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| {{About|the use of the term by Austrian School economist Jesús Huerta de Soto||Socialism}} | |||
| The term '''"right-wing socialism"''' is a term used by ] in his book ''Socialism, Economic Calculation and Entrepreneurship'' to describe what he considers socialist policies carried out by liberal, conservative and fascist governments.<ref name="entrepreneurship1992">{{Citation |first=Jesús |last=Huerta de Soto |title=Socialism, Economic Calculation and Entrepreneurship |edition=Fourth |place=Glos, England, UK; Northampton, Massachusetts, US |publisher=Edward Elgar Publishing |year=1992, 2010 |pages=79–80 |url=http://books.google.fr/books?id=OHcxcMHlXdgC&printsec=frontcover&dq=jesus+huerta+de+soto+socialism&hl=de&sa=X&ei=KoBGT4aMEsKFhQedhdm0Dg&redir_esc=y#v=onepage&q=jesus%20huerta%20de%20soto%20socialism&f=false}}</ref> According to him, it supports ] and allows certain people or groups to have privileges in society.<ref name="entrepreneurship1992">Huerta de Soto.Pp. 79.</ref> Military socialism, ], ], and some forms of ] have been linked to "right-wing socialism" by Jesús Huerta de Soto.<ref name="entrepreneurship1992"/> | |||
| {{Socialism sidebar}} | |||
| Conservative or '''right-wing socialism'''<ref>Huerta de Soto. Pp. 80.</ref><ref name="prospects1">Rothbard, Murray N. ''Left, Right, and the Prospects for Liberty''. Auburn, Alabama, US: Ludwig von Mises Institute, 2010. Pp. 19.</ref> is defined as type of socialism in which institutional aggression is employed to maintain the social status quo and the privileges certain people or groups of people enjoy.<ref name="entrepreneurship1992-2">Huerta de Soto, p98</ref> The term "]" has been used by ] movements and politicians to describe their support for ] and ] as opposed to what they see as anti-social ], ], and '']'' ].<ref name="entrepreneurship1992">Jesús Huerta de Soto. ''Socialism, Economic Calculation and Entrepreneurship''. Fourth edition. Glos, England, UK; Northampton, Massachusetts, US: Edward Elgar Publishing, 1992, 2010. Pp. 79-80.</ref><ref name="conservative2006"/> The fundamental objective of “right-wing” socialism is to keep things as they are by preventing the free exercise of entrepreneurship and creative human action from disrupting the pre-established framework of social organization.<ref name="entrepreneurship1992-2"/> It supports ] and allows certain people or groups to have privileges in society.<ref name="entrepreneurship1992">Huerta de Soto.Pp. 79.</ref> Military socialism, ], ], and some forms of ] are related to right-wing socialism.<ref name="entrepreneurship1992"/> ] and later ] and ] have been considered examples of right-wing socialism.<ref name="prospects1"/> | |||
| == Conservative socialism == | |||
| The term "conservative socialism" has been historically noted for being ascribed as a rebuke by ] of certain strains of socialism, but it has also been used by proponents of such a system.<ref name="conservative2006">Peter Viereck. ''Conservative thinkers: from John Adams to Winston Churchill''. New Brunswick, New Jersey, US: Transaction Publishers, 2006. Pp. 74.</ref> | |||
| A prominent early proponent of self-described conservative socialism was 19th century ] politician ] who spoke in favour of "conservative socialism" as early as 1847.<ref name="conservative2006"/> At this time ] had begun to appropriate the term "socialist" as an antithesis of "] '']''" and part of a conflict between organic social unity versus atomized individualist forms of society and of social conscience versus "selfish, anti-social" individualism and ].<ref name="conservative2006"/> Metternich claimed the aims of such a conservative socialism were "peaceful, class-harmonizing, cosmopolitan, traditional".<ref>Peter Viereck. ''Conservative thinkers: from John Adams to Winston Churchill''. New Brunswick, New Jersey, US: Transaction Publishers, 2006. Pp. 74-75.</ref> It was a monarchic socialism that promoted social paternalism that perceived the monarch as having a "fatherly" duty to protect his people from the effects of free economic forces.<ref name="conservative1">Peter Viereck. ''Conservative thinkers: from John Adams to Winston Churchill''. New Brunswick, New Jersey, US: Transaction Publishers, 2006. Pp. 75.</ref> Metternich's conservative socialism saw liberalism and nationalism as forms of middle-class dictatorship over the masses.<ref name="conservative1"/> | |||
