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{{Short description|Relevance of genotype to race classification}}
{{NPOV}}
{{use dmy dates|date=July 2024}}
{{Mergefrom|Race and multilocus allele clusters|date=December 2006}}
{{cs1 config|name-list-style=vanc|display-authors=4}}
{{Contradict-other|Black people}}
{{Race}}


Researchers have investigated the relationship between '''race and genetics''' as part of efforts to understand how biology may or may not contribute to ]. Today, the consensus among scientists is that race is a ], and that using it as a proxy for genetic differences among populations is misleading.<ref name=":8">{{Cite book |url=https://nap.nationalacademies.org/read/26902/chapter/1 |title=Using Population Descriptors in Genetics and Genomics Research: A New Framework for an Evolving Field (Consensus Study Report) |date=2023 |publisher=] |doi=10.17226/26902 |pmid=36989389 |isbn=978-0-309-70065-8 |quote=In humans, race is a socially constructed designation, a misleading and harmful surrogate for population genetic differences, and has a long history of being incorrectly identified as the major genetic reason for phenotypic differences between groups.}}</ref><ref name=":4">{{Cite web |date=14 March 2023 |title=Researchers Need to Rethink and Justify How and Why Race, Ethnicity, and Ancestry Labels Are Used in Genetics and Genomics Research, Says New Report |url=https://www.nationalacademies.org/news/2023/03/researchers-need-to-rethink-and-justify-how-and-why-race-ethnicity-and-ancestry-labels-are-used-in-genetics-and-genomics-research-says-new-report |website=National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine |quote=Researchers and scientists who utilize genetic and genomic data should rethink and justify how and why they use race, ethnicity, and ancestry labels in their work, says a new National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine report. The report says researchers should not use race as a proxy for describing human genetic variation. Race is a social concept, but it is often used in genomics and genetics research as a surrogate for describing human genetic differences, which is misleading, inaccurate, and harmful.}}</ref>
'''Genetic views on ]''' vary considerably between and within academic disciplines. Many views are complex, and are distinguished by subtle differences. Often the significance of differences between views is related to the use of ]. This article compares the major contemporary views on race.


Many constructions of race are associated with ] traits and geographic ancestry, and scholars like ] have proposed scientific models for the organization of race since at least the 18th century. Following the discovery of ] and the ], questions about the biology of race have often been framed in terms of ].<ref name=":3">{{Cite book|last=Goodman|first=Alan H.|url=https://www.worldcat.org/oclc/1121420797|title=Race : are we so different?|date=2020|others=Yolanda T. Moses, Joseph L. Jones|isbn=978-1-119-47247-6|edition=Second|location=Hoboken, NJ|oclc=1121420797|access-date=2021-04-08|archive-date=2021-05-25|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210525024950/https://www.worldcat.org/title/race-are-we-so-different/oclc/1121420797|url-status=live |publisher=Wiley Blackwell}}</ref> A wide range of research methods have been employed to examine patterns of human variation and their relations to ancestry and racial groups, including studies of individual traits,<ref>{{Cite book|last=Jablonski|first=Nina G.|url=https://www.worldcat.org/oclc/64592114|title=Skin : a natural history|date=2006|publisher=University of California Press|isbn=0-520-24281-5|location=Berkeley|oclc=64592114|access-date=2021-04-08|archive-date=2021-05-25|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210525033647/https://www.worldcat.org/title/skin-a-natural-history/oclc/64592114|url-status=live}}</ref> studies of large populations and genetic clusters,<ref name='Rosenberg2002'>{{Cite journal|last1=Rosenberg|first1=Noah A.|author-link1=Noah Rosenberg|last2=Pritchard|first2=Jonathan K.|author-link2=Jonathan Pritchard|last3=Weber|first3=James L.|last4=Cann|first4=Howard M.|last5=Kidd|first5=Kenneth K.|author-link5=Kenneth Kidd|last6=Zhivotovsky|first6=Lev A.|last7=Feldman|first7=Marcus W.|author-link7=Marcus Feldman|date=2002-12-20|title=Genetic structure of human populations|url=https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/12493913|journal=Science|volume=298|issue=5602|pages=2381–2385|doi=10.1126/science.1078311|issn=1095-9203|pmid=12493913|bibcode=2002Sci...298.2381R|s2cid=8127224|access-date=2021-04-08|archive-date=2021-04-30|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210430225146/https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/12493913/|url-status=live}}</ref> and studies of genetic risk factors for disease.<ref name='LorussoBacchini'>{{Cite journal|last1=Lorusso|first1=Ludovica|last2=Bacchini|first2=Fabio|date=August 2015|title=A reconsideration of the role of self-identified races in epidemiology and biomedical research|url=https://linkinghub.elsevier.com/retrieve/pii/S1369848615000345|journal=Studies in History and Philosophy of Science Part C: Studies in History and Philosophy of Biological and Biomedical Sciences|language=en|volume=52|pages=56–64|doi=10.1016/j.shpsc.2015.02.004|pmid=25791919|access-date=2021-04-08|archive-date=2021-03-08|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210308195827/https://linkinghub.elsevier.com/retrieve/pii/S1369848615000345|url-status=live}}</ref>
== Summary of contemporary views ==
===Race may be viewed as a biological or a social construct===
<table border=1 align=right>
<td colspan=8>Agreement/Disagreement of Cultural<br> and Physical Anthropologists with the statement that <br>"There <u>'''are'''</u> biological races in the species '']''"<br>1985 vs. 1999<ref>Bindon, Jim. University of Alabama. ". 2005. August 28, 2006.</ref><td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td></td>
<td colspan=2>Cultural %</td>
<td colspan=2>Physical %</td>
<td colspan=2>Combined %</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td></td>
<td>1985</td>
<td>1999</td>
<td>1985</td>
<td>1999</td>
<td>1995</td>
<td>1999</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>agree</td>
<td>30</td>
<td>14</td>
<td>50</td>
<td>24</td>
<td>39</td>
<td>18</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>neutral</td>
<td>17</td>
<td>6</td>
<td>10</td>
<td>7</td>
<td>14</td>
<td>7</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>disagree</td>
<td>53</td>
<td>80</td>
<td>40</td>
<td>69</td>
<td>47</td>
<td>75</td>
</tr>
</table>


Research into race and genetics has also been criticized as emerging from, or contributing to, ]. Genetic studies of traits and populations have been used to justify ],<ref>{{Cite book|last=Saini|first=Angela|url=https://www.worldcat.org/oclc/1091260230|title=Superior : the return of race science|date=2019|isbn=978-0-8070-7691-0|location=Boston|oclc=1091260230|access-date=2021-04-08|archive-date=2021-08-08|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210808083306/https://www.worldcat.org/title/superior-the-return-of-race-science/oclc/1091260230|url-status=live |publisher=Beacon Press}}</ref> despite the fact that patterns of human variation have been shown to be mostly ],<ref>{{Cite book|last=Marks|first=Jonathan|url=https://www.worldcat.org/oclc/961801723|title=Is science racist?|date=2017|isbn=978-0-7456-8921-0|location=Malden, MA|oclc=961801723|access-date=2021-04-08|archive-date=2021-05-02|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210502185326/https://www.worldcat.org/title/is-science-racist/oclc/961801723|url-status=live |publisher=Polity}}</ref> with human genetic code being approximately 99.6% – 99.9% identical between individuals and without clear boundaries between groups.<ref>{{Cite web |date=27 March 2019 |title=AABA Statement on Race & Racism |url=https://bioanth.org/about/aaba-statement-on-race-racism/ |website=American Association of Biological Anthropologists}}</ref><ref name='Tishkoff&Kidd2004'>{{cite journal |last1=Tishkoff |first1=Sarah A |last2=Kidd |first2=Kenneth K |author1-link=Sarah Tishkoff |author2-link=Kenneth Kidd |title=Implications of biogeography of human populations for 'race' and medicine |journal=Nature Genetics |date=26 October 2004 |volume=36 |issue=11 |doi=10.1038/ng1438 |pmid=15507999 |url=https://www.nature.com/articles/ng1438 |access-date=26 June 2024 |series=Supplemental |pages=S21-7 |publisher=] |s2cid=1500915}}</ref>


Some researchers have argued that race can act as a proxy for genetic ancestry because individuals of the same racial category may share a common ancestry, but this view has fallen increasingly out of favor among experts.<ref name=":4" /><ref>{{Cite journal |last=Kaiser |first=Jocelyn |date=11 March 2023 |title=Geneticists should rethink how they use race and ethnicity, panel urges |url=https://www.science.org/content/article/geneticists-should-rethink-how-they-use-race-and-ethnicity-panel-urges |journal=Science}}</ref> The mainstream view is that it is necessary to distinguish between biology and the social, political, cultural, and economic factors that contribute to conceptions of race.<ref name='AABAstatement'>{{cite press release |title=AABA (AAPA) Statement on Race & Racism |last1=Ackermann |first1=Rebecca |last2=Athreya |first2=Sheela |last3=Bolnick |first3=Deborah |last4=Fuentes |first4=Agustín |author-link4=Agustín Fuentes |last5=Lasisi |first5=Tina |last6=Lee |first6=Sang-Hee |last7=McLean |first7=Shay-Akil |last8=Nelson |first8=Robin |url=https://physanth.org/about/position-statements/aapa-statement-race-and-racism-2019/ |year=2019 |access-date=2024-06-26}}</ref><ref>{{Cite journal|last1=Bamshad|first1=Michael|last2=Wooding|first2=Stephen|last3=Salisbury|first3=Benjamin A.|last4=Stephens|first4=J. Claiborne|date=August 2004|title=Deconstructing the relationship between genetics and race|url=http://www.nature.com/articles/nrg1401|journal=Nature Reviews Genetics|language=en|volume=5|issue=8|pages=598–609|doi=10.1038/nrg1401|pmid=15266342|s2cid=12378279|issn=1471-0056|access-date=2021-04-08|archive-date=2021-06-10|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210610120335/https://www.nature.com/articles/nrg1401|url-status=live}}</ref>


Phenotype may have a tangential connection to DNA, but it is still only a rough proxy that would omit various other genetic information.<ref name=":4" /><ref>{{Cite web |first=Megan |last=Gannon |title=Race Is a Social Construct, Scientists Argue |url=https://www.scientificamerican.com/article/race-is-a-social-construct-scientists-argue/ |access-date=2024-03-12 |website=Scientific American |language=en}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |website=ScienceNews |first=Tina |last=Hesman Saey|date=2023-03-14 |title=Why experts recommend ditching racial labels in genetic studies |url=https://www.sciencenews.org/article/race-label-genetic-stigma-diversity |access-date=2024-03-12 |language=en-US}}</ref> Today, in a somewhat similar way that "gender" is differentiated from the more clear "biological sex", scientists state that potentially "race" / phenotype can be differentiated from the more clear "ancestry".<ref>{{Cite web |first=Vivian |last=Chou |date=2017-04-18 |title=How Science and Genetics are Reshaping the Race Debate of the 21st Century |url=https://sitn.hms.harvard.edu/flash/2017/science-genetics-reshaping-race-debate-21st-century/ |access-date=2024-03-12 |website=Science in the News |language=en-US}}</ref> However, this system has also still come under scrutiny as it may fall into the same problems – which would be large, vague groupings with little genetic value.<ref>{{Cite web |last=Lewis |first=Anna C. F. |date=2022-05-02 |title=Substituting genetic ancestry for race in research? Not so fast |url=https://www.statnews.com/2022/05/02/substituting-genetic-ancestry-for-race-in-research-not-so-fast/ |access-date=2024-03-12 |website=STAT |language=en-US}}</ref>
===As a biological construct===


