram showing race vs IQ is conflating the ideas of IQ and intelligence, which are different things. There are many issues with IQ, including one clearly shown in the diagram - the assumption that IQ is normally distributed (it's actually a ratio, as I'm sure you know). In fact the figures are fixed to make it normally distributed - but then the results for the different distributions for different races are affected in different ways by these adjustments, so they can't all be normally distributed at the same time. Hence the differences between the normal distributions is an inaccurate representation of the differences between the actual distributions. In summary the diagram is suspect for two reasons:

• Intelligence is not the same as IQ, so the lede should not give undue weight to IQ by giving it such a prominent image
• The normal distribution in IQ shown only applies after normalising the results - but you can't in general do this for more than one distribution at a time. As each race has a different distribution, they can't all be normalised at once. The diagram must show an idealised (and hence subjective) picture of what would have happened if the IQs all were exactly normally distributed with different means but identical standard deviations. This does not show an experimental result, but a "what if" speculation - again not something which should be given undue weight. Stephen B Streater (talk) 21:42, 5 April 2010 (UTC)
• I've just read Soap's comment - this mirrors my second concern (vice versa in fact!) that the graphs look suspect. Stephen B Streater (talk) 21:45, 5 April 2010 (UTC)

These are serious concerns. What is the source for the graphs? They come from Reynolds, Chastain, Kaufman, & McLean, 1987, p. 330, but did thse authors normalize the curves? That we provide it, i.e. that it is not copyrighted, suggests to me that a Wikipedian manipulated the data. The Wikipedian who uploaded the image is no longer active, butif he did it, I'd say it violates SYNTH; Slrubenstein | Talk

Two important secondary sources not used so far

• Nicholas Mackintosh, IQ and Human Intelligence, OUP, with a chapter on group differences including around 40 pages devoted to ethnic groups.This text book has received excellent reviews.
• Jefferson M. Fish, Race and Intelligence: separating science from myth, with contributions by anthropologists, psychologists, sociologists, biologists, statisticians and historians from major US universities,

Mathsci (talk) 11:05, 6 April 2010 (UTC)

Interesting. 1) Do you happen to have any extracts of these available? The pdf you kindly provided of Appendix B from Nisbett was very useful. 2) If not, could you describe just what sort of material/facts these books provide that are not already included in the article? David.Kane (talk) 14:01, 6 April 2010 (UTC)

Funny you should ask. The first can be read on amazon.com and the second on google books. Perhaps users more ingenious/devious than me can find complete versions without going to a library (eg Mackintosh seems to be on questia.com). Both these books I think are in the "references" article. The first seems extremely balanced and well written, probable for a non-specialist readership. Mackintosh describes in full detail most of the details of the debate from the point of view of a psychometrist; the second is a selection of articles by a diverse interdisciplinary group discussing different aspects of the debate about race and intelligence - in the particular they discuss why all attempts so far to argue for a genetic mechanism have been flawed. Mathsci (talk) 14:13, 6 April 2010 (UTC)

Thanks! I am reading Mackintosh now and agree with your assessment. Most of the key chapter seems to be available, although some pages are missing. Side note: What is the proper method of using a secondary source like this in a Misplaced Pages article? That is, we could almost write both the environmental and heriditarian sections just relying on his excellent description of these two views. He seems to cover both sides fairly and completely. Would it be OK to do that and just cite him? (We would also cite some of the main work by both sides, as well.) I am unfamiliar with the conventions in the use of primary sources versus secondary sources. David.Kane (talk) 14:28, 6 April 2010 (UTC)

I am not familiar with these sources, so I cannot comment on how good an account Mackintosh gives of the two views although I am inclined to trust David Kane. But here is how I would answer the question: There are two main concerns: that a summarizers account is biased, or that it is incomplete. SO, I would frame the whole thing with a hook that Mackintosh's book provides a useful summary of the views. That way, if a future editor comes across another account that they think itself constituts a distinct view (and thus highlights Mackintosh's bias) it would be very easy for them to rewrite the lead to say that Mackintosh and X have different views of the debate, M empnasizing some things, X, something else. nd then, I would be clear to provide each element of his account separately with a separate citation. That way, future editors who think some M's account is generally fine but think some element is missing from it can add the missing element (with proper citation) without seriously scfrewing up the flow of the section. In other words, try to imagine how future editors may wish to change or add to what you write, and write in a way that allows for thatr without ruining the integrity of your own writing. Slrubenstein | Talk 17:19, 6 April 2010 (UTC)

Another important twin-study

David, in your nxt revision can you add a summary of the important twin study by ECJ Moore? Moore compared black and mixed-race children adopted by either black or white families, and found no difference in IQ between black and mixed-race children, whether raised by black or white families. The IQs of both black and mixed race children, however, were about 13 points higher if raised by white families than if raised by black families. This study indicates no superiority whatever of the mixed-race children over the black children and it indicates that essentially the entire difference between the IQs of black and white at the time of the study could be accounted for by environmental factors associated with race.

Source: Moore, E. C. J. (1986). "Family socialization and the IQ test performance of traditionally and trans-racially adopted black children." Developmental Psychology, 22, 317-326.

If you have trouble finding the source I can try to access it for you. Thanks, Slrubenstein | Talk 22:55, 7 April 2010 (UTC)

This may help. --DJ (talk) 23:50, 7 April 2010 (UTC)

Thanks DJ. Is MTAS "Weinberg et. al.?" I ask because, in terms of style, I think the table would look better if each part were consistent i.e. we either use the name of the srticle or research project for all three, or the name of the PI for all three. Slrubenstein | Talk 08:39, 8 April 2010 (UTC)

Lead discussion

Mathsci, why don't you say what your problem with David Kane's version of the lead is instead of just reverting and risking an editwar? This seems like a good time to enter a BRD cycle we have had both the B and the R now we just need to discuss. At present the only argument you have given against David Kanes version is that he doesn't have permission to change the lead - thats not a very good one and I am sure you have some better ones - lets hear them and then start the discussion.·Maunus·ƛ· 13:51, 9 April 2010 (UTC)

Ahem, I have explained in detail on the mediation talk page (it has taken over from this talk page) and on David.Kane's talk page.