| Another proponent of conservative socialism was ], a ] conservative landowner and lawyer who briefly served as minister of education in ] in 1848, who promoted a form of ] led by an enlightened monarchy that supported state regulation of the economy.<ref name="intelligentsia1989">Marshall S. Shatz. ''Jan Waclaw Machajski: A Radical Critic of the Russian Intelligentsia and Socialism''. Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, US: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1989. Pp. 86.</ref> Rodbertus supported the elimination of private ownership of land while preserving "national capital" to be run by national enterprises led by the state, but did not support the redistribution of capital to the working class.<ref name="intelligentsia1989"/> In the 1880s, Rodbertus' conservative socialism was rediscovered by German intellectuals and promoted as a nonrevolutionary alternative to ] and a means to justify the acceptance of the Bismarckian state's social policies.<ref name="intelligentsia1989"/> | |||
| == Right-wing religious socialism == | |||
| In Europe, right-wing Catholic socialism was created by Catholic Church officials in the 19th century in response to widespread deterioration of social conditions and rising ] and democratic tendencies amongst artisans and workers.<ref>Geoff Eley. ''Society, Culture, and the State in Germany, 1870-1930''. First paperback edition. University of Michigan, 1997. Pp. 174.</ref> It mixed "social commitment, ] ], and authoritarian patronage from above, it was also based on deepening popular piety".<ref>Geoff Eley. ''Society, Culture, and the State in Germany, 1870-1930''. First paperback edition. University of Michigan, 1997. Pp. 174-175.</ref> In France, the influence of these doctrines can be seen in the conservative socialism of ] and ]. The German conservative ] figure ] founded the ] in 1878 that aimed to align workers with ] ] and the ].<ref>Gottfried Dietze. ''In Defense of Property''. Lanham, Maryland, US; London, England, UK: University Press of America, 1995. Pp. 97.</ref> Stoecker respected existing social hierarchies but also desired a state that would be active in protecting the poor and vulnerable citizens.<ref name="university2000">Albert S. Lindemann. ''Esau's tears: modern anti-semitism and the rise of the Jews''. First paperback edition. Cambridge, England, UK; New York, New York, US; Melbourne, Victoria, Australia; Madrid, Spain: Cambridge University Press, 2000. Pp. 145.</ref> Stoecker on occasion used ] rhetoric to gain support, though he urged supporters to practice Chrisitian love, even towards Jews.<ref name="university2000"/> | |||
| == War Socialism == | |||
| During ], the German government issued ] of the economy and social sphere for war, resulting in government regulation of the private and public sector.<ref name="psychopathic1977">Robert George Leeson Waite. ''The psychopathic god: Adolf Hitler''. Da Capo Press, Inc., 1977, 1993. Pp. 304.</ref> This was referred to in Germany as the ] (''Kriegswirtschaft'') or "War Socialism" (''Kriegssozialismus'').<ref name="psychopathic1977"/> The term "War Socialism" was created by the prominent proponent of the system itself, General ].<ref>Robert O. Paxton. Europe in the twentieth century. Harcourt Brace College Publishers, 1997. Pp. 106.</ref> War Socialism was a militarized state socialism in which the state exercised controls and regulations over the entire economy.<ref>Robert George Leeson Waite. ''The psychopathic god: Adolf Hitler''. Da Capo Press, Inc., 1977, 1993. Pp. 304-305.