==Overview==
* The term 'race' is usually used as a synonym for ] by biologists, though there is a degree of confusion over the term and both terms have a variety of meanings. There is no consensus definition for either subspecies or "race" in biology.<ref>Keita ''et al.'' (2004)</ref><ref>Templeton (1998)</ref> <ref>Pigliuchi and Kaplan (2003)</ref> Some biologists do not accept the concept of classification below the species level whatsoever, arguing that subspecific classifications are not biological units and that they are subjective and arbitrary.<ref>Keita (1993). p. 425</ref>
===The concept of race===
* '']'': "An aggregate of phenotypically similar populations of a species, inhabiting a geographic subdivision of the range of a species, and differing taxonomically from other populations of the species." <ref>Mayr (1969)</ref>
{{See also|Race (human categorization)}}
* '']'': "Races are genetically distinct Mendelian populations. They are neither individuals nor particular genotypes, they consist of individuals who differ genetically among themselves." <ref>Dobzhansky (1970)</ref>
The concept of "race" as a classification system of humans based on visible physical characteristics emerged over the last five centuries, influenced by European colonialism.<ref name='AABAstatement'/><ref>{{cite book |last1=Kennedy |first1=Rebecca F.|author-link=Rebecca Futo Kennedy |last2=Roy |first2=C. Sydnor |last3=Goldman |first3=Max L. |date=2013 |title=Race and Ethnicity in the Classical World |location=Indianapolis, Indiana |publisher=Hackett Publishing Company, Inc. |page=xiii |isbn=978-1603849944}}</ref> However, there is widespread evidence of what would be described in modern terms as ''racial consciousness'' throughout the entirety of ]. For example, in ] there were ] of human beings: Egyptians, Asiatics, Libyans, and Nubians.<ref>{{Cite web|title=Race in Ancient Egypt|url=https://www.ucl.ac.uk/museums-static/digitalegypt/social/race.html|access-date=2021-07-31|website=www.ucl.ac.uk|archive-date=2021-07-31|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210731060151/https://www.ucl.ac.uk/museums-static/digitalegypt/social/race.html|url-status=live}}</ref> There was also ] of ], who once wrote: "The peoples of Asia... lack spirit, so that they are in continuous subjection and slavery."<ref>{{Cite web|title=Aristotle, Politics, Book 7, section 1327b|url=http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus:abo:tlg,0086,035:7:1327b|access-date=2021-07-31|website=www.perseus.tufts.edu|archive-date=2021-07-31|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210731060150/http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus:abo:tlg,0086,035:7:1327b|url-status=live}}</ref> The concept has ] based on social conditions of a particular group, often used to justify unequal treatment. Early influential attempts to classify humans into discrete races include 4 races in Carl Linnaeus's ''Systema Naturae'' (''Homo europaeus'', ''asiaticus'', ''americanus'', and ''afer'')<ref>{{cite book |last1=Slotkin |first1=James S. |date=1965 |title=Readings in Early Anthropology |location=London |publisher=Routledge |isbn=9780203715215}}</ref><ref>{{cite book| last1=Linnaeus |first1=C. |date=1758 |title=Systema naturae |location=Stockholm |publisher=Laurentii Salvii|page=532}}</ref> and 5 races in Johann Friedrich Blumenbach's ''On the Natural Variety of Mankind''.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Blumenbach |first1=J.F. |last2=Bendyshe |first2=T.T. |date=1795 |title=On the natural variety of mankind}}</ref> Notably, over the next centuries, scholars argued for anywhere from 3 to more than 60 race categories.<ref>{{cite book| last1=Darwin |first1=Charles| date=1871| title=The Descent of Man, and Selection in Relation to Sex}}</ref> Race concepts have changed within a society over time; for example, in the United States social and legal designations of "White" have been inconsistently applied to Native Americans, Arab Americans, and Asian Americans, among other groups (''See main article: ]''). Race categories also vary worldwide; for example, the same person might be perceived as belonging to a different category in the United States versus Brazil.<ref>{{cite book| last1=Daniel |first1=G.R. |date=2006 |title=Race and multiraciality in Brazil and the United States: converging paths? |publisher=Penn State Press}}</ref> Because of the arbitrariness inherent in the concept of race, it is difficult to relate it to biology in a straightforward way.
* '']'': "A is a distinct evolutionary lineage within a species. This definition requires that a be genetically differentiated due to barriers to genetic exchange that have persisted for long periods of time; that is, the must have historical continuity in addition to current genetic differentiation." <ref name="temp">Templeton (1998)</ref>
* The phylogeographic criteria for 'subspecies' were established in the early ].<ref>Avise and Ball (1990)</ref><ref>O’Brien and Mayr (1991)</ref><blockquote>members of a subspecies would share a unique, geographic locale, a set of phylogenetically concordant phenotypic characters, and a unique natural history relative to other subdivisions of the species. Although subspecies are not reproductively isolated, they will normally be allopatric and exhibit recognizable phylogenetic partitioning. ... evidence for phylogenetic distinction must normally come from the concordant distributions of multiple, independent genetically based traits.<ref>Miththapala ''et al.'' (1996)</ref></blockquote>


===Race and human genetic variation===
== Background ==
There is broad consensus across the biological and social sciences that race is a social construct, not an accurate representation of human genetic variation.<ref name="Yudell2016">{{cite journal |last1=Yudell |first1=Michael |last2=Roberts |first2=Dorothy |last3=DeSalle |first3=Rob |last4=Tishkoff |first4=Sarah |author4-link=Sarah Tishkoff |title=Taking race out of human genetics |journal=] |date=2016 |volume=351 |issue=6273 |pages=564–565 |doi=10.1126/science.aac4951 |url=https://www.science.org/doi/abs/10.1126/science.aac4951 |access-date=27 June 2024 |publisher=] |issn=0036-8075 |pmid=26912690 |oclc=6005630581 |s2cid=206639306 |bibcode=2016Sci...351..564Y |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210913114037/https://www.science.org/doi/abs/10.1126/science.aac4951 |archive-date=13 September 2021}}</ref><ref name='Tishkoff&Kidd2004'/> As more progress has been made on sequencing the human genome, it has been found that any two humans will share an average of 99.35% of their DNA based on the approximately 3.1 billion haploid base pairs.<ref name="Auton2015">{{cite journal |last1=Auton |first1=Adam |last2=Abecasis |first2=Gonçalo R. |last3=Altshuler |first3=David M. |last4=Durbin |first4=Richard M. |last5=Bentley |first5=David R. |last6=Chakravarti |first6=Aravinda |last7=Clark |first7=Andrew G. |last8=Donnelly |first8=Peter |last9=Eichler |first9=Evan E. |last10=Flicek |first10=Paul |last11=Gabriel |first11=Stacey B. |last12=Gibbs |first12=Richard A. |last13=Green |first13=Eric D. |last14=Hurles |first14=Matthew E. |last15=Knoppers |first15=Bartha M. |last16=Korbel |first16=Jan O. |last17=Lander |first17=Eric S. |last18=Lee |first18=Charles |last19=Lehrach |first19=Hans |last20=Mardis |first20=Elaine R. |last21=Marth |first21=Gabor T. |last22=McVean |first22=Gil A. |last23=Nickerson |first23=Deborah A. |last24=Schmidt |first24=Jeanette P. |last25=Sherry |first25=Stephen T. |last26=Wang |first26=Jun |last27=Wilson |first27=Richard K. |last28=Boerwinkle 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M. |last144=Fang |first144=Lin |last145=Li |first145=Qibin |last146=Li |first146=Zhenyu |last147=Lin |first147=Haoxiang |last148=Liu |first148=Binghang |last149=Luo |first149=Ruibang |last150=Shao |first150=Haojing |last151=Xie |first151=Yinlong |last152=Ye |first152=Chen |last153=Yu |first153=Chang |last154=Zhang |first154=Fan |last155=Zheng |first155=Hancheng |last156=Zhu |first156=Hongmei |last157=Alkan |first157=Can |last158=Dal |first158=Elif |last159=Kahveci |first159=Fatma |last160=Garrison |first160=Erik P. |last161=Kural |first161=Deniz |last162=Lee |first162=Wan-Ping |last163=Fung Leong |first163=Wen |last164=Stomberg |first164=Michael |last165=Ward |first165=Alistair N. |last166=Wu |first166=Jiantao |last167=Zhang |first167=Mengyao |last168=Daly |first168=Mark J. |last169=DePristo |first169=Mark A. |last170=Handsaker |first170=Robert E. |last171=Banks |first171=Eric |last172=Bhatia |first172=Gaurav |last173=del Angel |first173=Guillermo |last174=Genovese |first174=Giulio |last175=Li |first175=Heng |last176=Kashin |first176=Seva |last177=McCarroll |first177=Steven A. |last178=Nemesh |first178=James C. |last179=Poplin |first179=Ryan E. |last180=Yoon |first180=Seungtai C. |last181=Lihm |first181=Jayon |last182=Makarov |first182=Vladimir |last183=Gottipati |first183=Srikanth |last184=Keinan |first184=Alon |last185=Rodriguez-Flores |first185=Juan L. |last186=Rausch |first186=Tobias |last187=Fritz |first187=Markus H. |last188=Stütz |first188=Adrian M. |last189=Beal |first189=Kathryn |last190=Datta |first190=Avik |last191=Herrero |first191=Javier |last192=Ritchie |first192=Graham R. S. |last193=Zerbino |first193=Daniel |last194=Sabeti |first194=Pardis C. |last195=Shlyakhter |first195=Ilya |last196=Schaffner |first196=Stephen F. |last197=Vitti |first197=Joseph |last198=Cooper |first198=David N. |last199=Ball |first199=Edward V. |last200=Stenson |first200=Peter D. |last201=Barnes |first201=Bret |last202=Bauer |first202=Markus |last203=Keira Cheetham |first203=R. |last204=Cox |first204=Anthony |last205=Eberle |first205=Michael |last206=Kahn |first206=Scott |last207=Murray |first207=Lisa |last208=Pedan |first208=John |last209=Shaw |first209=Richard |last210=Kenny |first210=Eimear E. |last211=Batzer |first211=Mark A. |last212=Konkel |first212=Miriam K. |last213=Walker |first213=Jerilyn A. |last214=MacArthur |first214=Daniel G. |last215=Lek |first215=Monkol |last216=Herwig |first216=Ralf |last217=Ding |first217=Li |last218=Koboldt |first218=Daniel C. |last219=Larson |first219=David |last220=Ye |first220=Kai |last221=Gravel |first221=Simon |author2-link=Gonçalo Abecasis |author3-link=David Altshuler (physician) |author4-link=Richard M. Durbin |author6-link=Aravinda Chakravarti |author7-link=Andrew G. Clark |author8-link=Peter Donnelly |author9-link=Evan E. Eichler |author11-link=Stacey Gabriel |author12-link=Richard Gibbs (biologist) |author13-link=Eric D. Green |author14-link=Matthew Hurles |author15-link=Bartha Knoppers |author16-link=Jan O. Korbel |author17-link=Eric Lander |author18-link=Charles Lee (scientist) |author20-link=Elaine Mardis |author22-link=Gil McVean |author23-link=Deborah Nickerson |author26-link=Wang Jun (scientist) |author27-link=Richard K. Wilson |title=A global reference for human genetic variation |journal=Nature |date=October 2015 |volume=526 |issue=7571 |pages=68–74 |doi=10.1038/nature15393 |pmid=26432245 |publisher=] |issn=1476-4687 |pmc=4750478 |bibcode=2015Natur.526...68T |oclc=8521848829 |id=Auton2015 |display-authors=1}}</ref><ref name="Piovesan2019">{{cite journal |last1=Piovesan |first1=Allison |last2=Chiara Pelleri |first2=Maria |last3=Antonaros |first3=Francesca |last4=Strippoli |first4=Pierluigi |last5=Caracausi |first5=Maria |last6=Vitale |first6=Lorenza |title=On the length, weight and GC content of the human genome |journal=BMC Research Notes |date=February 2019 |volume=12 |issue=1 |page=106 |doi=10.1186/s13104-019-4137-z |pmid=30813969 |publisher=] |doi-access=free |issn=1756-0500 |pmc=6391780 |oclc=8016439744}}</ref> However, this number should be understood as an average, any two specific individuals can have their genomes differ by more or less than 0.65%. Additionally, this average is an estimate, subject to change as additional sequences are discovered and populations sampled. In 2010, the genome of ] was found to differ by an estimated 1.59% from a ] created by the ].<ref name="Pang2010">{{cite journal |last1=Pang |first1=Andy W. |last2=MacDonald |first2=Jeffrey R. |last3=Pinto |first3=Dalila |last4=Wei |first4=John |last5=Rafiq |first5=Muhammad A. |last6=Conrad |first6=Donald F. |last7=Park |first7=Hansoo |last8=Hurles |first8=Matthew E. |author8-link=Matthew Hurles |last9=Lee |first9=Charles |author9-link=Charles Lee (scientist) |last10=Venter |first10=J. Craig |author10-link=Craig Venter |last11=Kirkness |first11=Ewan F. |last12=Levy |first12=Samuel |last13=Feuk |first13=Lars |last14=Scherer |first14=Stephen W. |author14-link=Stephen W. Scherer |title=Towards a comprehensive structural variation map of an individual human genome |journal=] |date=May 2010 |volume=11 |issue=5 |page=R52 |doi=10.1186/gb-2010-11-5-r52 |pmid=20482838 |publisher=] |doi-access=free |issn=1474-760X |pmc=2898065 |oclc=5660396679 |id=Pang2010}}</ref> <!--to do: add discussion of human genetic diversity in comparison to chimpanzees-->
=== Time frame of modern human evolution ===


We nonetheless see wide individual variation in phenotype, which arises from both genetic differences and complex gene-environment interactions. The vast majority of this genetic variation occurs ''within'' groups; very little genetic variation differentiates ''between'' groups.<ref name='Rosenberg2002'/> Crucially, the between-group genetic differences that do exist do not map onto socially recognized categories of race. Furthermore, although human populations show some genetic clustering across geographic space, human genetic variation is "]", or continuous.<ref name='AABAstatement'/><ref name='Tishkoff&Kidd2004'/> This, in addition to the fact that different traits vary on different clines, makes it impossible to draw discrete genetic boundaries around human groups. Finally, insights from ancient DNA are revealing that no human population is "pure" – all populations represent a long history of migration and mixing.<ref name=reich>{{cite book |last1=Reich |first1=David |title=Who We Are and How We Got Here: Ancient DNA and the new science of the human past |date=29 March 2018 |publisher=Oxford University Press |isbn=978-0-19-255438-3 |page=xxiv |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=rKZTDwAAQBAJ&pg=PR24 |language=en}}</ref>
Mitochondrial DNA from contemporary humans coalescences to a common ancestor living 150,000 years ago (see ]). However, nuclear DNA loci have a range of coalescence times, some predating the origin of modern humans or even hominids.