Ok, as I am not watching those I only saw what looked like a potentially evolving editwar.·Maunus·ƛ· 16:17, 9 April 2010 (UTC)

Unfortunately David.Kane's carte blanche for editing preempts any discussion. The lede I restored was discussed in great detail on the mediation talk page. This again is one of the problems with Ludwigs2's unilateral decision to have the article redrafted in mainspace. After two days of discussion of the lede, in which Daivd.Kane did not participate very much but in which - rare event! - there was a consensus on both sides of mediation, David.Kane has now removed carefully crafted neutral phrases and replaced them by non-neutral, even inflammatory, phrases, which are unlikely ever to be agreed upon. WP:BRD unfortunately cannot be used when Ludwigs2 has imposed these bizarre editing rules which go against normal[REDACTED] policies. For example a discussion of the changes is also occurring on the mediation pages and on David.Kane's talk page (and mine). I don't think the present editing conditions are healthy. Mathsci (talk) 14:31, 9 April 2010 (UTC)

I tend to agree that Ludwigs idea that giving one editor special privileges as a rewriter of the article is not a very good idea (unless its done at a subpage) and does not work well with other[REDACTED] policies. Editwarring doesn't help either though, theres got to be some sort of constructive solution, I guess the mediation page is the right thing to discuss this.·Maunus·ƛ· 16:17, 9 April 2010 (UTC)

Maunus: Thanks for the suggestion to discuss. Here are two of my key issues for the lead. First, the article is supposed to have a global focus. It is not "Race and Intelligence in the United States" or "Race and Intelligence in the United Kingdom." It is just "Race and Intelligence." So, at least in the lead, all racial terms and links should be global (as best as possible) and not US-specific. For example, we should not use African American. Second, I am comfortable with a lead that does not mention any specific researcher my name. I am also comfortable with a lead that mentions a variety of notable researchers on both sides (as mine does.) But a lead which only mentions researchers by name on one side of the issue, as MathSci's does, makes no sense (to me). There are other issues, but those are the two key ones. David.Kane (talk) 14:13, 9 April 2010 (UTC)

The article cannot have a more global focus than the data used in the studies on which it is based. You cannot simply extrapolate studies regarding americans or brits to cover the entire globe. Whether we like it or not studies of correlations between race and intelligence in areas outside of the US and UK are few and far between.·Maunus·ƛ· 08:55, 10 April 2010 (UTC)

Agreed! If the article only cited sources (both primary and secondary) that only covered the US and the UK, then the lead should specify that. But the sources we have provide extensive coverage of other countries! Now, that coverage is not equal by any means. Englsh-language countries (Canada, Australia) have more coverage. Japan/Korea/Taiwan have more coverage than African countries. But, given that the sources we use discuss many countries, the lead should reflect that. Or am I missing something? David.Kane (talk) 14:09, 10 April 2010 (UTC)

Rewrite Number 2 Complete (?)

(A version of this comment also appears on the mediation page.)

I have finished my one day plus a few hours of work on the rewrite. Comments:

• Thanks to all editors for allowing my the freedom to make so many dramatic changes.
• I did the best I could but, obviously, the article still needs a lot of work. My main failure was to just leave so much undone. Several of the new sections are empty shells. There are several other editors involved in this article (DJ, Aprock, Occam, MathSci) who could do a great job filling in those sections. I hope they will be bold! I will add some material in the near future.
• The main improvements, I think, are:

• • First, I followed (my interpretation of) advice from Slrubenstein and MathSci. The article now uses an (excellent) secondary source (Nisbett 2009) as a framework in which to organize the article. Thanks to MathSci for providing Appendix B. As Slrubenstein, this allows future editors to fix up discrete sections (on, say, reaction times or inbreeding depression) without upsetting the structure of the article as a whole.

• • Second, I tried to significantly clean up the references and other junk. Needless to say, there is still much more that could be done.

I will leave it to other editors to judge whether or not this version, taken as a whole, is superior to the previous one. I look to the mediator for discussion about where we go from here. My recommendation: See if there is consensus that this version is better then where we started and see if there is consensus to end this mediation and go back to normal editing. David.Kane (talk) 22:08, 9 April 2010 (UTC)

Where did the nutrition section go?

The article mentions lynn's world wide "data" without taking into account all the relevant facts. for south asia, for example, it is relevant to add the fact that almost 70 % of pakistanis suffer from iodine deficiencies, resulting in a huge loss of cognitive abilities (see e.g. http://www.dawn.com/wps/wcm/connect/dawn-content-library/dawn/the-newspaper/national/16-twothirds-of-schoolchildren-iodine-deficient-report-hs-07). the same point has been made by the copenhagen consensus with respect to many other third world countries( see e.g. http://en.wikipedia.org/Health_and_intelligence#Micronutrients_and_vitamin_deficiencies).

in fact, the wiki page about "iq and global inequality" (the book in which lynn's "world wide data" is found) states:

"lynn and vanhanen recommend the provision of iodine and other micronutrients as a way to increase cognitive functioning in the third world." (see http://en.wikipedia.org/IQ_and_Global_Inequality#National_IQ_and_QHC_values) mustihussain 23:23, 9 April 2010 (UTC)

Neutrality

This article at present has been rewritten in an unneutral way by David.Kane, with a lot of POV-pushing. Often it's very hard to see any link between whay he has written and what can be found in the secondary sources. Mathsci (talk) 00:37, 10 April 2010 (UTC)

Which specific sentences do you find problematic? David.Kane (talk) 00:45, 10 April 2010 (UTC)