</ref> The German War Socialist economy was operated by conservative military men and industrialists who had historically been hostile to socialism.<ref>Carter Vaughn Findley, John Alexander Rothney. ''Twentieth-Century World''. Seventh edition. Belmont, California, US: Wadsworth Cengage Learning, 2011. Pp. 66.</ref> Its goal was to maximize war production and to control worker discontent that was growing amongst the organized labour movement.<ref>Robert O. Paxton, Julie Hessler. ''Europe in the Twentieth Century''. Belmont, California, US: Wadsworth Cengage Learning, 2005, 2011. Pp. 89.</ref> A leading proponent of War Socialism in Germany was General ] who insisted against objections of business leaders, that labour union representatives be included in factory labour committees as well as regional food and labour boards; this was achieved and gave German unions ] rights and official functions in the German state for the first time in history.<ref>Robert O. Paxton, Julie Hessler. ''Europe in the Twentieth Century''. Belmont, California, US: Wadsworth Cengage Learning, 2005, 2011. Pp. 89, 95.</ref> | |||
| War Socialism also existed in other European countries involved in the war. In the ] a number of public figures promoted the adoption of War Socialism, including ] and was adopted by ] ].<ref>Marshall Cavendish Corporation. ''History of World War I, Volume 3''. Tarrytown, New York, US: Marshall Cavendish Corporation, 2002. Pp. 697.</ref> Tsarist Russia had War Socialism.<ref name="giangiacomo1914">Silvio Pons, Andrea Romano, Fondazione Giangiacomo Feltrinelli. ''Russia in the age of wars, 1914-1945''. English translation. Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche (CNR) e della Fondazione Cassa di Risparmio delle Provincie Lombarde, 2000. Pp. 68.</ref> Sociologist ] claims that Tsarist Russian War Socialism had existed for two hundred years in support of the Tsarist regime until their overthrow in 1917.<ref name="giangiacomo1914"/> The War Socialist economy of Russia was based upon that in Germany, was supported by non-socialist and socialist parties alike.<ref>Donald J. Raleigh. ''Experiencing Russia's civil war: politics, society, and revolutionary culture in Saratov, 1917-1922''. Princeton, New Jersey, US; Oxfordshire, England, UK: Princeton University Press, 2002. Pp. 24.</ref> | |||
| == Fascism == | |||
| Fascism has been described by historian ] as a nationalist socialism associated with anti-bourgeois, anti-democratic, anti-liberal, and anti-Marxist views.<ref>Roger Griffin (ed). "Fascism" by Zeev Sternhill, ''International Fascism: Theories, Causes, and the New Consensus''. London, England, UK; New York, New York, US: Arnold Publishers, 1998. Pp. 30-31.</ref> Sternhell has also acknowledged the association of fascist figures with the political right.<ref name="Roger Griffin 1998. Pp. 32">Roger Griffin (ed). "Fascism" by Zeev Sternhill, ''International Fascism: Theories, Causes, and the New Consensus''. London, England, UK; New York, New York, US: Arnold Publishers, 1998. Pp. 32.</ref> The original Italian Fascism has origins in the revolutionary ] of ], who promoted a an anti-materialist, voluntarist, and vitalist revolutionary socialist movement to produce a ] to overthrow bourgeois society and establish a proletarian society.<ref>Roger Griffin (ed). "Fascism" by Zeev Sternhill, ''International Fascism: Theories, Causes, and the New Consensus''. London, England, UK; New York, New York, US: Arnold Publishers, 1998. Pp. 31.</ref> Due to Sorelians opposing materialism and the belief that class revolution alone could not produce a successful revolt, Sorelianism split from Marxism and adopted a national, moral, and psychological revolution rather than class revolution.<ref name="Roger Griffin 1998. Pp. 32"/> ] himself became associated with the political right by supporting ]' ] ] and ] '']'' and turned to ] nationalism.<ref name="Zeev Sternhell 1994. Pp. 80">Zeev Sternhell, Mario Sznajder, Maia Ashéri. ''The Birth of Fascist Ideology: From Cultural Rebellion to Political Revolution''. Princeton, New Jersey, US: Princeton University Press, 1994. Pp. 80.</ref> | |||