=== Distribution of genetic variation within/between populations === ==Sources of human genetic variation==
{{Main|Human genetic variation}}Genetic variation arises from ], from natural selection, migration between populations (]) and from the reshuffling of genes through ].<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Livingstone|first=Frank|date=Summer 1962|title=On the Non-Existence of Human Races|url=https://moodle.lse.ac.uk/pluginfile.php/618047/mod_resource/content/0/Livingstone%201962.pdf|journal=Chicago Journals|access-date=2019-04-29|archive-date=2021-05-25|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210525023934/https://moodle.lse.ac.uk/pluginfile.php/618047/mod_resource/content/0/Livingstone%201962.pdf|url-status=dead}}</ref> Mutations lead to a change in the DNA structure, as the order of the bases are rearranged. Resultantly, different polypeptide proteins are coded. Some mutations may be positive and can help the individual survive more effectively in their environment. Mutation is counteracted by ] and by ]; note too the ], when a small number of initial founders establish a population which hence starts with a correspondingly small degree of genetic variation.<ref>{{Citation|last=Honnay|first=O.|title=Genetic Drift|date=2013 |encyclopedia=Brenner's Encyclopedia of Genetics|pages=251–253|publisher=Elsevier|language=en|doi=10.1016/b978-0-12-374984-0.00616-1 |isbn=978-0-08-096156-9}}</ref> ] involves ] changes in ] (appearance) or ] caused by mechanisms other than changes in the DNA sequence.<ref>{{Cite journal|last1=Martin|first1=Cyrus|last2=Zhang|first2=Yi|date=June 2007|title=Mechanisms of epigenetic inheritance |journal=Current Opinion in Cell Biology|language=en|volume=19|issue=3|pages=266–272|doi=10.1016/j.ceb.2007.04.002|pmid=17466502}}</ref>
====Size of variation====
Since the 1980s it has been known that human genetic variation is low relative to other species, this is usually attributed to the recent origins of our species, and tends to support the ] (or Out of Africa).<ref name="Bamshad">Bamshad ''et al.'' (2004)</ref> It has also been shown that most of this small variation is distributed at the individual and local level (about 90-94%), with the remaining 6-10% distributed at the continental (or racial) level.<ref>Lewontin (2005)</ref> This observation has been used to argue that racial classifications are not valid when within group variation exceeds between group variation.<ref name="long">Long and Kittles (2003)</ref>


Human phenotypes are highly ] (dependent on interaction by many genes) and are influenced by environment as well as by genetics.
] claimed in 2003 that such conclusions are incorrect because the argument ignores the possibility that much of the variation that between populations may be hidden in human population structure and not simply in the variation of the individual factors.<ref>http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/entrez/query.fcgi?cmd=Retrieve&db=PubMed&list_uids=12879450&dopt=Abstract</ref> While it discredits the F<sub>ST</sub> statistic as an argument for the non existence of race, the position does not address other arguments regarding the non-existence of human races.


] is based on single mutations, ] (SNPs). The nucleotide diversity between humans is about 0.1 percent (one difference per one thousand ]s between two humans chosen at random). This amounts to approximately three million SNPs (since the human genome has about three billion nucleotides). There are an estimated ten million SNPs in the human population.<ref name="Jorde2004">{{cite journal |last1=Jorde |first1=Lynn B |last2=Wooding |first2=Stephen P |author1-link=Lynn Jorde |title=Genetic variation, classification and 'race' |journal=] |date=November 2004 |volume=36 |issue=11 |series=Supplemental |pages=28–33 |doi=10.1038/ng1435 |pmid=15508000 |url=https://www.nature.com/articles/ng1435 |access-date=27 June 2024 |publisher=] |issn=1546-1718 |oclc=8091998144 |s2cid=1500915 |id=Jorde2004 |archive-url=http://web.archive.org/web/20240622010650/https://www.nature.com/articles/ng1435 |archive-date=22 June 2024}}</ref>
Also, it has been argued that the calculation of within group and between group diversity has violated certain assumptions regarding human genetic variation. Calculation of this variation is known as F<sub>ST</sub> and Long and Kittles (2003) have questioned the validity of this reproducible statistic. The first problem is that effective population size is assumed to be equal in the calculation of F<sub>ST</sub>, if population sizes vary, then allele relatedness among alleles will also vary. The second problem is that F<sub>ST</sub> calculation has assumed that each population is evolutionarily independent. Calculation of F<sub>ST</sub> can therefore only be made for the set of populations being observed, and generalisations from specific data sets cannot be applied to the species as a whole.<ref name="long"/>


Research has shown that non-SNP (]) variation accounts for more human genetic variation than single nucleotide diversity. Structural variation includes ] and results from ], ], ] and ]. It is estimated that approximately 0.4 to 0.6 percent of the genomes of unrelated people differ.<ref name='Tishkoff&Kidd2004'/><ref name="kGP15">{{cite journal|display-authors=6|vauthors=Auton A, Brooks LD, Durbin RM, Garrison EP, Kang HM, Korbel JO, Marchini JL, McCarthy S, McVean GA, Abecasis GR|date=October 2015|title=A global reference for human genetic variation|journal=Nature|volume=526|issue=7571|pages=68–74|bibcode=2015Natur.526...68T|doi=10.1038/nature15393|pmc=4750478|pmid=26432245}}</ref>
Long and Kittles tested four models for determining F<sub>ST</sub> and concluded that the model used most often for estimating this statistic is the simplest and worst fitting. Their best fit model was still a poor fit for the observed genetic variation, and calculation of F<sub>ST</sub> for this model can only be made on a population by population basis. They conclude that African populations have the highest level of genetic diversity, with diversity much reduced in populations outside of Africa. They postulate that if an extra-terrestrial alien life form killed the entire human species, but kept a single population which it preserved, the choice of population to keep would greatly effect the level of diversity represented. If an African population were selected then no diversity would be lost, whereas nearly a third of genetic diversity would be lost if a Papuan New Guinea population were chosen. Indeed within population genetic diversity in African populations has been shown to be greater than between population genetic diversity for Asians and Europeans. They conclude that their findings are consistent with the ] 1996 statement on race <blockquote>that all human populations derive from a common ancestral group, that there is great genetic diversity within all human populations, and that the geographic pattern of variation is complex and presents no major discontinuity.</blockquote> They also state that none of the race concepts they discuss are compatible with their results.<ref name="long"/>


====Genetic variation is structured by geographic origin==== == Genetic basis for race ==
Much scientific research has been organized around the question of whether or not there is genetic basis for race. In ] book (circa 1994) "The History and Geography of Human Genes"<ref name="Cavalli-Sforza1994">{{Cite book |last1=Cavalli-Sforza |first1=Luigi Luca |author-link=Luigi Luca Cavalli-Sforza |url=https://archive.org/details/historygeography0000cava_g9l7 |title=The History and Geography of Human Genes |last2=Menozzi |first2=Paolo |last3=Piazza |first3=Alberto |date=1994 |publisher=Princeton University Press |isbn=978-0-691-08750-4 |location=Princeton |url-access=registration}}
Human genetic variation can be used to deduce the geographical origins of an individual's recent ancestors, this is possible because a small proportion of human genetic variation is geographically distributed, with close geographical proximity strongly correlating with genetic similarity.<blockquote>It has recently been demonstrated in several studies that to a large extent, without prior knowledge of individual origins, the geographic ancestries of individuals can be inferred from genetic markers. In one of the most extensive of these studies to date, considering 1,056 individuals from 52 human populations, with each individual genotyped for 377 autosomal microsatellite markers, we found that individuals could be partitioned into six main genetic clusters, five of which corresponded to Africa, Europe and the part of Asia south and west of the Himalayas, East Asia, Oceania, and the Americas. Some individuals from boundary locations between these regions were inferred to have partial ancestry in the clusters that corresponded to both sides of the boundary. In many cases, subclusters that corresponded to individual populations or to subsets of populations were also identified.<ref name="rosenberg">Rosenberg ''et al.'' (2005)</ref></blockquote>
*{{cite news |author=Mark Ridley |date=August 20, 2000 |title=How Far From the Tree? |type=Review |newspaper=The New York Times |url=https://www.nytimes.com/books/00/08/20/reviews/000820.20ridleyt.html |access-date=March 3, 2017 |archive-date=March 17, 2017 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170317224500/http://www.nytimes.com/books/00/08/20/reviews/000820.20ridleyt.html |url-status=live }}</ref> he writes, "From a scientific point of view, the concept of race has failed to obtain any consensus; none is likely, given the gradual variation in existence. It may be objected that the racial stereotypes have a consistency that allows even the layman to classify individuals. However, the major stereotypes, all based on skin color, hair color and form, and facial traits, reflect superficial differences that are not confirmed by deeper analysis with more reliable genetic traits and whose origin dates from recent evolution mostly under the effect of climate and perhaps sexual selection".


In 2018 geneticist ] reaffirmed the conclusion that the traditional views which assert a biological basis for race are wrong:
<blockquote>it is not surprising that numerous human population genetic studies have come to the identical conclusion - that genetic differentiation is greatest when defined on a continental basis........the greatest genetic structure that exists in the human population occurs at the racial level. <ref name="risch 2002">Risch ''et al.'' (2002)</ref></blockquote>


{{Blockquote|text=Today, many people assume that humans can be grouped biologically into "primeval" groups, corresponding to our notion of "races"... But this long-held view about "race" has just in the last years been proven wrong.|author=David Reich|title=Who We Are and How We Got Here|source=(Introduction, pg. xxiv).}}
However, Claudia Travassos and David R. Williams claim that Risch is actually using race to mean continent of origin. <blockquote>Race is defined by these authors as the person's primary continent of origin based on the evolutionary tree.<ref>Travassos and Williams (2004)</ref></blockquote>


In 1956, some scientists proposed that race may be similar to dog breeds within dogs. However, this theory has since been discarded, with one of the main reasons being that purebred dogs have been specifically bred artificially, whereas human races developed organically.<ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Norton |first1=Heather L. |last2=Quillen |first2=Ellen E. |last3=Bigham |first3=Abigail W. |last4=Pearson |first4=Laurel N. |last5=Dunsworth |first5=Holly |date=2019-07-09 |title=Human races are not like dog breeds: refuting a racist analogy |journal=Evolution: Education and Outreach |volume=12 |issue=1 |pages=17 |doi=10.1186/s12052-019-0109-y |issn=1936-6434 |doi-access=free}}</ref> Furthermore, the genetic variation between purebred dog breeds is far greater than that of human populations. Dog-breed intervariation is roughly 27.5%, whereas human populations inter-variation is only at 10-15.6%.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Templeton |first1=Alan |title=Human Races: A Genetic and Evolutionary Perspective |journal=American Anthropologist |date=2008 |volume=100 |issue=3 |page=633 |doi=10.1525/aa.1998.100.3.632 |url=https://anthrosource-onlinelibrary-wiley-com.proxy2.cl.msu.edu/doi/full/10.1525/aa.1998.100.3.632 |access-date=19 July 2024}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |first=Elaine A. |last=Ostrander |date=2017-02-06 |title=Genetics and the Shape of Dogs |url=https://www.americanscientist.org/article/genetics-and-the-shape-of-dogs |access-date=2024-03-12 |website=American Scientist |language=en}}</ref><ref>{{Cite journal |last=Bamshad |first=Michael |date=2005 |title=Genetic Influences on Health: Does Race Matter? |url=https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/16118384/ |journal=JAMA |volume=294 |issue=8 |page=938 |doi=10.1001/jama.294.8.937 |pmid=16118384 |access-date=18 July 2024}}</ref><ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Parker |first1=Heidi G. |last2=Kim |first2=Lisa V. |last3=Sutter |first3=Nathan B. |last4=Carlson |first4=Scott |last5=Lorentzen |first5=Travis D. |last6=Malek |first6=Tiffany B. |last7=Johnson |first7=Gary S. |last8=DeFrance |first8=Hawkins B. |last9=Ostrander |first9=Elaine A. |last10=Kruglyak |first10=Leonid |date=2004-05-21 |title=Genetic Structure of the Purebred Domestic Dog |url=https://www.science.org/doi/10.1126/science.1097406 |journal=Science |language=en |volume=304 |issue=5674 |pages=1160–1164 |doi=10.1126/science.1097406 |issn=0036-8075 |pmid=15155949 |bibcode=2004Sci...304.1160P |access-date=18 July 2024}}</ref> Including non purebreds would substantially decrease the 27.5% genetic variance, however. Mammal taxonomy is rarely defined by genetic variance alone.
Risch et al also state: "The greatest genetic variation occurs within Africans, with variation outside Africa representing either a subset of African diversity or newly arisen variants."<ref name="risch 2002"/>