Well for starters the article I cited on the mediation talk page by Jeremy Gray and Paul Thompson explains there is almost no academic research in race and intelligence. But in the first sentence of the lede and further on you suggest the contrary. The whole lede goes on like this. Writing in that way is usually called "POV-pushing". Another problem is where do Australian aborigines come in the David.Kane hierarchy of races and which secondary source have you used for the four aggregated groups. Again this looke like WP:OR and WP:SYNTH with no secondary sources. Why write this kind of stuff if you don't have a secondary source? Mathsci (talk) 01:01, 10 April 2010 (UTC)

Any way moot now. Mathsci (talk) 01:04, 10 April 2010 (UTC)

"almost no academic research in race and intelligence"? I am not sure where to go with that. Do you disagree that, say, Rushton and Jensen (2005) involves race and intelligence? How about a dozen of the other articles listed in the notes? This may represent 0.0000001% of all academic research in all topics, but it is enough academic research to justify a Misplaced Pages article. And, obviously, my sentence makes no claim about the total amount of such research. I just claim/imply that such research exists. David.Kane (talk) 01:17, 10 April 2010 (UTC)

On the talk page of mediation, I gave this quote from an article in Nature Reviews by Gray and Thompson: "In light of such unresolved ethical issues, many neuroscientists have been reluctant to investigate individual or group differences in intelligence. Few scientists investigate race differences in intelligence; those who do are overwhelmingly white." So 2 reputable scientists state exactly what I said. There are only a handful of scientists doing research into race and intelligence, many of them funded by the Pioneer Fund.

Now could you answer my objection about the Australian aborigines. Where did they disappear in your personal classification of racial groups into four aggregates? The wikilink by you to racial group blatantly assumed a scientifically valid classification into biological races which has been criticized in multiple secondary sources. I can continue with almost every sentence that you introduced into the lede and with those you omitted. Jensen's 1969 paper sparked controversy in the academic and public world: this is recorded in secondary sources. Why remove such things? To me it just looks like WP:IDONTLIKEIT. But perhaps you have a better explanation? Mathsci (talk) 06:37, 10 April 2010 (UTC)

I haven't had time to get involved, but of course, under WP:NPOV, all significant views should be presented. Stephen B Streater (talk) 08:44, 10 April 2010 (UTC)

Responses to MathSci:

• I could imagine including Australian aborigines in the lead. Do you really want to do that? There are certainly several editors who would agree with you. I did not put it in because I was making a good faith effort to create a lead that would reach consensus.
• Are you blaming me for the quality of racial group? If you think that this Misplaced Pages article is fundamentally flawed then, obviously, you should fix it. It seems OK to me.
• I was trying to trim down the history section. Indeed, as you can see, I trimmed all sections of the article, making it dramatically smaller than it used to be. Virtually every editor agreed that this was desirable. I have no problem with you (or any other editor) expanding the history section, or any other section of the article. David.Kane (talk) 14:20, 10 April 2010 (UTC)

History

I think that a history section - or additional sections organized historically - could be a good thing. But what would be the point? This is not a rhetorical question: I think we need to answer this question before it is possible to write a good history section. We need to discuss the rules - the principles or criteria - for deciding what would go into such a section, or sections, for determining how far back to go.

Offhand i can conceive of a few such principle and unles anyone objects I hope we can use them.

First, a history section can help show the institutional context, how it has changed over time, and how it has shaped research. Who uses IQ tests (i.e. the story from starting in the army to becoming almost universal) aqnd why? What scholars have studied the relationship between race and IQ. When did scholars first start publishing articles on the topic, and in which journals? When did journals focusing on this topic first come into existence? Who fonded them and supported them? What foundations support this research? What academic departments support thse journals or employ researchers? Scientific knowledge does not just appear. It is created in an institutional context. Such a section will help readers understand the context in which scientists work.

Second, a history of research qustions and how they have changed - this is one element of virtually any good lit. review and is always illuminating. Why is it that researchers' interests may change over time? What forces within the media shape this? And outside of the media? Or is there a natural progression of debats among scientists? Such a section can inform readers as to the role scientists themselves play in determining their research. What are scientists really interested in? What makes a research question appealing (why would a foundation pay for the research? Why would a journal publish it)? uch a section will help readers understand how scientists actually work.

Finally, a history of debates over this research. One might think of this as a history of criticisms of the research; I am supposing that the reasons people have been critical of the research has changed.

These are a few things that unfold over time, and to write the article as if all things were in play at the ame time would only confuse the reader. Slrubenstein | Talk 00:46, 11 April 2010 (UTC)

Agreed. Note that there are several complaints (from, at least, A.Prock, Bpesta22, Captain Occam, mikemikev) about the version that MathSci is working on. I share some of everyone's concerns, especially with regard to WP:UNDUE. I also enjoyed MathSci's (only!?) reply to these concerns:

"It's very nice to see wikipedians expressing their personal views, but that's not how[REDACTED] articles are written. I am continuing to prepare a version of the rest of the history as I've said above."

Charming! Fortunately, one obvious solution, especially if we add back a lot of the material from the version 2 months ago, would be to spin out (and link back to) a Race and Intelligence (History) article. What would be the best name for such an article? David.Kane (talk) 03:20, 11 April 2010 (UTC)

The history provides an essential context for the discussion of Jensen, Rushton and Lynn - as NPOV and NOR make clear, providing context is important and we cannot remove it to another article without violating policy. My comment was meant to show Occam, Mike and others constructive ways to collaborate w2ith MathSci. Obviously they are not going to like what he wrote - we are in mediation' that is by definition an attempt to resolve conflicts among editors who do not agree. It is not a poll. We do not take a vote. We seen compromise and to learn how to work together. I have proposed a framework for working together. If they do not like it maybe the mediatior, Ludwigs2 can provide a better framwork. But the task is to learn how to work together. Slrubenstein | Talk 11:08, 11 April 2010 (UTC)

Controversial claims treated as facts

The statement in the test scores section states

Racial differences in IQ scores are observed around the world. One meta-analysis estimates East Asians (105), Whites (102), Amerindians (87), Non-Bushmen sub-Saharan Africans . This is primarily based on Lynn's work and Lynn's work has been criticized as unreliable (see IQ and the Wealth of Nations#Criticism). Some disclaimer is required.