| Fascists have advocated themselves as preserving the integrity of the nation and solving the social question by destroying the "dictatorship of money", restraining "wild capitalism" to insure national solidarity, and having a strong state that controls the economy.<ref>Roger Griffin (ed). "Fascism" by Zeev Sternhill, ''International Fascism: Theories, Causes, and the New Consensus''. London, England, UK; New York, New York, US: Arnold Publishers, 1998. Pp. 34.</ref> | |||
| == Right-wing socialism in France == | |||
| === Charles Maurras and National Syndicalism === | |||
| French right-wing nationalist and monarchist ] held interest in merging his nationalist ideals with ] ] as a means to confront ].<ref name="revolution1994">Zeev Sternhell, Mario Sznajder, Maia Ashéri. ''The Birth of Fascist Ideology: From Cultural Rebellion to Political Revolution''. Princeton, New Jersey, US: Princeton University Press, 1994. Pp. 82.</ref> Maurras famously stated "a socialism liberated from the democratic and cosmopolitan element fits nationalism well as a well made glove fits a beautiful hand".<ref>Douglas R. Holmes. Integral Europe: fast-capitalism, multiculturalism, neofascism. Princeton, New Jersey, US: Princeton University Press, 2000. Pp. 60.</ref> ] himself was impressed by the significant numbers of "ardent youth" that enrolled in Maurras' '']'' and turned to Maurrasian nationalism.<ref name="Zeev Sternhell 1994. Pp. 80"/> In 1911, on the issue of Sorelian syndicalism, ] announced to the Fourth Congress of ''Action Française'' that "It was not a mere accident that our friends encountered the militants of syndicalism. The nationalist movement and the syndicalist movement, alien to another though they may seem, because of their present positions and orientations, have more than one common objective."<ref name="revolution1994"/> Valois and Sorel founded the '']'' in 1911, an organization that Valois declared to provide "a common platform for nationalists and leftist antidemocrats".<ref name="university1986">Zeev Sternhell. ''Neither right nor left: fascist ideology in France''. 2nd edition. Princeton, New Jersey, US: Princeton University Press, 1986. Pp. 11.</ref> ''Cercle Proudhon'' announced that it supported the replacement of ] ideology and ] with a new ethic of an alliance of nationalism with syndicalism, as those "two synthesizing and convergent movements, one at the extreme right and the other at the extreme left, that have begun the siege and assault on democracy".<ref name="university1986"/> ''Cercle Proudhon'' supported the replacement of the liberal order with a new world that was "virile, heroic, pessimistic, and puritanical—based on the sense of duty and sacrifice: a world where the mentality of warriors and monks would prevail".<ref>Zeev Sternhell. ''Neither right nor left: fascist ideology in France''. 2nd edition. Princeton, New Jersey, US: Princeton University Press, 1986. Pp. 11-12.</ref> The society would be dominated by a powerful avant-garde proletarian elite that would serve as an aristocracy of producers, and allied with intellectual youth dedicated to action against the decadent bourgeoisie.<ref>Zeev Sternhell. ''Neither right nor left: fascist ideology in France''. 2nd edition. Princeton, New Jersey, US: Princeton University Press, 1986. Pp. 12.</ref> | |||
| == Right-wing socialism in Germany == | |||
| === Bismarckian state socialism and Kathedersozialismus === | |||
| ] ] ] adopted policies of state-organized compulsory insurance for workers against sickness, accident, incapacity, and old age in what has been nicknamed "Bismarckian socialism".<ref name="development1988">A. J. P. Taylor, Alan John Percivale Taylor. ''The course of German history: a survey of the development of German history''. London, England, UK; New York, New York, US: Routledge, 1988, 2001. Pp. 149.</ref> Bismarck himself was not a socialist and enacted the ], his actions were designed to offset the growth of the ].<ref name="development1988"/> Bismarck's policies have been viewed as a form of state socialism.<ref name="transaction1989">Abram Lincoln Harris. ''Race, radicalism, and reform: selected papers''. New Brunswick, New Jersey, US: Transaction Publishers, 1989. Pp. 442.</ref> The state socialism of Bismarck was based upon ] political thought in which the state was supreme and carried out Bismarck's agenda of supporting "the protest of ] against ]" and of "] against ]" and stated that "the duty of the State is to maintain and promote the interests, the well-being of the nation as such."<ref name="transaction1989"/> | |||