=={{anchor|Methods in human ancestry and population genetic structure research}}Research methods==
====But is the variation by geographic origin distinct enough to count as race====
Scientists investigating human variation have used a series of methods to characterize how different populations vary.
While geographical origin can be inferred from genetics, observed geographically distributed human genetic variation does not amount to the sort of discontinuous distribution that would be expected if the human population were descended from distinct lineages, neither is the variation great enough for human populations to be considered ], the usual biological synonym for race.<ref name="temp"/>


==={{anchor|Visible traits, proteins, and genes studied}}Early studies of traits, proteins, and genes===
In fact, Sierre and Paablo describe the pattern as one of gradients of allele frequencies that extend over the entire world, rather than discrete clusters.
{{See also|Race (classification of human beings)}}
Early racial classification attempts measured ], particularly skin color, hair color and texture, eye color, and head size and shape. (Measurements of the latter through ] were repeatedly discredited in the late 19th and mid-20th centuries due to a lack of correlation of phenotypic traits with racial categorization.<ref name="Orsucci">{{cite web |first=Andrea |last=Orsucci |url=http://www.unifi.it/riviste/cromohs/3_98/orsucci.html |title=Ariani, indogermani, stirpi mediterranee: aspetti del dibattito sulle razze europee (1870–1914) |archive-url=https://archive.today/20121218231754/http://www.unifi.it/riviste/cromohs/3_98/orsucci.html|archive-date=December 18, 2012 |work=Cromohs |year=1998 |lang=it}}</ref>) In actuality, biological adaptation plays the biggest role in these bodily features and skin type. A relative handful of genes accounts for the inherited factors shaping a person's appearance.<ref>{{cite news |first=Natalie |last=Angier |url=http://partners.nytimes.com/library/national/science/082200sci-genetics-race.html|title=Do Races Differ? Not Really, DNA Shows|date=22 August 2000|work=The New York Times|access-date=3 September 2011|archive-date=30 April 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210430051310/https://archive.nytimes.com/www.nytimes.com/library/national/science/082200sci-genetics-race.html|url-status=live}}</ref><ref>{{Cite journal|last1=Owens|first1=Kelly|last2=King|first2=Mary-Claire|date=1999-10-15|title=Genomic Views of Human History|journal=Science|volume=286|issue=5439|pages=451–453|doi=10.1126/science.286.5439.451|issn=0036-8075|pmid=10521333|quote=Variation in other traits popularly used to identify 'races' is likely to be due to similarly straightforward mechanisms, involving limited numbers of genes with very specific physiological effects.}}</ref> Humans have an estimated 19,000–20,000 human protein-coding genes.<ref>{{cite journal|date=November 2014|title=Multiple evidence strands suggest that there may be as few as 19,000 human protein-coding genes|journal=Human Molecular Genetics|volume=23|issue=22|pages=5866–5878|doi=10.1093/hmg/ddu309|pmc=4204768|pmid=24939910|vauthors=Ezkurdia I, Juan D, Rodriguez JM, Frankish A, Diekhans M, Harrow J, Vazquez J, Valencia A, Tress ML}}</ref> Richard Sturm and David Duffy describe 11 genes that affect skin pigmentation and explain most variations in ], the most significant of which are ], ASIP, ], and TYR.<ref>{{Cite journal|last1=Sturm|first1=Richard A.|last2=Duffy|first2=David L.|date=2012|title=Human pigmentation genes under environmental selection|journal=Genome Biology|volume=13|issue=9|pages=248|doi=10.1186/gb-2012-13-9-248|issn=1474-760X|pmc=3491390|pmid=23110848 |doi-access=free }}</ref> There is evidence that as many as 16 different genes could be responsible for ] in humans; however, the main two genes associated with eye color variation are '']'' and '']'', and both are localized in chromosome 15.<ref name="nature.com">{{cite journal|last2=Rabago-Smith|first2=Montserrat|title=Genotype-phenotype associations and human eye color|journal=]|date=January 2011|volume=56|issue=1|pages=5–7|doi=10.1038/jhg.2010.126|pmid=20944644|last1=White|first1=Désirée|doi-access=free}}</ref>


==== Analysis of blood proteins and between-group genetics ====
{{cquote|A recent study in which >350 microsatellites were studied in a global sample of humans showed that they could be grouped according to their continental origin, and this was widely interpreted as evidence for a discrete distribution of human genetic diversity. Here, we investigate how study design can influence such conclusions. Our results show that when individuals are sampled homogeneously from around the globe, the pattern seen is one of gradients of allele frequencies that extend over the entire world, rather than discrete clusters. Therefore, ''there is no reason to assume that major genetic discontinuities exist between different continents or "races.''<ref>Serre and Pääbö (2004)</ref>}}
]
]
Before the discovery of DNA, scientists used blood proteins (the ]) to study human genetic variation. Research by ] during ] found that the incidence of ] A and B differed by region; for example, among Europeans 15 percent were group B and 40 percent group A. Eastern Europeans and Russians had a higher incidence of group B; people from India had the greatest incidence. The Herschfelds concluded that humans comprised two "biochemical races", originating separately. It was hypothesized that these two races later mixed, resulting in the patterns of groups A and B. This was one of the first theories of racial differences to include the idea that human variation did not correlate with genetic variation. It was expected that groups with similar proportions of blood groups would be more closely related, but instead it was often found that groups separated by great distances (such as those from Madagascar and Russia), had similar incidences.<ref name="bryansykes">{{cite book |last=Sykes |first=Bryan |chapter=From Blood Groups to Genes |title=The seven daughters of Eve |publisher=Norton |location=New York |year=2001 |pages=–51 |isbn=978-0-393-02018-2 |chapter-url-access=registration |chapter-url=https://archive.org/details/sevendaughtersof00syke }}</ref> It was later discovered that the ] is not just common to humans, but shared with other primates,<ref>{{Cite book|title=Molecular biology and evolution of blood group and MHC antigens in primates|last2=Klein|first2=Jan|last3=Socha|first3=Wladyslaw W.|date=2012|publisher=Springer Science & Business Media|isbn=978-3-642-59086-3|last1=Blancher|first1=Antoine}}</ref> and likely predates all human groups.<ref>{{Cite journal|last2=Thompson|first2=Emma E.|last3=Flutre|first3=Timothée|last4=Lovstad|first4=Jessica|last5=Venkat|first5=Aarti|last6=Margulis|first6=Susan W.|last7=Moyse|first7=Jill|last8=Ross|first8=Steve|last9=Gamble|first9=Kathryn|date=2012-11-06|title=The ABO blood group is a trans-species polymorphism in primates|journal=Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences|volume=109|issue=45|pages=18493–18498|doi=10.1073/pnas.1210603109|issn=0027-8424|pmid=23091028|last1=Ségurel|first1=Laure|last10=Sella|first10=Guy|last11=Ober|first11=Carole|last12=Przeworski|first12=Molly|pmc=3494955|arxiv=1208.4613|bibcode=2012PNAS..10918493S|doi-access=free}}</ref>


In 1972, ] performed a F<sub>ST</sub> statistical analysis using 17 markers (including blood-group proteins). He found that the majority of genetic differences between humans (85.4 percent) were found within a population, 8.3 percent were found between populations within a race and 6.3 percent were found to differentiate races (Caucasian, African, Mongoloid, South Asian Aborigines, Amerinds, Oceanians, and Australian Aborigines in his study). Since then, other analyses have found F<sub>ST</sub> values of 6–10 percent between continental human groups, 5–15 percent between different populations on the same continent and 75–85 percent within populations.<ref>{{cite book|last=Lewontin|first=Richard|title=Evolutionary Biology|date=1972|isbn=978-1-4684-9065-7|editor1=Theodosius Dobzhansky|volume=6|pages=381–398|chapter=The Apportionment of Human Diversity|doi=10.1007/978-1-4684-9063-3_14|s2cid=21095796 |author-link=Richard Lewontin|editor2=Max K. Hecht|editor3=William C. Steere}}</ref><ref name="Risch2002">{{cite journal|last1=Risch|first1=Neil|last2=Burchard|first2=Esteban|last3=Ziv|first3=Elad|last4=Tang|first4=Hua|year=2002|title=Categorization of humans in biomedical research: genes, race and disease|journal=Genome Biology|volume=3|issue=7|pages=comment2007.1|doi=10.1186/gb-2002-3-7-comment2007|issn=1465-6906|pmc=139378|pmid=12184798 |doi-access=free }}</ref><ref name="Templeton1998">{{cite book|last=Templeton|first=Alan R.|title=Genetic nature/culture: anthropology and science beyond the two-culture divide|publisher=University of California Press|year=2003|isbn=978-0-520-23792-6|editor1-last=Goodman|editor1-first=Alan H.|location=Berkeley|pages=234–257|chapter=Human Races in the Context of Recent Human Evolution: A Molecular Genetic Perspective|access-date=23 September 2014|editor2-last=Heath|editor2-first=Deborah|editor3-last=Lindee|editor3-first=M. Susan|chapter-url=http://www.ucpress.edu/book.php?isbn=9780520237933|archive-date=9 November 2014|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20141109142919/http://www.ucpress.edu/book.php?isbn=9780520237933|url-status=live}}</ref><ref>{{cite journal|vauthors=Ossorio P, Duster T|date=January 2005|title=Race and genetics: controversies in biomedical, behavioral, and forensic sciences|journal=The American Psychologist|volume=60|issue=1|pages=115–128|doi=10.1037/0003-066X.60.1.115|pmid=15641926}}</ref><ref name="Lewontin2005">{{cite web |last=Lewontin |first=R. C. |year=2005 |url=http://raceandgenomics.ssrc.org/Lewontin/ |title=Confusions About Human Races |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130504132215/http://raceandgenomics.ssrc.org/Lewontin/ |archive-date=2013-05-04 |department=Race and Genomics |website=Social Sciences Research Council |access-date=28 December 2006}}</ref> This view has been affirmed by the ] and the American Association of Physical Anthropologists since.<ref name=":0">{{Cite journal|last1=Long|first1=Jeffrey C.|last2=Kittles|first2=Rick A.|date=2009|title=Human Genetic Diversity and the Nonexistence of Biological Races|url=https://muse.jhu.edu/journals/human_biology/v081/81.5-6.long.html|journal=Human Biology|volume=81|issue=5|pages=777–798|doi=10.3378/027.081.0621|issn=1534-6617|pmid=20504196|access-date=2016-01-13|s2cid=30709062|archive-date=2020-03-13|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200313181641/https://muse.jhu.edu/article/381883|url-status=live}}</ref>
Leroi points out the arbitrariness of racial lines drawn through the human species


==== Critiques of blood protein analysis ====
{{cquote|...the groups that emerge are native to Europe, East Asia, Africa, America and Australasia - more or less the major races of anthropology as practiced 100 years ago......Yet there is nothing very fundamental about the concept of the major continental races; they're just the easiest way to divide things up. Study enough genes in enough people and one could sort the world's population into 10, 100, perhaps 1,000 groups, each located somewhere on the map. This has not yet been done with any precision, but it will be. Soon it may be possible to identify your ancestors not merely as African or European, but Ibo or Yoruba, perhaps even Celt or Castilian, or all of the above. <ref name="leroi 2005">Leroi, (2005)</ref>}}
While acknowledging Lewontin's observation that humans are genetically homogeneous, ] in his 2003 paper "]" argued that information distinguishing populations from each other is hidden in the correlation structure of allele frequencies, making it possible to classify individuals using mathematical techniques. Edwards argued that even if the probability of misclassifying an individual based on a single genetic marker is as high as 30 percent (as Lewontin reported in 1972), the misclassification probability nears zero if enough genetic markers are studied simultaneously. Edwards saw Lewontin's argument as based on a political stance, denying biological differences to argue for social equality.<ref name="Edwards2003">{{cite journal|author=Edwards AW|date=August 2003|title=Human genetic diversity: Lewontin's fallacy|journal=BioEssays|volume=25|issue=8|pages=798–801|doi=10.1002/bies.10315|pmid=12879450}}</ref> Edwards' paper is reprinted, commented upon by experts such as ], and given further context in an interview with philosopher of science Rasmus Grønfeldt Winther in a recent anthology.<ref>{{cite book|author-last=Winther|author-first=Rasmus Grønfeldt|url=https://www.cambridge.org/de/academic/subjects/life-sciences/genetics/phylogenetic-inference-selection-theory-and-history-science-selected-papers-w-f-edwards-commentaries|title=Phylogenetic Inference, Selection Theory, and History of Science: Selected Papers of A. W. F. Edwards with Commentaries|date=2018|publisher=]|isbn=9781107111721|location=Cambridge, U.K.|access-date=2018-12-13|archive-date=2019-08-15|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190815031238/https://www.cambridge.org/de/academic/subjects/life-sciences/genetics/phylogenetic-inference-selection-theory-and-history-science-selected-papers-w-f-edwards-commentaries|url-status=live}}</ref>