The next statement Many MRI volumetric analyses have shown that on average, the brains of people identifying themselves as African-American are 5% smaller than the brains of people identifying themselves as White and 6% smaller than people identifying themselves as Asian.

The average brain volumes (in cm3) are approximately 1,268 (Blacks), 1,362 (Whites), and 1,415 (East Asians).

This is based on Rushton's work which is also controversial. Firstly , most of the data used in Rushton's work is not based on MRI, but on external head measurements and autopsy data. External head measurements are the least reliable for determining brain size. Secondly, the idea of an average head size for a race may be an oversimplification. An average for a heterogeneous sample tends to be less meaningful. There may be an average weight of mammals, but this group includes, elephants, whales and mice. For reptiles it includes lizards and dinosaurs. For Africans it includes the short statured pygmies and tall nilotic peoples. Rushton seems to have used heterogeneous samples to arrive at his averages, so they are somewhat problematic and shouldn't be considered factual. Wapondaponda (talk) 07:50, 11 April 2010 (UTC)

What revisions would make these sections in line with NPOV? Slrubenstein | Talk 10:42, 11 April 2010 (UTC)

i concur! by the way, racial theorists are extremely selective when it comes "data". what they forget to mention is that white females, supposedly, have an average brain size that is equivalent to the black male average...there is thus no why brain size can account for the "iq gap". in addition, in the physiology section it is stated that:"studies have reported correlations that range from 0 to 0.6, with most correlations 0.3 or 0.4.". this is just hilarious! the statement doesn't mean anything at all from a statistical point of view. such a huge variation in correlation is most probably due to statistical fluctuations (i.e. lack of statistics) i.e. there is no way to determine what the real "correlation" is as long as there is not enough statistics...

i also want to add that the most annoying aspect of the current version is the omission of the nutrition section (see http://en.wikipedia.org/Talk:Race_and_intelligence#Where_did_the_nutrition_section_go.3F). mustihussain 10:56, 11 April 2010 (UTC)

My default suggestion would be to omit problematic data. An alternative is simply to state that scholars such such as Rushton controversially propose that races differ in average brain size and that these differences are responsible for group differences in average IQ. Wapondaponda (talk) 11:18, 11 April 2010 (UTC)

May I suggest that you edit the article now in line with your second suggestion (that is an uncontroversial edit anyone can make), but raise the first suggestion in a new section on the mediation page? Slrubenstein | Talk 11:22, 11 April 2010 (UTC)

Debate overview

I have tried to write a small (probably too small) section about the actual debate outlining the different reasons that the topic is controversial - possibly a little more mention of some of the hereditarian viewpoints could be introduced, as I have mostly been concerned with supplying the different reasons (scientific and political) that some groups have difficulties in swallowing the hereditarian viewpoint. ·Maunus·ƛ· 08:45, 11 April 2010 (UTC)

Queston about reference

The article says, "Racial differences in IQ scores are observed around the world." The reference provided says "We should accept, then, without further ado that there is a difference in average IQ between blacks and white." This quote from mackintosh does not use the term "worldwide" or "around the world." Unless David or someone can fix it (make it clear that this is what the source says) I will have to remove the statement. Slrubenstein | Talk 11:16, 11 April 2010 (UTC)

Numbers do not speak for themselves

They do not, David.

If these numbers come from someone's research i.e. a peer-reviewed journal article or a book by a professional scholar, then you have to summarize the conclusions reached by the researchers i.e. is this significant, insignificant or what? This is an NPOV issue, NPOV compliance in part requires us to provide context, so this illustrates the NPOV problems with your edits. If there is only one view about the meaning of these numbers, provide the one view and make it clear whose view it is. If there are two views, provide the two views. And so on.

If you do not add this important invormation I will restore the edit you deleted. Slrubenstein | Talk 13:47, 11 April 2010 (UTC)

I agree, I was about to post that myself. It is completely impossible for someone who is not part of the debate to know whether a range of 0.4 - 0.7 is statistically significant or not.·Maunus·ƛ· 13:53, 11 April 2010 (UTC)

Maunus: Without reading the study in question, how do you "know whether a range of 0.4 - 0.7 is statistically significant?" I believe that the cited study claims, correctly, statistical significance. David.Kane (talk) 19:39, 11 April 2010 (UTC)

that the correlations found in different papers range from 0 to 0.6 (as mentioned in the text) don't mean anything at all! 0 correlation means that there *no* linear dependency between the parameters studied i.e. the covariance is zero. if the correlation between two parameters (e.g. iq and brain size) is zero, we can *not* predict the value of iq by looking at the corresponding brain size, and vice versa. a correlation of 0.6 might, *perhaps*, yield *some* predictive powers but not significantly (in my field of science we look for correlations that are at least 0.95 or more before we make any conclusions). secondly, if the correlation really ranges between 0 to 0.6 then we are dealing, most probably, with chance correlations, and this means that there is not enough data. the study is inconclusive. thirdly, a *strong* correlation does *not* mean that there is a *direct* causality between the parameters. in order to verify that you need to do simulations and calculate how probable the correlation in question really is....! mustihussain 20:48, 11 April 2010 (UTC)

Just for information's sake, in social science research, correlations in the .4 to .7 range are considered very good. this is because in social scientific research it is impossible to control for all significant variables (short of kidnapping children at birth and raising them in identically structured home environments), so any number of uncontrolled non-random factors have to be accounted for in the random models used. --Ludwigs2 21:33, 11 April 2010 (UTC)

0.4 is considered very good???? lolzzzzz, i didn't know that! no wonder social sciences are in such a mess :-) anyway, the given range (0 to 0.6) is still strange. 0 correlation means we can not predict anything, while with a correlation of 0.6 we can predict, according to what you said, "very good". now, what does this mean? can we predict the iq by looking at brain sizes, yes or no? can we predict poorly, rather good, good, or very good? take your pick. as i said before, the study is inconclusive, and correlation does *not* necessarily mean causation. mustihussain 21:45, 11 April 2010 (UTC) —Preceding unsigned comment added by Mustihussain (talk • contribs)