| The academic equivalent of Bismarck's state socialism at the time was ''Kathedersozialismus'' of ] and ].<ref name="transaction1989"/> Schmoller was an opponent of both ] and ] ] socialism.<ref name="transaction1989"/> Wagner had originally been a ] but had developed into a ] ] and ].<ref name="antisemitism1">Marcel Stoetzler. ''The State, the Nation, & the Jews: Liberalism and the Antisemitism Dispute in Bismarck's Germany''. University of Nebraska, 2008. Pp. 241.</ref> ''Kathedersozialists'' held in common three tenets: that "economic freedom cannot be absolute, the economy must obey ethical as well as practical demands, and that the state must intervene to provide a degree of social justice".<ref name="antisemitism1"/> Schmoller denied that ] and '']'' economics were suitable for Germany, instead advocating state intervention in the economy to foster ] and improving conditions for labourers.<ref name="transaction1989"/> Schmoller endorsed the ] as historically being a "benevolent and socially mediating institution".<ref name="antisemitism1"/> Schmoller stated "A firm monarchy is a great blessing when it is bound up with traditions like those of the Prussian monarchy, which recognizes its duties."<ref name="transaction1989"/> | |||
| === Pre-Nazi Right-wing National Socialism === | |||
| ====Plenge==== | |||
| During World War I, sociologist ] spoke of the rise of a "National Socialism" in Germany within what he termed the "ideas of 1914" that were a declaration of war against the "ideas pf 1789"—].<ref name="massaschussetts2000">Martin Kitchen. ''A history of modern Germany, 1800-2000''. Malden, Massaschussetts, US; Oxford, England, UK; Carlton, Victoria, Australia: Blackwell Publishing, Inc., 2006. Pp. 205.</ref> According to Plenge, the "ideas of 1789" that included rights of man, democracy, individualism and liberalism were being rejected in favour of "the ideas of 1914" that included "German values" of duty, discipline, law, and order.<ref name="massaschussetts2000"/> Plenge believed that ethnic solidarity ('']'') would replace class division and that "racial comrades" would unite to create a socialist society in the struggle of "proletarian" Germany against "capitalist" Britain.<ref name="massaschussetts2000"/> He believed that the "Spirit of 1914" manifested itself in the concept of the "People's League of National Socialism".<ref name="condition1997">Bernd-Rüdiger Hüppauf. ''War, violence, and the modern condition''. Berlin, Germany: Walter de Gruyter & Co., 1997. Pp. 92.</ref> This National Socialism was a form of state socialism that rejected the "idea of boundless freedom" and promoted an economy that would serve the whole of Germany under the leadership of the state.<ref name="condition1997"/> This National Socialism was opposed to capitalism due to the components that were against "the national interest" of Germany, but insisted that National Socialism would strive for greater efficiency in the economy.<ref name="condition1997"/> Plenge advocated an authoritarian rational ruling elite to develop National Socialism through a hierarchical ] state.<ref name="conservatism2007">Thomas Rohkrämer. "A single communal faith?: the German Right from Conservatism to National Socialism", ''Monographs in German History''. Volume 20. Berghahn Books, 2007. Pp. 130.</ref> | |||