As referred to before, Edwards criticises Lewontin's paper as he took 17 different traits and analysed them independently, without looking at them in conjunction with any other protein. Thus, it would have been fairly convenient for Lewontin to come up with the conclusion that racial naturalism is not tenable, according to his argument.<ref>{{cite book|last1=Edwards|first1=AWF|title=Human genetic diversity: Lewontin's fallacy, BioEssays|date=2003|pages=798–801}}</ref> Sesardic also strengthened Edwards' view, as he used an illustration referring to squares and triangles, and showed that if you look at one trait in isolation, then it will most likely be a bad predicator of which group the individual belongs to.<ref>{{cite book|last1=Sesardic|first1=N.|title=Race: a social destruction of a biological concept. Biology and Philosophy|date=2010|pages=143–162}}</ref> In contrast, in a 2014 paper, reprinted in the 2018 Edwards Cambridge University Press volume, Rasmus Grønfeldt Winther argues that "Lewontin's Fallacy" is effectively a misnomer, as there really are two different sets of methods and questions at play in studying the genomic population structure of our species: "variance partitioning" and "clustering analysis." According to Winther, they are "two sides of the same mathematics coin" and neither "necessarily implies anything about the ''reality'' of human groups."<ref>{{Cite book | last1 = Winther | first1 = R.G. | chapter = The Genetic Reification of "Race"? A Story of Two Mathematical Methods | title = Phylogenetic Inference, Selection Theory, and History of Science: Selected Papers of AWF Edwards with Commentaries | editor = R.G. Winther | pages = 489, 488–508 | year = 2018 | publisher = Cambridge University Press | isbn = 9781107111721 | url = https://www.cambridge.org/de/academic/subjects/life-sciences/genetics/phylogenetic-inference-selection-theory-and-history-science-selected-papers-w-f-edwards-commentaries | access-date = 2018-12-13 | archive-date = 2019-08-15 | archive-url = https://web.archive.org/web/20190815031238/https://www.cambridge.org/de/academic/subjects/life-sciences/genetics/phylogenetic-inference-selection-theory-and-history-science-selected-papers-w-f-edwards-commentaries | url-status = live }}</ref>
While races of traditional anthropology is not a technical term and definition may vary according to context, according to National Human Genome Center at Howard University, Races of traditional anthropology include Mongoloid, Australoid, Caucasoid, Negroid <ref>NATIONAL HUMAN GENOME CENTER, HOWARD UNIVERSITY. Position paper. </ref>.


==={{anchor|Population genetic structure and genetic distance}}Current studies of population genetics===
And the National Human Genome Center at Howard University states,
{{Update|section|reason=All references are more than 13 years old|date=December 2022}}
Researchers currently use ], which may involve hundreds (or thousands) of ]s or the entire genome.


===={{anchor|Population genetic structure}}Structure====
{{cquote|Modern extant humans do not fracture into races (subspecies) based on the modern phylogenetic criteria of molecular systematics." National Human Genome Center, Howard University. Policy paper. .}}
]
]
Several methods to examine and quantify genetic subgroups exist, including ] and ]. Genetic markers from individuals are examined to find a population's genetic structure. While subgroups overlap when examining variants of one marker only, when a number of markers are examined different subgroups have different average genetic structure. An individual may be described as belonging to several subgroups. These subgroups may be more or less distinct, depending on how much overlap there is with other subgroups.<ref name="Witherspoon">{{cite journal |last1=Witherspoon |first1=D. J. |last2=Wooding |first2=S. |last3=Rogers |first3=A. R. |last4=Marchani |first4=E. E. |last5=Watkins |first5=W. S. |last6=Batzer |first6=M. A. |last7=Jorde |first7=L. B. |title=Genetic Similarities Within and Between Human Populations |journal=Genetics |volume=176 |issue=1 |date=2007 |pages=351–359 |issn=0016-6731 |pmid=17339205 |pmc=1893020 |doi=10.1534/genetics.106.067355 }}</ref>


In cluster analysis, the number of clusters to search for ''K'' is determined in advance; how distinct the clusters are varies.
Risch, in the source quoted above, has even said that the concept of race is intrinsically unscientific


The results obtained from cluster analyses depend on several factors:
{{cquote|Our evidence for clustering should not be taken as evidence of our support of any particular concept of “biological race.” In general, representations of human genetic diversity are evaluated based on their ability to facilitate further research into such topics as human evolutionary history and the identification of medically important genotypes that vary in frequency across populations. Both clines and clusters are among the constructs that meet this standard of usefulness: for example, clines of allele frequency variation have proven important for inference about the genetic history of Europe, and clusters have been shown to be valuable for avoidance of the false positive associations that result from population structure in genetic association studies. The arguments about the existence or nonexistence of “biological races” in the absence of a specific context are largely orthogonal to the question of scientific utility, and they should not obscure the fact that, ultimately, the primary goals for studies of genetic variation in humans are to make inferences about human evolutionary history, human biology, and the genetic causes of disease. (Rosenberg ''et al.'', 2005)}}
* A large number of genetic markers studied facilitates finding distinct clusters.<ref name=Tang2005>{{cite journal |vauthors=Tang H, Quertermous T, Rodriguez B, etal |title=Genetic Structure, Self-Identified Race/Ethnicity, and Confounding in Case-Control Association Studies |journal=American Journal of Human Genetics |volume=76 |issue=2 |pages=268–75 |date=February 2005 |pmid=15625622 |pmc=1196372 |doi=10.1086/427888}}</ref>
* Some genetic markers vary more than others, so fewer are required to find distinct clusters.<ref name='Rosenberg2002'/> ]s exhibit substantially different frequencies between populations from different geographical regions. Using AIMs, scientists can determine a person's ancestral continent of origin based solely on their DNA. AIMs can also be used to determine someone's admixture proportions.<ref>{{cite web| last = Lewontin| first = R. C.| author-link = Richard Lewontin| title = Confusions About Human Races| url = http://raceandgenomics.ssrc.org/Lewontin/| access-date = 2007-01-09| archive-date = 2013-05-04| archive-url = https://web.archive.org/web/20130504132215/http://raceandgenomics.ssrc.org/Lewontin/| url-status = live}}</ref>
* The more individuals studied, the easier it becomes to detect distinct clusters (] is reduced).<ref name="Rosenberg2002"/>
* Low genetic variation makes it more difficult to find distinct clusters.<ref name="Rosenberg2002"/> Greater geographic distance generally increases genetic variation, making identifying clusters easier.<ref>{{cite journal |vauthors=Kittles RA, Weiss KM |title=Race, ancestry, and genes: implications for defining disease risk |journal=Annual Review of Genomics and Human Genetics |volume=4 |pages=33–67 |year=2003 |pmid=14527296 |doi=10.1146/annurev.genom.4.070802.110356}}</ref>
*A similar cluster structure is seen with different genetic markers when the number of genetic markers included is sufficiently large. The clustering structure obtained with different statistical techniques is similar. A similar cluster structure is found in the original sample with a ] of the original sample.<ref name="Rosenberg2005">{{cite journal|author1=Rosenberg NA |author2=Mahajan S |author3=Ramachandran S |author4=Zhao C |author-link5=Jonathan K. Pritchard |author5=Pritchard JK |author6=Feldman MW|date=December 2005|title=Clines, Clusters, and the Effect of Study Design on the Inference of Human Population Structure|journal=PLOS Genetics|volume=1|issue=6|pages=e70|doi=10.1371/journal.pgen.0010070|pmc=1310579|pmid=16355252 |doi-access=free }}</ref>


Recent studies have been published using an increasing number of genetic markers.<ref name="Rosenberg2002" /><ref name="Rosenberg2005" /><ref>{{Cite journal|last1=Li|first1=J. Z.|last2=Absher|first2=D. M.|last3=Tang|first3=H.|last4=Southwick|first4=A. M.|last5=Casto|first5=A. M.|last6=Ramachandran|first6=S.|last7=Cann|first7=H. M.|last8=Barsh|first8=G. S.|last9=Feldman|first9=M.|year=2008|title=Worldwide Human Relationships Inferred from Genome-Wide Patterns of Variation|journal=Science|volume=319|issue=5866|pages=1100–1104|bibcode=2008Sci...319.1100L|doi=10.1126/science.1153717|pmid=18292342|last10=Cavalli-Sforza|first10=L. L.|last11=Myers|first11=R. M.|s2cid=53541133}}</ref><ref>{{Cite journal|last1=Jakobsson|first1=M.|last2=Scholz|first2=S. W.|last3=Scheet|first3=P.|last4=Gibbs|first4=J. R.|last5=Vanliere|first5=J. M.|last6=Fung|first6=H. C.|last7=Szpiech|first7=Z. A.|last8=Degnan|first8=J. H.|last9=Wang|first9=K.|year=2008|title=Genotype, haplotype and copy-number variation in worldwide human populations|journal=Nature|volume=451|issue=7181|pages=998–1003|bibcode=2008Natur.451..998J|doi=10.1038/nature06742|pmid=18288195|last10=Guerreiro|first10=R.|last11=Bras|first11=J. M.|last12=Schymick|first12=J. C.|last13=Hernandez|first13=D. G.|last14=Traynor|first14=B. J.|last15=Simon-Sanchez|first15=J.|last16=Matarin|first16=M.|last17=Britton|first17=A.|last18=Van De Leemput|first18=J.|last19=Rafferty|first19=I.|last20=Bucan|first20=M.|last21=Cann|first21=H. M.|last22=Hardy|first22=J. A.|last23=Rosenberg|first23=N. A.|last24=Singleton|first24=A. B.|hdl=2027.42/62552|s2cid=11074384|url=https://deepblue.lib.umich.edu/bitstream/2027.42/62552/1/nature06742.pdf|hdl-access=free}}</ref><ref>{{Cite journal|last1=Xing|first1=J.|last2=Watkins|first2=W. S.|last3=Witherspoon|first3=D. J.|last4=Zhang|first4=Y.|last5=Guthery|first5=S. L.|last6=Thara|first6=R.|last7=Mowry|first7=B. J.|last8=Bulayeva|first8=K.|last9=Weiss|first9=R. B.|year=2009|title=Fine-scaled human genetic structure revealed by SNP microarrays|journal=Genome Research|volume=19|issue=5|pages=815–825|doi=10.1101/gr.085589.108|pmc=2675970|pmid=19411602|last10=Jorde|first10=L. B.}}</ref><ref>{{Cite journal|last1=López Herráez|first1=D.|last2=Bauchet|first2=M.|last3=Tang|first3=K.|last4=Theunert|first4=C.|last5=Pugach|first5=I.|last6=Li|first6=J.|last7=Nandineni|first7=M. R.|last8=Gross|first8=A.|last9=Scholz|first9=M.|year=2009|editor1-last=Hawks|editor1-first=John|title=Genetic Variation and Recent Positive Selection in Worldwide Human Populations: Evidence from Nearly 1 Million SNPs|journal=PLOS ONE|volume=4|issue=11|pages=e7888|bibcode=2009PLoSO...4.7888L|doi=10.1371/journal.pone.0007888|pmc=2775638|pmid=19924308|last10=Stoneking|first10=M.|doi-access=free}}</ref>
== Topical comparisons ==
=== Do biologically distinct races exist? ===
{{further|]}}
From a biological taxonomic point of view humans all occupy the same subspecific taxon and are designated '']'', (''Homo sapiens'' is the ] species name, the subspecific name also being ''sapiens''). Some scientists argue that common racial classifications are insufficient, inaccurate, or biologically meaningless.<ref>Smedley and Smedley 2005; Helms et al. 2005; </ref> The biological meaninglessness of race does not preclude the importance of human genetic diversity as it applies to geographically distributed populations, often "race" is used in a non-biological self defined sense to infer the geographical ancestry of a person "from both an objective and scientific (genetic and epidemiologic) perspective there is great validity in racial/ethnic self-categorizations, both from the research and public policy points of view."<ref name="risch 2002"/> It is well known that many alleles vary in frequency across human populations. However from a biological point of view "race" is usually considered a synonym for subspecies, and in turn the definition of a subspecies requires a far greater degree of diversity than is seen in the human global population.


