| Revision as of 13:43, 19 May 2006 editThijs!bot (talk | contribs)470,128 editsm robot Adding: de← Previous edit | Revision as of 20:26, 29 June 2006 edit undo171.64.90.99 (talk)No edit summaryNext edit → | ||
| (3 intermediate revisions by the same user not shown) | |||
| Line 1: | Line 1: | ||
| {{Islam}} | {{Islam}} | ||
| The '''Mihna'''—Arabic for 'ordeal'— was institutionalized by Abbasid Caliph al-Ma'mun in 218 A.H./833 A.D. It involved testing particular individuals concerning their view of whether the Qur'an is created or not. All parties agreed that the Qur'an is the unadulterated speech of God. The issue was whether the Qur'an is the created or the uncreated speech of God. The response of the interrogees was not without consequences. Measures were taken against those who rejected the doctrine of the createdness of the Qur'an, including dismissal from public office, imprisonment, and even flogging. | |||
| The '''Mihna'''—Arabic for 'ordeal'—was the last real attempt by Muslim rulers to impose their will on the development of the Islam; during this period, which lasted from 832 until 848 CE, the ] Caliphs had made the Greek philosophy-influenced ] interpretation of Islam the official version of the religion, and tried to bar the teaching of other versions in many mosques. | |||
| The Mihna is considered a puzzling event in Islamic history, especially that it started at the hands of a Caliph with a reputation of open-mindedness and intellectuality. Though it is widely believed that al-Ma'mun initiated the Mihna under the influence of his close Mu`tazilite aides, a careful examination of historical events reveals a much more complicated motivation behind the whole episode. John A. Nawas studied the proposed explanations for al-Mamun's introduction of the Mihna and concluded that the Mihna was mainly al-Ma'mun's attempt to secure for the Caliphal institution full control over the religious as it had over the secular. Nawas' research was published in two papers: A Rexamination of Three Current Explanations for al-Ma'mun's Introduction of the Mihna, ''International Journal of Middle East Studies'', Nov. 1994, pp. 615—629; The Mihna of 218 A.H./833 A. D. Revisited: An Empirical Study, ''Journal of the American Oriental Society'', Oct.—Dec. 1996, pp. 698—708. | |||
| The Mu'tazilite school at this point was using the recently translated works of the Greek philosophers to interpret the ]--applying, for example, the principles of logic to the teachings of the holy book, and trying to explain Islam through rational proofs (as Rene Descartes tried to do for Christianity many centuries later). However, the Mu'tazilite ideas were emphatically not shared by the mass of believers or even by most Muslim scholars—it was essentially a movement of a group of intellectual Muslim scholars without a large following. The caliph ] made Mu'tazilite doctrine the official state doctrine, and near the end of his reign launched the Mihna, which western commentators have compared (perhaps not accurately) to the Inquisition. | |||
| The main points against the assertion of Mu`tazilite influence: | |||
| Many of the Ulema—Muslim religious scholars—vehemently opposed the Mu’talizite doctrines and their attempts to interpret the Quran through the lens of Greek logic and philosophy. Perhaps the most notable opponent was ], the founder of the Hanbali school of Islamic interpretation. Hanbal and his followers advocated a nearly literal interpretation of the Quran, and considered the holy book 'uncreated,' in contrast to the Mu'tazilites. | |||
| '''(1)''' The doctrine of the createdness of the Quran is not exclusively Mu`tazilite. The Shi`ites generally espouse it (though it may have been appropriated by them after this episode—Shi`ism and Sunnism were still in the making at the time of the Mihna). Also, the Jahmites believed in it in addition to hard determinism and, thus, stood diametrically opposed to the Mu`tazilite defense of human free will. | |||
| Hanbal spent much of the Mihna period imprisoned by the Abbasid Caliphate, until the Caliph ] released him, ended the controversy over the createdness of the Quran, and suppressed the public discussion of Mu'tazilite doctrines. | |||
| '''(2)''' Al-Mamun's court included some Mu`tazilites but also some anti-Mu`tazilite thinkers and scholars such as Bishr al-Mirisi, a Jahmite. No Mu`tazilite was directly involved in the Inquisition except Ahmed Ibn Abi Du`ad who in Mu`tazilite sources is not shown as contributing to the doctrinal system of the school. | |||
| '''(3)''' Al-Mamun's court included scholars counted as "Ahl as-Sunnah wa-al-Jama`a"—a term used for Muslims with orthodox beliefs— such as Yahya Ibn Aktham who actually dissuaded al-Mamun from sanctioning mut`a marriage (temporary marriage) and from cursing Mu`awayyah, the first Ummayad Caliph, on the pulpits. In the latter case, Yahya reportedly convinced al-Mamun by telling him that he, as a Caliph, must be above the different sects and schools. | |||
| '''(4)''' Al-Mamum himself appears, if all the historical evidence is taken into account, to be eclectic in his beliefs. Some Mu`tazilites actually accused him of believing in unqualified predestination. That is, an argument can be made that he was a Jahmite. | |||
| '''(5)''' Like members of different schools, Mu`tazilite scholars were divided into two groups: a group engaging in the political system (to help reform it or reduce its evils, not to mention personal interests), and a group rejecting the existing injustice and refusing to legitmize the corrupt political system. | |||
| '''(6)''' In short Mu`tazilites were not in any dominant position nor their ideology was the state's official creed. The | |||
| Mihna was al-Mamun's attempt to assert his theological and legal authority over the juristic culture, especially the defiant traditionists and traditionalists. | |||