Mustihussain - spoken like a true lay-person. correlations are not some 'magic number' that have meaning irrespective of context. scientists can abuse material objects in a way that they cannot abuse human beings (short of Nazi concentration camps, that is - I hear Mengele got some very high correlation numbers), and within those constraints .4 is acceptable and .6 starts to look pretty good. as someone once said "it isn't the hard sciences vs the soft sciences - science is science. it's actually the hard sciences vs the easy sciences." testing a rock is easy, testing a person is hard. --Ludwigs2 23:58, 11 April 2010 (UTC)

what are you talking about? i am totally aware of the fact that correlations are not some magic numbers. as i said: correlation does not necessarily mean causation (hence the need for strict requirements), and you need to figure out how probable the correlation in question really is. but if 0.4 is acceptable then what is left? if we forget about c = 0 (which means no correlation at all), and everything above 0.3 is acceptable, you are left with 0.1 < c < 0.3....speaking frankly: it seems social scientists can prove anything they want! however, it does not change the fact that the text mentions a range from 0 to 0.6 i.e. from non-correlation to "acceptable" correlation. so the answer to the question "can we predict the iq by measuring brain sizes?" is : some studies say yes and other say no! this is not science. this is "stamp collecting" !mustihussain 01:14, 12 April 2010 (UTC)

btw, what are the chance probabilities for the correlations found? mustihussain 01:37, 12 April 2010 (UTC)

We have proven one thing, numbers do not speak for themselves, which was the reason David Kane gave for reverting an edit. Since David Kane's reason was wrong, I will restore what was deleted. If David Kane thinks the edit is incorrect, he is fre to correct it, but we need an explanation of whether or not the correlation is significant. Slrubenstein | Talk 20:58, 11 April 2010 (UTC)

Captain thinks the edit is origina; research. Since numbers don't speak for themselves, it is irresponsible to include this data without any context at all, and it violates policy. I have removed it - here it is:

Within human populations, studies have been conducted to determine whether there is a relationship between brain size and a number of cognitive measures. Studies have reported correlations that range from 0 to 0.6, with most correlations 0.3 or 0.4.

Until the proper contxt can be added and we can return it to the article. Slrubenstein | Talk 21:57, 11 April 2010 (UTC)

Slrubenstein, we agreed several months ago to use a data-centric approach. You agreed to this yourself. Per our agreement about this, leaving the data out entirely is not an option.

One other thing we established in mediation is that data itself is not POV. You can find the 0.4 correlation mentioned by Flynn, Neisser, and Nisbett in addition to Jensen and Rushton. None of them dispute this data; the only thing they dispute is what it means in terms of the cause of the IQ difference. I don't think there's anything wrong with presenting a statistical fact, which is acknowledged by both sides of the debate, without any commentary like this; and neither did any of the other users who approved of adding this data. If you do, can you please explain specifically what additional context is required in order to present this data? --Captain Occam (talk) 22:31, 11 April 2010 (UTC)

Because policy requires it. We can't just take facts out of context. And because it would make the article better - in what way would it not? The "data centric" approach simply means that we present the data on between group differences in IQ scores up front as a way of raising the question. But for ANY interpretation or explanation, we must provide the context, not just the data. Otherwise it cannot go into the article. Simple policy. Slrubenstein | Talk 23:25, 11 April 2010 (UTC)

David kane HAS the source, it should be a piece of cake for him to add the relevant information in. Slrubenstein | Talk 23:26, 11 April 2010 (UTC)

I asked you to be specific. What exactly do you mean by “context” in this case? The sentence you removed already mentions that a wide range of different correlations have been found in studies about brain size and IQ, so there’s no danger that readers will think 0.4 is the only result ever obtained by these studies. Everyone else who approves of this section apparently thinks that’s sufficient context for this data, so if you think additional context information is necessary here, you need to be specific about what else needs to be added.

Since you’re the person who isn’t satisfied with the content that consensus has produced here, you need to make a specific proposal about what needs to be changed about it. It isn’t helpful to just say that you won’t accept the consensus version, while not offering any specific proposals about how to improve it. --Captain Occam (talk) 23:38, 11 April 2010 (UTC)

What "consensus version?" David Kane wrote it, during his own overhaul, and then invited editors to be bold. Will you please provide a link to th section on the mediation talk page where parties to mediation crafted this passage and agreed to it by consensus? Please back up your bluster with this one fact.

In the meantime, I am not the only person who has trouble with this, Maunus and Mustihussein, as well as the anonymous editor, have trouble with this, so that is four people. And this entire discussion makes it explicilty clear what context we are asking for. You are just trying to provoke me. No dice. Start playing nice. Slrubenstein | Talk 01:52, 12 April 2010 (UTC)

History section as proposed by Mathsci

Early history

The idea that there are differences in the brain structures/sizes of different racial groups, and that these differences explain varying rates of intelligence, was widely held and studied during the 19th and early 20th centuries. Francis Galton spurred interest in the study of mental abilities, particularly as they relate to heredity and eugenics. Beginning in the 1930s, race difference research and hereditarianism—the belief that genetics are an important cause of differences in intelligence among human groups—began to fall out of favor in psychology and anthropology after major internal debates.

In !895 R.Meade Bache, University of Pennsylvania, published an article in Psychological Review concerning the reaction times of three population groups in the USA, with in decreasing order of speed, Native Amricans, African Americans and whites. He explained the slowness of the whites by the fact that their brains were more contemplative and did not function well on primitive tasks. This was one of the first examples of scientific racism, in which science is used to bolster beliefs in the superiority of a particular race.