Focus on study of structure has been criticized for giving the general public a misleading impression of human genetic variation, obscuring the general finding that genetic variants which are limited to one region tend to be rare within that region, variants that are common within a region tend to be shared across the globe, and most differences between individuals, whether they come from the same region or different regions, are due to global variants.<ref name="pmid33350384">{{cite journal |vauthors=Biddanda A, Rice DP, Novembre J| title=A variant-centric perspective on geographic patterns of human allele frequency variation. | journal=eLife | year= 2020 | volume= 9 | pmid=33350384 | doi=10.7554/eLife.60107 | pmc=7755386 | doi-access=free }}</ref>
<blockquote>''Race'' is generally used as a synonym for ''subspecies'', which traditionally is a geographically circumscribed, genetically differentiated population. Sometimes traits show independent patterns of geographical variation such that some combination will distinguish most populations from all others. To avoid making "race" the equivalent of a local population, minimal thresholds of differentiation are imposed. Human "races" are below the thresholds used in other species, so valid traditional subspecies do not exist in humans. A "subspecies" can also be defined as a distinct evolutionary lineage within a species. Genetic surveys and the analyses of DNA haplotype trees show that human "races" are not distinct lineages, and that this is not due to recent admixture; human races are not and never were "pure". Instead, human evolution has been and is characterised by many locally differentiated populations coexisting at any given time, but with sufficient genetic contact to make all humanity a single lineage sharing a common evolutionary fate.<ref>Templeton (1998)</ref></blockquote>


==== {{anchor|Genetic distance}}Distance ====
<blockquote>Recent work in anthropological genetics suggests that the traditional, historic and socially-constructed ‘racial’ aggregates that have permeated the Western biomedical literature since the 18th century are largely genetic illusions. Important human biological variation exists, but classical races, as the term is used systematically and taxonomically in the natural sciences, appears inapplicable to modern humans.....Our species collective origins are too recent, the extent of gene flow between us is too great, and our current diversity is too evolutionarily superficial to warrant the racial or subspecies level of differentiation among contemporary humans. Human variability does not neatly package itself into separate and discrete categories, as the term race would indicate. In fact, from a scientific point of view, we humans are a single, highly variable, polytypic race—''Homo sapiens sapiens''. The second ‘''sapiens''’ is actually the subspecies or race category. What biodiversity exists among modern humans exists taxonomically below the subspecies level. <ref name="jacks">Jackson (2004), p. 218.</ref></blockquote>
] is genetic divergence between species or populations of a species. It may compare the genetic similarity of related species, such as humans and chimpanzees. Within a species, genetic distance measures divergence between subgroups. Genetic distance significantly correlates to geographic distance between populations, a phenomenon sometimes known as "]".<ref>{{cite journal | pmc=1276087 | pmid=16243969 | doi=10.1073/pnas.0507611102 | volume=102 | issue=44 | title=Support from the relationship of genetic and geographic distance in human populations for a serial founder effect originating in Africa | date=November 2005 | journal=Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences | pages=15942–7 | last1 = Ramachandran | first1 = S | last2 = Deshpande | first2 = O | last3 = Roseman | first3 = CC | last4 = Rosenberg | first4 = NA | last5 = Feldman | first5 = MW | last6 = Cavalli-Sforza | first6 = LL| bibcode=2005PNAS..10215942R | doi-access=free }}</ref> Genetic distance may be the result of physical boundaries restricting gene flow such as islands, deserts, mountains or forests. Genetic distance is measured by the ]. F<sub>ST</sub> is the correlation of randomly chosen ]s in a subgroup to a larger population. It is often expressed as a proportion of genetic diversity. This comparison of genetic variability within (and between) populations is used in ]. The values range from 0 to 1; zero indicates the two populations are freely interbreeding, and one would indicate that two populations are separate.


Many studies place the average F<sub>ST</sub> distance between human races at about 0.125. ] argued that this value implies on a world scale a "kinship between two individuals of the same human population is equivalent to kinship between grandparent and grandchild or between half siblings". In fact, the formulas derived in Harpending's paper in the "Kinship in a subdivided population" section imply that two unrelated individuals of the same race have a higher coefficient of kinship (0.125) than an individual and their mixed race half-sibling (0.109).<ref>{{Cite journal
Even geneticists that support the concept of biological races maintain that subdividing the human population along the lines of continental races is simply the most convinient method.
| doi = 10.1023/A:1020815420693
| volume = 24
| issue = 2
| pages = 141–147
| last = Harpending
| first = Henry
| title = Kinship and Population Subdivision
| journal = ]
| date = 2002-11-01
| jstor = 27503827
| bibcode = 2002PopEn..24..141H
| s2cid = 15208802
| url = http://www.humanbiologicaldiversity.com/articles/Harpending,%20Henry.%20%22Kinship%20and%20Population%20Subdivision.%22%20Population%20and%20Environment%2024,%20no.%202%20(2002).pdf
| access-date = 2017-08-22
| archive-date = 2017-06-28
| archive-url = https://web.archive.org/web/20170628140206/http://www.humanbiologicaldiversity.com/articles/Harpending%2c%20Henry.%20%22Kinship%20and%20Population%20Subdivision.%22%20Population%20and%20Environment%2024%2c%20no.%202%20%282002%29.pdf
| url-status = live
}}</ref>


==== Critiques of F<sub>ST</sub> ====
{{cquote|...race is merely a shorthand that enables us to speak sensibly, though with no great precision, about genetic rather than cultural or political differences....Some critics believe that these ambiguities render the very notion of race worthless. I disagree. The physical topography of our world cannot be accurately described in words. To navigate it, you need a map with elevations, contour lines and reference grids. But it is hard to talk in numbers, and so we give the world's more prominent features—the mountain ranges and plateaus and plains—names. We do so despite the inherent ambiguity of words. The Pennines of northern England are about one-tenth as high and long as the Himalayas, yet both are intelligibly described as mountain ranges.<ref name="leroi 2005"/>}}
While acknowledging that F<sub>ST</sub> remains useful, a number of scientists have written about other approaches to characterizing human genetic variation.<ref name="long">{{cite journal|author1=Long, J. C.|author2=Kittles, R. A.|year=2009|title=Human genetic diversity and the nonexistence of biological races|journal=Human Biology|volume=81|issue=5/6|pages=777–798|doi=10.3378/027.081.0621|pmid=20504196|name-list-style=amp|s2cid=30709062}}</ref><ref name="mountain">{{cite journal|author1=Mountain, J. L.|author2=Risch, N.|year=2004|title=Assessing genetic contributions to phenotypic differences among 'racial' and 'ethnic' groups|journal=Nature Genetics|volume=36|issue=11 Suppl|pages=S48–S53|doi=10.1038/ng1456|pmid=15508003|doi-access=free|name-list-style=amp}}</ref><ref name="pearse">{{cite journal|last1=Pearse |first1=D. E.|last2=Crandall |first2=K. A.|author-link2=Keith A. Crandall|year=2004|title=Beyond FST: analysis of population genetic data for conservation|journal=Conservation Genetics|volume=5|issue=5|pages=585–602|doi=10.1007/s10592-003-1863-4|bibcode=2004ConG....5..585P |s2cid=22068080}}</ref> Long & Kittles (2009) stated that F<sub>ST</sub> failed to identify important variation and that when the analysis includes only humans, F<sub>ST</sub> = 0.119, but adding chimpanzees increases it only to F<sub>ST</sub> = 0.183.<ref name="long" /> Mountain & Risch (2004) argued that an F<sub>ST</sub> estimate of 0.10–0.15 does not rule out a genetic basis for phenotypic differences between groups and that a low F<sub>ST</sub> estimate implies little about the degree to which genes contribute to between-group differences.<ref name="mountain" /> Pearse & Crandall 2004 wrote that F<sub>ST</sub> figures cannot distinguish between a situation of high migration between populations with a long divergence time, and one of a relatively recent shared history but no ongoing gene flow.<ref name="pearse" /> In their 2015 article, Keith Hunley, Graciela Cabana, and Jeffrey Long (who had previously criticized Lewontin's statistical methodology with Rick Kittles<ref name=":0" />) recalculate the apportionment of human diversity using a more complex model than Lewontin and his successors. They conclude: "In sum, we concur with Lewontin's conclusion that Western-based racial classifications have no taxonomic significance, and we hope that this research, which takes into account our current understanding of the structure of human diversity, places his seminal finding on firmer evolutionary footing."<ref name=":1">{{Cite journal|last1=Hunley|first1=Keith L.|last2=Cabana|first2=Graciela S.|last3=Long|first3=Jeffrey C.|date=2015-12-01|title=The apportionment of human diversity revisited|journal=American Journal of Physical Anthropology|volume=160|issue=4|pages=561–569|doi=10.1002/ajpa.22899|issn=1096-8644|pmid=26619959|doi-access=free}}</ref>


Anthropologists (such as ]),<ref>{{cite book|last=Brace|first=C. Loring|title="Race" is a Four-letter Word: The Genesis of the Concept|date=2005|publisher=Oxford University Press|isbn=978-0-19-517351-2|location=Oxford}}</ref> philosopher Jonathan Kaplan and geneticist ]<ref>{{cite book|last=Graves|first=Joseph L|url=https://archive.org/details/emperorsnewcloth00grav|title=The Emperor's New Clothes: Biological Theories of Race at the Millennium|publisher=Rutgers University Press|year=2001|isbn=9780813528472|url-access=registration}}</ref> have argued that while it is possible to find biological and genetic variation roughly corresponding to race, this is true for almost all geographically distinct populations: the cluster structure of genetic data is dependent on the initial hypotheses of the researcher and the populations sampled. When one samples continental groups, the clusters become continental; with other sampling patterns, the clusters would be different. Weiss and Fullerton note that if one sampled only Icelanders, Mayans and Maoris, three distinct clusters would form; all other populations would be composed of ]s of Maori, Icelandic and Mayan material.<ref>{{cite journal|last1=Weiss|first1=Kenneth M.|last2=Fullerton|first2=Stephanie M.|year=2005|title=Racing around, getting nowhere|journal=Evolutionary Anthropology: Issues, News, and Reviews|volume=14|issue=5|pages=165–169|doi=10.1002/evan.20079|issn=1060-1538|s2cid=84927946}}</ref> Kaplan therefore concludes that, while differences in particular allele frequencies can be used to identify populations that loosely correspond to the racial categories common in Western social discourse, the differences are of no more biological significance than the differences found between any human populations (e.g., the Spanish and Portuguese).<ref>{{cite encyclopedia|title='Race': What Biology Can Tell Us about a Social Construct|encyclopedia=Encyclopedia of Life Sciences (ELS)|url=http://www.els.net/WileyCDA/ElsArticle/refId-a0005857.html|access-date=23 September 2014|date=17 January 2011|doi=10.1002/9780470015902.a0005857|isbn=978-0470016176|last1=Kaplan|first1=Jonathan Michael}}</ref>
Some researchers have used the work of Cavalli-Sforza as support for the idea that races are objectively verifiable, however Cavalli-Sforza, himself, has said, "the idea of race in the human species serves no purpose" and that his research is "expected to undermine the popular belief that there are ''clearly defined'' races, to contribute to the elimination of racism". He has also said,
{{cquote|The classification into races has proved to be a futile exercise for reasons that were already clear to Darwin. Human races are still extremely unstable entities in the hands of modern taxonomists, who define from 3 to 60 more races. To some extent, this latitude depends on the personal preference of taxonomists, who may choose to be 'lumpers' or 'splitters'. Although there is no doubt that there is only one human species, there are clearly no objective reasons for stopping at any particular level of taxonomic splitting. In fact, the analysis we carry out..for the purposes of evolutionary study shows that the level at which we stop our classification is completely arbitrary." (Cavalli-Sforza, Menozzi, and Piazza, 1994, p. 19).}}
The following chart by ] shows the genetic distance between different groups:


==={{anchor|Historic and geographic analysis of ancestry}}Historical and geographical analyses===
]
Current-population genetic structure does not imply that differing clusters or components indicate only one ancestral home per group; for example, a genetic cluster in the US comprises Hispanics with European, Native American and African ancestry.<ref name="Tang2005" />


Geographic analyses attempt to identify places of origin, their relative importance and possible causes of genetic variation in an area. The results can be presented as maps showing genetic variation. Cavalli-Sforza and colleagues argue that if genetic variations are investigated, they often correspond to population migrations due to new sources of food, improved transportation or shifts in political power. For example, in Europe the most significant direction of genetic variation corresponds to the spread of agriculture from the Middle East to Europe between 10,000 and 6,000 years ago.<ref name="Cavalli-Sforza1997">{{cite journal |first=Luigi Luca |last=Cavalli-Sforza |title=Genes, peoples, and languages |journal=Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences |year=1997 |volume=94 |issue=15 |pages=7719–7724 |doi=10.1073/pnas.94.15.7719|doi-access=free |pmid=9223254 |bibcode=1997PNAS...94.7719C |pmc=33682 }}</ref> Such geographic analysis works best in the absence of recent large-scale, rapid migrations.
]


Historic analyses use differences in genetic variation (measured by genetic distance) as a ] indicating the evolutionary relation of species or groups, and can be used to create ]s reconstructing population separations.<ref name="Cavalli-Sforza1997"/>
Additionally, according to an article published in The Economist, the work of Cavalli-Sforza "challenges the assumption that there are significant genetic differences between human races, and indeed, the idea that 'race' has any useful biological meaning at all." (The Human Genome Survey, ] 2000, pg. 11)