| It is important to note that in classical Islam, it was private individuals and not the Caliphate who undertook the mission of developing the various Islamic sciences including the law. That is, the law, contrary to what happens in modern nation states, was not the exclusive perserve of the state. In fact, the jurists developed it in conscious opposition to the state. From early on, there was a religious order in classical Islam that was distinct from the political order. The semi-autonomy of the scholars resulted in the interesting phenomenon of the emergence of different, and regarding some issues, diametrically opposed schools of jurisprudence—all considered Islamically valid and authentic. The Mihna, within this context, reflects the Caliph's frustration with the powerful and influential juristic culture. It lasted about 15 years, after which the domains of authority of both the political and religious orders became more well-defined. This does not mean that confrontation was the hallmark of the relationship between both orders. The relationship was more nuanced and involved not only confrontation but also collaboration. Generally speaking, the religious order stood as a buffer between the political order and the common people. | |||
| The result of the Mihna was a kind of 'separation of church and state' (though not at all in the modern sense of the phrase )—from 848 on, it was the Ulema who decided individually what was the legitimate interpretation of Islamic law and its sources; Caliphs could try to influence Islamic doctrine, but they no longer attempted to dictate terms to the Ulema. | |||
| {{Islam-stub}} | {{Islam-stub}} | ||
| {{history-stub}} | {{history-stub}} | ||
Revision as of 20:26, 29 June 2006
The Mihna—Arabic for 'ordeal'— was institutionalized by Abbasid Caliph al-Ma'mun in 218 A.H./833 A.D. It involved testing particular individuals concerning their view of whether the Qur'an is created or not. All parties agreed that the Qur'an is the unadulterated speech of God. The issue was whether the Qur'an is the created or the uncreated speech of God. The response of the interrogees was not without consequences. Measures were taken against those who rejected the doctrine of the createdness of the Qur'an, including dismissal from public office, imprisonment, and even flogging.
The Mihna is considered a puzzling event in Islamic history, especially that it started at the hands of a Caliph with a reputation of open-mindedness and intellectuality. Though it is widely believed that al-Ma'mun initiated the Mihna under the influence of his close Mu`tazilite aides, a careful examination of historical events reveals a much more complicated motivation behind the whole episode. John A. Nawas studied the proposed explanations for al-Mamun's introduction of the Mihna and concluded that the Mihna was mainly al-Ma'mun's attempt to secure for the Caliphal institution full control over the religious as it had over the secular. Nawas' research was published in two papers: A Rexamination of Three Current Explanations for al-Ma'mun's Introduction of the Mihna, International Journal of Middle East Studies, Nov. 1994, pp. 615—629; The Mihna of 218 A.H./833 A. D. Revisited: An Empirical Study, Journal of the American Oriental Society, Oct.—Dec. 1996, pp. 698—708.
The main points against the assertion of Mu`tazilite influence:
(1) The doctrine of the createdness of the Quran is not exclusively Mu`tazilite. The Shi`ites generally espouse it (though it may have been appropriated by them after this episode—Shi`ism and Sunnism were still in the making at the time of the Mihna). Also, the Jahmites believed in it in addition to hard determinism and, thus, stood diametrically opposed to the Mu`tazilite defense of human free will.
(2) Al-Mamun's court included some Mu`tazilites but also some anti-Mu`tazilite thinkers and scholars such as Bishr al-Mirisi, a Jahmite. No Mu`tazilite was directly involved in the Inquisition except Ahmed Ibn Abi Du`ad who in Mu`tazilite sources is not shown as contributing to the doctrinal system of the school.
(3) Al-Mamun's court included scholars counted as "Ahl as-Sunnah wa-al-Jama`a"—a term used for Muslims with orthodox beliefs— such as Yahya Ibn Aktham who actually dissuaded al-Mamun from sanctioning mut`a marriage (temporary marriage) and from cursing Mu`awayyah, the first Ummayad Caliph, on the pulpits. In the latter case, Yahya reportedly convinced al-Mamun by telling him that he, as a Caliph, must be above the different sects and schools.
(4) Al-Mamum himself appears, if all the historical evidence is taken into account, to be eclectic in his beliefs. Some Mu`tazilites actually accused him of believing in unqualified predestination. That is, an argument can be made that he was a Jahmite.
(5) Like members of different schools, Mu`tazilite scholars were divided into two groups: a group engaging in the political system (to help reform it or reduce its evils, not to mention personal interests), and a group rejecting the existing injustice and refusing to legitmize the corrupt political system.
(6) In short Mu`tazilites were not in any dominant position nor their ideology was the state's official creed. The Mihna was al-Mamun's attempt to assert his theological and legal authority over the juristic culture, especially the defiant traditionists and traditionalists.
It is important to note that in classical Islam, it was private individuals and not the Caliphate who undertook the mission of developing the various Islamic sciences including the law. That is, the law, contrary to what happens in modern nation states, was not the exclusive perserve of the state. In fact, the jurists developed it in conscious opposition to the state. From early on, there was a religious order in classical Islam that was distinct from the political order. The semi-autonomy of the scholars resulted in the interesting phenomenon of the emergence of different, and regarding some issues, diametrically opposed schools of jurisprudence—all considered Islamically valid and authentic. The Mihna, within this context, reflects the Caliph's frustration with the powerful and influential juristic culture. It lasted about 15 years, after which the domains of authority of both the political and religious orders became more well-defined. This does not mean that confrontation was the hallmark of the relationship between both orders. The relationship was more nuanced and involved not only confrontation but also collaboration. Generally speaking, the religious order stood as a buffer between the political order and the common people.
 | This Islam-related article is a stub. You can help Misplaced Pages by expanding it. |
 | This history article is a stub. You can help Misplaced Pages by expanding it. |