| Plenge's arguments at the time were recognized by a diverse group of people as an important argument in favour of social justice promoted within a strong state, including: right-wing Social Democrats ], ], Paul Lench and ]; Conservative Revolutionaries including ] and Max Hildebert Boehm; and Nazis including ], ] and ].<ref name="conservatism2007"/> Plenge's ideas formed the basis of Nazism.<ref name="massaschussetts2000"/> | |||
| ====Sombart==== | |||
| ] came under the influence of both Schmoller and Wagner as well as Wihelm Dilthey, Carlyle, and the ] ] and ] and produced a prototype "national socialism" in which he emphasized the "new spirit" in Germany that was both "national" and "social".<ref name="transaction2">Abram Lincoln Harris. ''Race, radicalism, and reform: selected papers''. New Brunswick, New Jersey, US: Transaction Publishers, 1989. Pp. 444.</ref> Following the teachings of Carlyle, Maurice, and Kingsley, Sombart denounced the ] and ] for having created "mammonism, selfishness, and forgetfulness of obligations" and for these being a "eudenmonistic ] philosophy".<ref name="transaction2"/> Sombart claimed that these were being replaced by "]", "faith", and "social interest".<ref name="transaction2"/> | |||
| Sombart described the "capitalist spirit" as a combination of (1) the "spirit of enterprise" that is "a synthesis of the greed of gold, the desire for adventure", "the love of exploration" and (2) "the bourgeois spirit" identified by its "calculation, careful policy, reasonableness, and economy".<ref name="transaction2"/> He advocated that socialism in turn should be conceived of as a "definite spirit" and described socialism as "a definite manner of forming a socially united life which deeply imbeds itself in social institutions".<ref name="transaction2"/> Sombart asserted that there are two main types of socialism: an egalitarian socialism and a non-egalitarian socialism.<ref name="transaction3">Abram Lincoln Harris. ''Race, radicalism, and reform: selected papers''. New Brunswick, New Jersey, US: Transaction Publishers, 1989. Pp. 447.</ref> Egalitarian socialism such as Marxism insists "that all should be partners".<ref name="transaction3"/> Non-egalitarian socialism "proceeds from the view of the human community ''as a whole'', from a concrete organizing idea (''Gestaltungsidee''), whose realization consists in assigning a definite place to the individual in the strata of the whole. It thus leads to an organized association of individuals and, accordingly, to inequality."<ref name="transaction3"/> While it is uncertain whether Sombart initially supported this non-egalitarian socialism, his later developments indicated support for it then.<ref name="transaction3"/> | |||
| Sombart elaborated his form of socialism in his 1934 book ''Deutscher Sozialismus'' ("German Socialism").<ref name="transaction4">Abram Lincoln Harris. ''Race, radicalism, and reform: selected papers''. New Brunswick, New Jersey, US: Transaction Publishers, 1989. Pp. 430.</ref> In it, Sombart announces that "'a new spirit' is beginning to rule mankind", a spirit that marked the end of the "economic age" that he viewed as the epoch of capitalism and proletarian socialism that was atheist, materialist, and egotistic in its values.<ref name="transaction4"/> The "new spirit" was embodied in what he called "German Socialism".<ref name="transaction4"/> He declared that German Socialism was not confined to an economic sphere but to all aspects of social life and supported the "total ordering of life" as well as coordination of people according to their estates.<ref name="transaction2"/> German Socialism is primarily national in character and claimed that "there can be no universally valid social order but only one that is particularly suited to a particular nation."<ref name="transaction4"/> He contrasted German Socialism with liberalism where German Socialism places "the welfare of the whole over the welfare of the individual".<ref name="transaction4"/> He attributed past exponents of this form of socialism to such figures as ], ], ], ], ], ], ], and Adolf Wagner.<ref name="transaction4"/> Sombart declared present-day exponents at the time to include ] and the German ].<ref name="transaction4"/> | |||