In 1912 the Columbia psychology graduate Frank Bruner reviewed the scientific literature on auditory perception in black and white subjects in Psychological Bulletin, characterizing, "the mental qualities of the Negro as: lacking in filial affection, strong migratory instincts and tendencies; little sense of verneration, integrity or honor; shiftless, indolent, untidy, improvident, extravagant, lazy, untruthful, lacking in persistence and initiative and unwilling to work continuously at details. Indeed, experience with the Negro in classrooms indicates that it is impossible to get the child to do anything with continued accuracy, and similarly in industrial pursuits, the Negro shows a woeful lack of powere of sustained activity and constructive conduct."

In 1916 George O. Ferguson conducted research in his Columbia Ph.D. thesis on "The psychology of the Negro", finding them poor in abstract thought, but good in physical responses, recommending how this should be reflected in education.

In 1916 Lewis Terman, in the manual accompanying the Stanford-Binet Intelligence Test, referred to the higher frequency of morons among non-white American racial groups stating that further research into race difference on intelligence should be conducted and that the "enormously significant racial differences in general intelligence" could not be remedied by education.

In the 1920's psychologists started questioning underlying assumptions of racial differences in intelligence; although not discounting them, the possibility was considered that they were on a smaller scale than previously supposed and also due to factors other than heredity. In 1924 Floyd Allport wrote in his book "Social Psychology" that the French sociologist Gustave Le Bon was incorrect in asserting "a gap between inferior and superior species" and pointed to "social inheritance" and "environmental factors" as factors that accounted for differences. Nevertheless he conceded that "the intelligence of the white race is of a more versatile and complex order than that of the black race. It is probably superior to that of the red or yellow races."

In 1929 Robert Woodworth in his textbook on psychology made no claims about innate differences in intelligence between races, pointing instead to environmental and cultural factors. He considered it advisable to "suspend judgement and keep our eyes open from year to year for fresh and more conclusive evidence that will probably be discovered".

In 1935 Otto Klineberg wrote two books "Negro Intelligence and Selective Migration" and "Race Differences", dismissing claims that African Americans in the northern states were more intelligent than those in the south. He concluded that there was no scientific proof of racial differences in intelligence and that this should not therefore be used as a justification for policies in education or employment. In the 1940s many psychologists, particularly social psychologists, conceded that enviromental and cultural factors, as well as discrimination and prejudice, provided a more probable explanation of disparities in intelligence. According to Franz Samelson's analysis in 1978, this change in attitude had become widespread by then, with very few studies in race differences in intelligence, a change brought out by an increase in the number of psychologists not from a "lily-white ... Anglo-Saxon" background but from Jewish backgrounds. Other factors that influenced American psychologists were the Nazi claims of a master race and the economic changes brought about by the depression.

1960-1980

In 1965 William Shockley, Nobel laureate in physics and professor at Stanford University, made a public statement at the Nobel conference on "Genetics and the Future of Man" about the problems of "genetic deteriotaion" in humans caused by "evolution in reverse", in contrast to the capacity for social management and organisation of early American settlers. Speaking of the "genetic enslavement" of African Americans, owing to an abnormally high birth rate, Shockley discouraged improved education as a remedy, suggesting instead sterilisation and birth control. In the following ten years he continued to justify discrimination scientifically, claiming it was not based E.O.on prejudice but "on sound statistics". Shockley's outspoken public statements and lobbying brought him into contact with those running the Pioneer Fund who subsequently provided financial support though the intermediaru Carleton Putnam for his extensive lobbying activities against equality for blacks, reported widely in the press. The Pioneer Fund had been set up by W.P. Draper in 1937 with one of its two charitable purposes being to provide aid for "study and research into the problems of heredity and eugenics in the human race ... and ... into the problems of race betterment with special reference to the people of the United States".

The most significant of Shockley's lobbying campaigns involved the educational psychologist, Arthur Jensen, from the University of California, Berkeley. Although earlier in his career Jensen had favoured environmental rather than genetic factors as the explanation of race differences in intelligence, he had changed his mind following extended discussions with Shockkley during the year 1966-1967 spent at the Center for Advanced Study in the Behavioral Sciences in Stanford.

In 1969 Jensen wrote a long and outspoken article in the Harvard Educational Review, "How Much can We Boost IQ and Achievement", arguing that racial minorities, because of genetic limitations in intelligence, should be taught, not through conceptual explanations, but instead by relying on their ability to associate rather than understand, i.e. learning by rote. He decried the "misguided and ineffective attempts to improve lot" of blacks which would only result in "genetic enslavement" unless "eugenic foresight" was brought into play, i.e. population control. In this article Jensen revived the standard hereditarian claims. Shockley conducted a widespread publicity campaign for Jensen's article, supported by the Pioneer Fund. Jensen's views becoming widely known in many spheres. As a result there was renewed academic interest in the hereditarian viewpoint and in intelligence tests. Jensen's original article was widely circulated and often cited; the material was taught in university courses over a range of academic disciplines. In response to his critics, Jensen wrote a series of books on all aspects of psychometry. There was also a widespread positive response from the popular press — with the New York Times Magazine dubbing the topic "Jensenism" — and amongst politicians and policy makers.

In 1971 Richard Herrnstein wrote a long article on intelligence tests in The Atlantic for a general readership. Undecided on the issues of race and intelligence, he discussed instead score differences between social classes. Like Jensen he took a firmly hereditarian point of view. He also commented that the policy of equal opportunity would result in rigidification of social classes, separated by biological differences, resulting in a downward trend in average intelligence that would conflict with the growing needs of a technological society.

Jensen and Herrnstein's articles were widely discussed. Hans Eysenck defended the hereditarian point of view and the use of intelligence tests in "Race, Intelligence and Education" (1971), a pamphlet presenting Jensenism to a popular audience, and "The Equality of Man" (1973). He was severely critical of environmentalists whose policies he blamed for many of the problems in society. In the first book he wrote that, "All the evidence to date suggests the strong and indeed overwhelming importance of genetic factors in producing the great variety of intellectual differences which observed between certain racial groups", adding in the second, that "for anyone wishing to perpetuate class or caste differences, genetics is the real foe".