Results of genetic-ancestry research are supported if they agree with research results from other fields, such as ] or ].<ref name="Cavalli-Sforza1997"/> Cavalli-Sforza and colleagues have argued that there is a correspondence between ] found in linguistic research and the population tree they found in their 1994 study. There are generally shorter genetic distances between populations using languages from the same language family. Exceptions to this rule are also found, for example ], who are genetically associated with populations speaking languages from other language families. The Sami speak a ], but are genetically primarily European. This is argued to have resulted from migration (and interbreeding) with Europeans while retaining their original language. Agreement also exists between research dates in archeology and those calculated using genetic distance.<ref name="Rosenberg2002"/><ref name="Cavalli-Sforza1997"/>
Neil Risch, who has published many papers regarding human genetic variation argues that one of the problems with race is definition (though the usual definition is that "race" equates to ]) others agree with Risch:<blockquote>'Race' is not being defined or used consistently; its referents are varied and shift depending on context. The term is often used colloquially to refer to a range of human groupings. Religious, cultural, social, national, ethnic, linguistic, genetic, geographical and anatomical groups have been and sometimes still are called 'races'. In anthropology, the meaning of race became formalized for humans and restricted to units based on biological variation in keeping with general zoological practice8. Classifications were based on somatic traits......'Race' is applied in formal taxonomy to variation below the species level. In traditional approaches, substantively morphologically distinct populations or collections of populations occupying a section of a species range are called subspecies and given a three-part Latin name. In current systematic practice, the designation 'subspecies' is used to indicate an objective degree of microevolutionary divergence.....We argue that the correct use of the term 'race' is the most current taxonomic one, because it has been formalized. 'Race' gains its force from its natural science root. The term denotes 'natural' distinctions and connotes differences not susceptible to change. One is led to ask, therefore, whether everything that is called a 'racial' difference is actually natural. 'Racial' differences carry a different weight than cultural differences. In terms of taxonomic precision and best practice, is it scientifically correct to identify European Americans, Asians and Pacific Islanders, Han Chinese, Hispanics and African Americans of Middle Passage descent as different races? Although individuals may refer to themselves as belonging to a particular 'race', it is doubtful that this has been done with knowledge of, or concern for, zoological taxonomy, because the common use of the term has come from sociopolitical discourse. Individuals learned the 'race' to which they were assigned.<ref>Keita ''et al.'' (2004)</ref></blockquote>


==={{anchor|Self-identified race/ethnic group}}Self-identification studies===
In response to the statement “Genome variation research does not support the existence of human races.” Risch says:
Jorde and Wooding found that while clusters from genetic markers were correlated with some traditional concepts of race, the correlations were imperfect and imprecise due to the continuous and overlapping nature of genetic variation, noting that ancestry, which can be accurately determined, is not equivalent to the concept of race.<ref name="Jorde2004"/>
<blockquote>What is your definition of races? If you define it a certain way, maybe that's a valid statement. There is obviously still disagreement.....Scientists always disagree! A lot of the problem is terminology. I'm not even sure what race means, people use it in many different ways.</blockquote>
So Risch seems not to be using the standard biological definition of "race", but rather a socially constructed definition of "race" (see above), and to be applying this to the small level of genetic variation that is geographically distributed. Risch uses the term "race/ethnicity" for his social construct. He goes on to conclude that few biological definitions are precise:
<blockquote>In our own studies, to avoid coming up with our own definition of race, we tend to use the definition others have employed, for example, the US census definition of race. There is also the concept of the major geographical structuring that exists in human populations—continental divisions—which has led to genetic differentiation. But if you expect absolute precision in any of these definitions, you can undermine any definitional system. Any category you come up with is going to be imperfect, but that doesn't preclude you from using it or the fact that it has utility.
We talk about the prejudicial aspect of this. If you demand that kind of accuracy, then one could make the same arguments about sex and age!
You'll like this. In a recent study, when we looked at the correlation between genetic structure versus self-description, we found 99.9% concordance between the two. We actually had a higher discordance rate between self-reported sex and markers on the X chromosome! So you could argue that sex is also a problematic category. And there are differences between sex and gender; self-identification may not be correlated with biology perfectly. And there is sexism. And you can talk about age the same way. A person's chronological age does not correspond perfectly with his biological age for a variety of reasons, both inherited and non-inherited. Perhaps just using someone's actual birth year is not a very good way of measuring age. Does that mean we should throw it out? No. Also, there is ageism—prejudice related to age in our society. A lot of these arguments, which have a political or social aspect to them, can be made about all categories, not just the race/ethnicity one.<ref>The Whole Side of It—An Interview with Neil Risch </ref></blockquote>


A 2005 study by Tang and colleagues used 326 genetic markers to determine genetic clusters. The 3,636 subjects, from the ] and ], self-identified as belonging to white, African American, East Asian or Hispanic ethnic groups. The study found "nearly perfect correspondence between genetic cluster and SIRE for major ethnic groups living in the United States, with a discrepancy rate of only 0.14 percent".<ref name=Tang2005/> Paschou et al. found "essentially perfect" agreement between 51 self-identified populations of origin and the population's genetic structure, using 650,000 genetic markers. Selecting for informative genetic markers allowed a reduction to less than 650, while retaining near-total accuracy.<ref>{{cite journal | last1 = Paschou | first1 = Peristera | last2 = Lewis | first2 = Jamey | last3 = Javed | first3 = Asif | last4 = Drineas | first4 = Petros | year = 2010 | title = Ancestry informative markers for fine-scale individual assignment to worldwide populations | url = https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-00573484/document | journal = J Med Genet | volume = 47 | issue = 12 | pages = 835–847 | doi = 10.1136/jmg.2010.078212 | pmid = 20921023 | s2cid = 6432430 | type = <!-- Submitted manuscript --> | access-date = 2018-11-04 | archive-date = 2018-11-05 | archive-url = https://web.archive.org/web/20181105064859/https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-00573484/document | url-status = live }}</ref>
Risch is one of the scientists that deem that the genetic variation seen within the human population is of biomedical importance, but not all scientists agree with this position.<blockquote>Underpinning the medical acceptance of biological race has been the assumption that substantial human genetic variability is at the core of racial group-level human differences. In the United States, the groups of choice, for comparative health status studies are usually identified by such terms as ‘Black’, ‘White’, ‘Latino’ or ‘Hispanic’, and ‘Asian’. Significant within-group variation is often ignored and this inherent variability is now returning to haunt researchers searching for broad racial generalizations. The key questions in using these macroethnic ‘racial’ groups have been (and continue to be): (1) Do these groups represent statistically valid biological categories? And (2) can they be used as reliable shortcuts to making predictions (probability statements) about group disease susceptibilities and health status? The answers to both of these questions are a resounding No.<ref name="jacks"/></blockquote>


Correspondence between genetic clusters in a population (such as the current US population) and self-identified race or ethnic groups does not mean that such a cluster (or group) corresponds to only one ethnic group. African Americans have an estimated 20–25-percent European genetic admixture; Hispanics have European, Native American and African ancestry.<ref name=Tang2005/> In Brazil there has been extensive admixture between Europeans, Amerindians and Africans. As a result, skin color differences within the population are not gradual, and there are relatively weak associations between self-reported race and African ancestry.<ref>{{Cite journal | last1 = Pena | first1 = Sérgio D. J.| last2 = Di Pietro | first2 = Giuliano| last3 = Fuchshuber-Moraes | first3 = Mateus| last4 = Genro | first4 = Julia Pasqualini| last5 = Hutz | first5 = Mara H.| last6 = Kehdy | first6 = Fernanda de Souza Gomes| last7 = Kohlrausch | first7 = Fabiana| last8 = Magno | first8 = Luiz Alexandre Viana| last9 = Montenegro | first9 = Raquel Carvalho| last10 = Moraes | first10 = Manoel Odorico| last11 = de Moraes | first11 = Maria Elisabete Amaral| last12 = de Moraes | first12 = Milene Raiol| last13 = Ojopi | first13 = Élida B.| last14 = Perini | first14 = Jamila A.| last15 = Racciopi | first15 = Clarice| last16 = Ribeiro-dos-Santos | first16 = Ândrea Kely Campos| last17 = Rios-Santos | first17 = Fabrício| last18 = Romano-Silva | first18 = Marco A.| last19 = Sortica | first19 = Vinicius A.| last20 = Suarez-Kurtz | first20 = Guilherme| editor1-last = Harpending | editor1-first = Henry | title = The Genomic Ancestry of Individuals from Different Geographical Regions of Brazil is More Uniform Than Expected | doi = 10.1371/journal.pone.0017063 | journal = ]| volume = 6 | issue = 2 | pages = e17063 | year = 2011 | pmid = 21359226| pmc = 3040205| bibcode = 2011PLoSO...617063P| doi-access = free}}</ref><ref>{{Cite journal | last1 = Parra | first1 = F. C. | doi = 10.1073/pnas.0126614100 | title = Color and genomic ancestry in Brazilians | journal = Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences | volume = 100 | pages = 177–182 | year = 2002 | pmid = 12509516| pmc = 140919|bibcode = 2003PNAS..100..177P| issue=1| doi-access = free }}</ref> Ethnoracial self- classification in Brazilians is certainly not random with respect to genome individual ancestry, but the strength of the association between the phenotype and median proportion of African ancestry varies largely across population.<ref>{{Cite journal | doi=10.1038/srep09812| pmid=25913126| pmc=5386196| title=Genomic ancestry and ethnoracial self-classification based on 5,871 community-dwelling Brazilians (The Epigen Initiative)| journal=Scientific Reports| volume=5| pages=9812| year=2015| last1=Lima-Costa| first1=M. Fernanda| last2=Rodrigues| first2=Laura C.| last3=Barreto| first3=Maurício L.| last4=Gouveia| first4=Mateus| last5=Horta| first5=Bernardo L.| last6=Mambrini| first6=Juliana| last7=Kehdy| first7=Fernanda S. G.| last8=Pereira| first8=Alexandre| last9=Rodrigues-Soares| first9=Fernanda| last10=Victora| first10=Cesar G.| last11=Tarazona-Santos| first11=Eduardo| last12=Cesar| first12=Cibele C.| last13=Conceição| first13=Jackson S.| last14=Costa| first14=Gustavo N. O.| last15=Esteban| first15=Nubia| last16=Fiaccone| first16=Rosemeire L.| last17=Figueiredo| first17=Camila A.| last18=Firmo| first18=Josélia O. A.| last19=Horimoto| first19=Andrea R. V. R.| last20=Leal| first20=Thiago P.| last21=Machado| first21=Moara| last22=Magalhães| first22=Wagner C. S.| last23=De Oliveira| first23=Isabel Oliveira| last24=Peixoto| first24=Sérgio V.| last25=Rodrigues| first25=Maíra R.| last26=Santos| first26=Hadassa C.| last27=Silva| first27=Thiago M.| bibcode=2015NatSR...5.9812.}}</ref>
<!-- Despite this, ] a psychologist speaking, here, on a subject outside his field, has contradicted Cavalli-Sforza and said that Cavalli-Sforza's research supports the traditional concept of races in physical anthropology


=== {{anchor|Continuous or discontinuous increase in genetic distance}}Critique of genetic-distance studies and clusters ===
On pgs 430-431 of ''the g factor'' Jensen writes:
] may be abrupt or ].]] Genetic distances generally increase continually with geographic distance, which makes a dividing line arbitrary. Any two neighboring settlements will exhibit some genetic difference from each other, which could be defined as a race. Therefore, attempts to classify races impose an artificial discontinuity on a naturally occurring phenomenon. This explains why studies on population genetic structure yield varying results, depending on methodology.<ref>{{cite web |first=Reanne |last=Frank |url=http://paa2006.princeton.edu/download.aspx?submissionId=61713 |title=Back with a Vengeance: the Reemergence of a Biological Conceptualization of Race in Research on Race/Ethnic Disparities in Health |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20081201101017/http://paa2006.princeton.edu/download.aspx?submissionId=61713 |archive-date=2008-12-01 }}</ref>