| ==== Spengler ==== | |||
| In 1919, ] in the book '']'' ("Prussiandom and Socialism") responded to the claim that socialism's rise in Germany had begun with the ] rebellions of 1918 to 1919 but rather in 1914 when Germany waged war, uniting the German nation in a national struggle that he claimed was based on socialistic Prussian characteristics, including creativity, discipline, concern for the greater good, productivity, and self-sacrifice.<ref>Eric D. Weitz. Weimar Germany: promise and tragedy. Princeton, New Jersey, US: Princeton University Press, 2007. Pp. 336-337.</ref> Spengler claimed that these socialistic Prussian qualities were present across Germany and stated that the merger of German nationalism with this form of socialism while resisting Marxist and ] socialism would be in the interests of Germany.<ref name="university2007">Eric D. Weitz. Weimar Germany: promise and tragedy. Princeton, New Jersey, US: Princeton University Press, 2007. Pp. 337.</ref> | |||
| Spengler utilized the anti-English ideas addressed by Johann Plenge and Werner Sombart during ] that condemned English liberalism and English parliamentarianism while advocating a national socialism that was free from ] that would connect the individual to the state through ] organization.<ref>Blamires, Cyprian; Jackson, Paul. ''World fascism: a historical encyclopedia, Volume 1''. Santa Barbara, California, US: ABC-CLIO, Inc, 2006. p. 628.</ref> He denounced Marxism for having developed its socialism from an English perspective, while not understanding Germans' socialist nature.<ref name="transaction1992">H. Stuart Hughes. ''Oswald Spengler''. New Brunswick, New Jersey, US: Transaction Publishers, 1992. Pp. 108.</ref> Spengler accused Marxism as following the British tradition of the poor envying the rich.<ref name="transaction1992"/> Spengler claimed that Marxism sought to train the proletariat to "expropriate the expropriator", the capitalist, and then to let them live a life of leisure on this expropriation.<ref name="transaction1992"/> In summary, Spengler concluded that "Marxism is the capitalism of the working class" and not true socialism.<ref name="transaction1992"/> | |||
| Spengler described socialism, stating "The meaning of socialism is that life is controlled not by the opposition between rich and poor, but by the rank that achievement and talent bestow. That is ''our'' freedom, freedom from the economic despotism of the individual."<ref name="university2006">Heinrich August Winkler, Alexander Sager. Germany: The Long Road West. English edition. Oxford, England, UK: Oxford University Press, 2006. Pp. 414.</ref> | |||
| Spengler's Prussian socialism was popular amongst the German political right, especially the ] right who had distanced themselves from traditional ].<ref name="university2007"/> His notions of Prussian socialism influenced ] and the ].<ref name="university2006"/> | |||
| == References == | == References == | ||
| {{Reflist|colwidth=30em}} | {{Reflist|colwidth=30em}} | ||
| {{Socialism}} | |||
| ] | ] | ||
Revision as of 06:43, 15 May 2012
This article is about the use of the term by Austrian School economist Jesús Huerta de Soto. For other uses, see Socialism.The term "right-wing socialism" is a term used by Jesús Huerta de Soto in his book Socialism, Economic Calculation and Entrepreneurship to describe what he considers socialist policies carried out by liberal, conservative and fascist governments. According to him, it supports social hierarchy and allows certain people or groups to have privileges in society. Military socialism, guild socialism, agrarian socialism, and some forms of Christian socialism have been linked to "right-wing socialism" by Jesús Huerta de Soto.
References
- ^ Huerta de Soto, Jesús (1992, 2010), Socialism, Economic Calculation and Entrepreneurship (Fourth ed.), Glos, England, UK; Northampton, Massachusetts, US: Edward Elgar Publishing, pp. 79–80
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