Although the main intention of the hereditarians had been to challenge the environmentalist establishment, they were unprepared for the level of reaction and censure in the scientific world. Militant student groups at Berkeley and Harvard conducted disruptive campaigns of harassment on Jensen and Herrnstein with charges of racism, despite Herrnstein's refusal to endorse Jensen's views on race and intelligence. Similar campaigns were waged in London against Eysenck and in Boston against Edward Wilson, the founding father of sociobiology, the discipline that explains human behaviour through genetics. The attacks on Wilson were orchestrated by the Sociobiology Study Group, part of the radical organisation Science for the People, formed of 35 scientists and students, including the Harvard biologists Stephen J. Gould and Richard Lewontin, who both became prominent critics of hereditarian research in race and intelligence.

This disruption was accompanied by a high level of commentaries, criticisms and denouncements from the academic community. Two issues of the Harvard Educational Review were devoted to critiques of Jensen's work by psychologists, biologists and educationalists. Broadly there were five criticisms:

• Inadequate understanding of population genetics. Richard Lewontin pointed out that heritability estimates depend on the specific group and their environment, i.e. that a distinction has to be drawn between heritability within groups and between groups. Many other scientists made the same point, including Stephen J. Gould, Walter Bodmer, Gerald Dworkin and Ned Block. Luigi Cavalli-Sforza and Walter Bodmer questioned Jensen's use of socio-economic status as a method of controlling environment. Jensen's inference of racial IQ differences from class differences was criticized by Sandra Scarr-Salatapek.
• Overestimation of the heritidary component of IQ scores. Mary Jo Bane and Christopher Jencks suggested that an estimate of 45% was more realistic than Jensen's figure of 80%. Leon Kamin queried Jensen's reliance on the twin studies of Cyril Burt. Critics were in agreement that the expression of a gene depended strongly on environment and hence so would the development of intelligence.
• Unjustitied assumption that IQ scores are a good measure of intelligence. Multiple problems were brought up by critics, including the difficulty in defining intelligence, the form of the tests, acquired ability in doing tests, the variations in IQ during a lifetime and the difficulties in administering tests to minority or disadvantaged children.
• Unjustified sociological assumptions in relating IQ to occupation. Bane and Jencks queried correlating IQ with social status.
• Political criticism and insults from a broad spectrum of scientists. Many critics questioned Jensen's motives and whether his work was an appropriate use of public research funds. The Association of Black Psychologists asserted that this kind of use of IQ tests could result in "Black genocide".

1980-present

In the 1980s, the New Zealand psychologist James Flynn started a study of group differences in intelligence in their own terms. His research led him to the discovery of what is now called the Flynn effect: he observed empirically a gradual increase in average IQ scores over the years over all groups tested. His discovery was confirmed later by many other studies. Flynn concluded in 1987 that "IQ tests do not measure intelligence but rather a correlate with a weak causal link to intelligence".

In 1994 the debate on race and intelligence was reignited by the publication of the book The Bell Curve: Intelligence and Class Structure in American Life by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray. The book was received positively by the media, with prominent coverage in Newsweek, Time, the New York Times and the Wall Street Journal. Although only two chapters of the book were devoted to race differences in intelligence, treated from the same hereditarian standpoint as Jensen's 1969 paper, it neverthless caused a similar furore in the academic community to Jensen's article. Many critics, including Stephen J. Gould and Leonard Kamin, pointed out flaws in the analsysis and unwarranted simplifications. These criticisms were subsequently presented in books, most notably The Bell Curve Debate (1995), Inequality by Design: Cracking the Bell Curve Myth (1996) and an expanded edition of Gould's The Mismeasure of Man (1996). In reponse to the debate, the American Psychological Association set up a ten-man taskforce, chaired by Ulrich Neisser, to report on the book and its findings. In its report, published in February 1996, the committee made the following comments on race differences in intelligence:

African American IQ scores have long averaged about 15 points below those of Whites, with correspondingly lower scores on academic achievement tests. In recent years the achievement-test gap has narrowed appreciably. It is possible that the IQ-score differential is narrowing as well, but this has not been clearly established. The cause of that differential is not known; it is apparently not due to any simple form of bias in the content or administration of the tests themselves. The Flynn effect shows that environmental factors can produce differences of at least this magnitude, but that effect is mysterious in its own right. Several culturally-based explanations of the Black/White IQ differential have been proposed; some are plausible, but so far none has been conclusively supported. There is even less empirical support for a genetic interpretation. In short, no adequate explanation of the differential between the IQ means of Blacks and Whites is presently available.

From the 1980s onwards, the Pioneer Group continued to fund hereditarian research on race and intelligence, in particular the two English-born psychologists Richard Lynn of the University of Ulster and J. Philippe Rushton of the University of Western Ontario, its president since 2002. Both have been closely involved with the organization American Renaissance. Rushton returned to the cranial measurements of the nineteenth century, using brain size as an extra factor determining intelligence; in collaboration with Jensen, he most recently developed updated arguments for the genetic explanation of race differences in intelligence. Lynn, long time editor of and contributor to Mankind Quarterly and a prolific writer of books, has concentrated his research in race and intelligence on gathering and tabulating data about race differences in intelligence across the world. He has also made suggestions about its political implications, including the revival of older theories of eugenics, which he describes as "the truth that dares not speak its name".

1. S. F. Witelson, H. Beresh and D. L. Kigar (2006). "Intelligence and brain size in 100 postmortem brains: sex, lateralization and age factor". Brain. 129 (2). Oxford University Press: 386–398. doi:10.1093/brain/awh696.
2. Samuel George Morton (1839). Crania Americana; or, A Comparative View of the Skulls of Various Aboriginal Nations of North and South America: To which is Prefixed An Essay on the Varieties of the Human Species. J. Dobson. {{cite book}}: Unknown parameter |city= ignored (|location= suggested) (help)
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7. Lynn, Richard (2001), The science of human diversity: a history of the Pioneer Fund, University Press of America, ISBN 076182040X
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11. Maltby, John; Day; Macaskill, Ann (2007), Personality, Individual Differences and Intelligence, Pearson Education, p. 302, ISBN 0131297600 {{citation}}: Unknown parameter |furst2= ignored (help)
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13. Maltby, John; Day; Macaskill, Ann (2007), Personality, Individual Differences and Intelligence, Pearson Education, pp. 334–347, ISBN 0131297600 {{citation}}: Unknown parameter |furst2= ignored (help)
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15. Neisser, U., Boodoo, G., Bouchard, T. J. Jr., Boykin, A. W., Brody, N., Ceci, S. J.; et al. (1996), "Intelligence: Knowns and unknowns" (PDF), American Psychologist, 51: 77–101 {{citation}}: Explicit use of et al. in: |author= (help)CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
16. Tucker, William (2002), The funding of scientific racism: Wickliffe Draper and the Pioneer Fund, University of Illinois Press, ISBN 0252027620
17. Richards, Graham (1997), Race, Racism and Psychology: Towards a Reflex ..., Routledge, ISBN 0415101409
18. Richardson, Angélique (2003), Love and eugenics in the late nineteenth century: rational reproduction and the new woman, Oxford University Press, p. 226, ISBN 0198187009
19. Current editorial board of Mankind Quarterly

Comments on MathSci's history

Thanks to MathSci for taking the time to write this history. Feel free to use this section to make comments. Here are some of mine:

• This history is long and detailed. Nothing wrong with that. But if it gets too long relative to the rest of the article, it will need to become its own article.
• Footnote 8 is missing a title. I assume it is a book which summarizes the "Two issues of the Harvard Educational Review" mentioned. Or is it a reprint of those issues.
• Footnote 10 mentions "Pearson Education". Is that the title of the book?
• This is a general question about how general footnotes and formmating work. You cite Mackintosh, N.J. (1998), IQ and Human Intelligence, Oxford University Press, p. 148, ISBN 019852367X as footnote 11. Mackintosh's book is already included in the article. How do we handle a case in which one footnote just mentions the book in general and one cites a specific page from that book? In my editing, I try to ensure that the whole book is given as early as possible. Then, I do something like "Mackintosh (1998), page 150.", as in footnote 20 of the current article. Is there some cooler way to handle this issue?
• "The most significant of Shockley's campaigns" does not make sense to me. Shockley was campaigning, like a politician running for office or a general on the march?
• Is your paragraph about Jensen's 1969 article based on the article itself or on a description of the article?

More later. In summary, although I have some concerns with numerous small items, I have no objection to including this in the article (or sub-article) and then editing it in place. I look forward to reading other comments. David.Kane (talk) 19:53, 11 April 2010 (UTC)

My comments on Mathsci's proposal:

Like the history section that you proposed on the mediation page, this is heavily slanted against the hereditarian perspective, and I would oppose it being added to the article for that reason. It’s too long for me to provide a complete list of examples of this, so I’ll just go with what’s in the last paragraph: why is it relevant to mention that Lynn and Rushton have written articles for American Renaissance? They’ve also written articles for numerous peer-reviewed journals, but none of those are mentioned here; only American Renaissance is. This is equivalent to, when providing a brief description of president Obama, mentioning his connections to Jeremiah Wright and nothing else.

I think it’s obvious that the reason why American Renaissance is the only publication mentioned here is because it’s the best way to make Rushton and Lynn look bad. If you’re going to cherry-pick facts like this based on whether they support the perspective that you’d like to get across, you shouldn’t expect your proposed contributions to make their way into the article. --Captain Occam (talk) 22:49, 11 April 2010 (UTC)

Doesn't the article actually use many other articles by Rushton and Lynn as sources? Doesn't that mean the article is already calling attention to those publications? Slrubenstein | Talk 23:28, 11 April 2010 (UTC)

Come on, do you really think that citing an article by an author in a particular publication is the same as mentioning in the body of the article that they’ve written articles for it? This is so obvious that I don’t think it needs to be explained. --Captain Occam (talk) 23:44, 11 April 2010 (UTC)

(edit-conflict)

@ David.Kane. Thanks for noting the slips. For refs. tthe recommended[REDACTED] method is via harvnb and harvtxt so that notes point to references. (See for exmaple Handel concerti grossi Op.6 for how this is done.)

@ Captain Occam. That's what the book by Tucker says about American Renaissance, so that's what I wrote. It's on page 139 here and again in much greater detail on page 182. American Renaissance receives funding from the Pioneer Fund according to that source. Rushton happens to be president of the Pioneer Fund and Lynn happens to be a member of the board (postcript, page 214). Note that Mankind Quarterly, also funded by the Pioneer Fund and edited by Lynn, is described in the same source as a "notorious journal of `racial history'"; and as a "racist journal" in this source:

• Arvidsson, Stefan (2006), Aryan idols: Indo-European mythology as ideology and science, University of Chicago Press, p. 402, ISBN 0226028607 {{citation}}: Check |authorlink= value (help)

Mathsci (talk) 00:48, 12 April 2010 (UTC)

Terminology to Use? Hereditarians and ???

We seem to have agreed that the word "hereditarians" is a useful work when referring to the generic position of folks like Jensen, Lynn, Rushton, et al. Of course, these scientists disagree with each other and, when they do, we need to be clear about who says what. But it is still useful to have a single term for referring to them. So, what is the generic term for folks like Nesbitt, Flynn, et al? I am flexible about what we pick, I just want a term to use. It makes the writing much easier! Options include "anti-hereditarians" or "environmentalists". Jensen/Rushton is "culture-only proponents." What should we use? David.Kane (talk) 20:30, 11 April 2010 (UTC)

How do Nesbitt and Flynn describe their position? The convention should be (1) how do they describe themselves (2) how others describe them, but making it clear that this is how others describe them and not themselves. Slrubenstein | Talk 21:02, 11 April 2010 (UTC)

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