Rosenberg and colleagues (2005) have argued, based on cluster analysis of the 52 populations in the Human Genetic Diversity Panel, that populations do not always vary continuously and a population's genetic structure is consistent if enough genetic markers (and subjects) are included.
:''Cavalli-Sforza et al. transformed the distance matrix to a correlation matrix consisting of 861 correlation coefficients among the forty-two populations, so they could apply principal components (PC) analysis on their genetic data...PC analysis is a wholly objective mathematical procedure. It requires no decisions or judgments on anyone's part and yields identical results for everyone who does the calculations correctly...The important point is that if various populations were fairly homogenous in genetic composition, differing no more genetically than could be attributable only to random variation, a PC analysis would not be able to cluster the populations into a number of groups according to their genetic propinquity. In fact, a PC analysis shows that most of the forty-two populations fall very distinctly into the quadrents formed by using the first and second principal component as axes...They form quite widely separated clusters of the various populations that resemble the "classic" major racial groups-Caucasoids in the upper right, Negroids in the lower right, North East Asians in the upper left, and South East Asians (including South Chinese) and Pacific Islanders in the lower left...I have tried other objective methods of clustering on the same data (varimax rotation of the principal components, common factor analysis, and hierarchical cluster analysis). All of these types of analysis yield essentially the same picture and identify the same major racial groupings.''
{{blockquote|Examination of the relationship between genetic and geographic distance supports a view in which the clusters arise not as an artifact of the sampling scheme, but from small discontinuous jumps in genetic distance for most population pairs on opposite sides of geographic barriers, in comparison with genetic distance for pairs on the same side. Thus, analysis of the 993-locus dataset corroborates our earlier results: if enough markers are used with a sufficiently large worldwide sample, individuals can be partitioned into genetic clusters that match major geographic subdivisions of the globe, with some individuals from intermediate geographic locations having mixed membership in the clusters that correspond to neighboring regions.}}


They also wrote, regarding a model with five clusters corresponding to Africa, Eurasia (Europe, Middle East, and Central/South Asia), East Asia, Oceania, and the Americas:
Elsewhere in Jensen's writings, he equates North East Asians with mongoloids, which along with Caucasoids and Negroids, form what Jensen describes as the three broadest population groups. To test the reliability of these broadgroupings, Jensen performed his own independent varimax rotated principal component analysis described on paged 518 of the g factor:


{{blockquote|For population pairs from the same cluster, as geographic distance increases, genetic distance increases in a linear manner, consistent with a clinal population structure. However, for pairs from different clusters, genetic distance is generally larger than that between intracluster pairs that have the same geographic distance. For example, genetic distances for population pairs with one population in Eurasia and the other in East Asia are greater than those for pairs at equivalent geographic distance within Eurasia or within East Asia. Loosely speaking, it is these small discontinuous jumps in genetic distance—across ]s, the ]s, and the ]—that provide the basis for the ability of STRUCTURE to identify clusters that correspond to geographic regions.<ref name="Rosenberg2005" />}}
''I have used a somewhat different collection of only 26 populations from around the world that were studied by the population genetecists Nei & Roychoudhury (1993), whose article provides the genetic distance matrix among the 26 population samples, based on 29 polymorphic genes with 121 alleles...Note that some groups have major and minor loadings on different components, which represent not discrete categories, but central tendencies. The six rotated components can display clusters that can be identified as follows: (1) Mongoloids, (2) Caucasoids, (3) South Asians and Pacific Islanders, (4) Negroids, (5) North and South Amerindians and Eskimos, (6) aboriginal Australians and Papuan New Guineans. The genetic groupings are clearly similar to those obtained by Cavali-Sforza et al. using other methods applied to other samples.''-->


This applies to populations in their ancestral homes when migrations and gene flow were slow; large, rapid migrations exhibit different characteristics. Tang and colleagues (2004) wrote, "we detected only modest genetic differentiation between different current geographic locales within each race/ethnicity group. Thus, ancient geographic ancestry, which is highly correlated with self-identified race/ethnicity—as opposed to current residence—is the major determinant of genetic structure in the U.S. population".<ref name="Tang2005" />] divides a dataset into any prespecified number of clusters.) Individuals have genes from multiple clusters. The cluster prevalent only among the ] (yellow) only splits off at K=7 and greater.]]
==Footnotes==

<!-- ----------------------------------------------------------
Cluster analysis has been criticized because the number of clusters to search for is decided in advance, with different values possible (although with varying degrees of probability).<ref>{{Cite book| publisher = Rutgers University Press| isbn = 978-0-8135-4324-6| editor1-last = Koenig| editor1-first = Barbara A.| editor2-last = Richardson| editor2-first = Sarah S.| editor-link2=Sarah S. Richardson|editor3-last = Lee| editor3-first = Sandra Soo-Jin| last = Bolnick| first = Deborah A.| title = Revisiting race in a genomic age| chapter = Individual Ancestry Inference and the Reification of Race as a Biological Phenomenon| year = 2008}}</ref> ] does not decide in advance how many components for which to search.<ref name=Patterson2006>{{Cite journal | last1 = Patterson | first1 = Nick | last2 = Price | first2 = Alkes L. | last3 = Reich | first3 = David | doi = 10.1371/journal.pgen.0020190 | title = Population Structure and Eigenanalysis | journal = PLOS Genetics | volume = 2 | issue = 12 | pages = e190 | year = 2006 | pmid = 17194218| pmc =1713260 | doi-access = free }}</ref>
See http://en.wikipedia.org/Wikipedia:Footnotes for a

discussion of different citation methods and how to generate
The 2002 study by ] et al. exemplifies why meanings of these clusterings can be disputable, though the study shows that at the K=5 cluster analysis, genetic clusterings roughly map onto each of the five major geographical regions.<ref name='Rosenberg2002'/> Similar results were gathered in further studies in 2005.<ref name="rosenberg2005">{{cite journal | last1 = Rosenberg | first1 = N. A. | author-link5 = Jonathan K. Pritchard | last2 = Mahajan | first2 = S. | last3 = Ramachandran | first3 = S. | last4 = Zhao | first4 = C. | last5 = Pritchard | first5 = J. K. | display-authors = etal | year = 2005 | title = Clines, Clusters, and the Effect of Study Design on the Inference of Human Population Structure | journal = PLOS Genet | volume = 1 | issue = 6| page = e70 | doi = 10.1371/journal.pgen.0010070 | pmid = 16355252 | pmc=1310579 | doi-access = free }}</ref>
footnotes using the<ref>, </ref> and <reference /> tags

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=== Critique of ancestry-informative markers ===
<div class="references-small">
]s (AIMs) are a genealogy tracing technology that has come under much criticism due to its reliance on reference populations. In a 2015 article, Troy Duster outlines how contemporary technology allows the tracing of ancestral lineage but along only the lines of one maternal and one paternal line. That is, of 64 total great-great-great-great-grandparents, only one from each parent is identified, implying the other 62 ancestors are ignored in tracing efforts.<ref name="Duster 1–27">{{Cite journal|last=Duster|first=Troy|date=March 2015|title=A post-genomic surprise. The molecular reinscription of race in science, law and medicine|journal=The British Journal of Sociology|volume=66|issue=1|pages=1–27|doi=10.1111/1468-4446.12118|pmid=25789799|issn=0007-1315}}</ref> Furthermore, the 'reference populations' used as markers for membership of a particular group are designated arbitrarily and contemporarily. In other words, using populations who currently reside in given places as references for certain races and ethnic groups is unreliable due to the demographic changes which have occurred over many centuries in those places. Furthermore, ancestry-informative markers being widely shared among the whole human population, it is their frequency which is tested, not their mere absence/presence. A threshold of relative frequency has, therefore, to be set. According to Duster, the criteria for setting such thresholds are a trade secret of the companies marketing the tests. Thus, we cannot say anything conclusive on whether they are appropriate.
<references />
Results of AIMs are extremely sensitive to where this bar is set.<ref>Fullwiley, D. (2008). "The Biologistical Construction of Race: 'Admixture' Technology and the New Genetic Medicine". ''Social Studies of Science'', 38(5), 695–735. {{doi|10.1177/0306312708090796}}
</div>
</ref> Given that many genetic traits are found to be very similar amid many different populations, the designated threshold frequencies are very important. This can also lead to mistakes, given that many populations may share the same patterns, if not exactly the same genes. "This means that someone from Bulgaria whose ancestors go back to the fifteenth century could (and sometime does) map as partly 'Native American{{'"}}.<ref name="Duster 1–27"/> This happens because AIMs rely on a '100% purity' assumption of reference populations. That is, they assume that a pattern of traits would ideally be a necessary and sufficient condition for assigning an individual to an ancestral reference populations.

==Race, genetics, and medicine==
{{Main|Race and health}}
There are certain statistical differences between racial groups in susceptibility to certain diseases.<ref name=Gitschier2005>{{cite journal |author=Risch N |title=The whole side of it--an interview with Neil Risch by Jane Gitschier |journal=PLOS Genetics |volume=1 |issue=1 |pages=e14 |date=July 2005 |pmid=17411332 |doi=10.1371/journal.pgen.0010014 |pmc=1183530 |doi-access=free }}</ref> Genes change in response to local diseases; for example, people who are ] tend to have a higher resistance to malaria. The Duffy negative phenotype is highly frequent in central Africa and the frequency decreases with distance away from Central Africa, with higher frequencies in global populations with high degrees of recent African immigration. This suggests that the Duffy negative genotype evolved in Sub-Saharan Africa and was subsequently positively selected for in the Malaria endemic zone.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://sickle.bwh.harvard.edu/malaria_sickle.html |title=Malaria and the Red Cell |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20111127201806/http://sickle.bwh.harvard.edu/malaria_sickle.html |archive-date=2011-11-27 |website=Harvard University |year=2002}}</ref> A number of genetic conditions prevalent in malaria-endemic areas may provide ], including ], ] and ]. ] is the most common life-limiting ] disease among people of European ancestry; a hypothesized ], providing resistance to diseases earlier common in Europe, has been challenged.<ref>{{cite journal |vauthors=Högenauer C, Santa Ana CA, Porter JL, et al |title=Active intestinal chloride secretion in human carriers of cystic fibrosis mutations: an evaluation of the hypothesis that heterozygotes have subnormal active intestinal chloride secretion |journal=Am. J. Hum. Genet. |volume=67 |issue=6 |pages=1422–1427 |date=December 2000 |pmid=11055897 |pmc=1287919 |doi=10.1086/316911 }}</ref> Scientists Michael Yudell, Dorothy Roberts, Rob DeSalle, and Sarah Tishkoff argue that using these associations in the practice of medicine has led doctors to overlook or misidentify disease: "For example, hemoglobinopathies can be misdiagnosed because of the identification of sickle-cell as a 'Black' disease and thalassemia as a 'Mediterranean' disease. Cystic fibrosis is underdiagnosed in populations of African ancestry, because it is thought of as a 'White' disease."<ref name="Yudell2016"/>

Information about a person's population of origin may aid in ], and adverse drug responses may vary by group.<ref name="Rosenberg2002"/>{{Dubious|date=September 2018}} Because of the correlation between self-identified race and genetic clusters, medical treatments influenced by genetics have varying rates of success between self-defined racial groups.<ref>{{cite journal | year = 2001 | title = Racial Differences in the Response to Drugs — Pointers to Genetic Differences | url = http://content.nejm.org/cgi/content/extract/344/18/1393 | journal = New England Journal of Medicine | volume = 344 | issue = 18 | pages = 1393–1396 | doi = 10.1056/NEJM200105033441810 | pmid = 11333999 | last1 = Schwartz | first1 = Robert S. | access-date = 2009-10-28 | archive-date = 2003-09-01 | archive-url = https://web.archive.org/web/20030901034140/http://content.nejm.org/cgi/content/extract/344/18/1393 | url-status = dead }}</ref> For this reason, some physicians{{who|date=September 2014}} consider a patient's race in choosing the most effective treatment,<ref>{{cite journal | last1 = Bloche | first1 = Gregg M. | year = 2004 | title = Race-Based Therapeutics | journal = New England Journal of Medicine | volume = 351 | issue = 20| pages = 2035–2037 | doi=10.1056/nejmp048271 | pmid=15533852}}</ref> and some drugs are marketed with race-specific instructions.<ref> {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090926084534/http://www.emedicinehealth.com/drug-rosuvastatin/article_em.htm |date=2009-09-26 }}. Warnings for this drug state, "People of Asian descent may absorb rosuvastatin at a higher rate than other people. Make sure your doctor knows if you are Asian. You may need a lower than normal starting dose."</ref> Jorde and Wooding (2004) have argued that because of genetic variation within racial groups, when "it finally becomes feasible and available, individual genetic assessment of relevant genes will probably prove more useful than race in medical decision making". However, race continues to be a factor when examining groups (such as epidemiologic research).<ref name="Jorde2004"/> Some doctors and scientists such as geneticist ] argue that using self-identified race as a proxy for ancestry is necessary to be able to get a sufficiently broad sample of different ancestral populations, and in turn to be able to provide health care that is tailored to the needs of minority groups.<ref>{{cite journal | last1 = Risch | first1 = N. | last2 = Burchard | first2 = E. | last3 = Ziv | first3 = E. | last4 = Tang | first4 = H. | year = 2002 | title = Categorization of humans in biomedical research: genes, race and disease | doi = 10.1186/gb-2002-3-7-comment2007 | journal = Genome Biol | volume = 3 | issue = 7| pages = 1–12 | pmid=12184798 | pmc=139378 | doi-access = free }}</ref>

===Usage in scientific journals===

Some scientific journals have addressed previous methodological errors by requiring more rigorous scrutiny of population variables. Since 2000, '']'' requires its authors to "explain why they make use of particular ethnic groups or populations, and how classification was achieved". Editors of ''Nature Genetics'' say that " hope that this will raise awareness and inspire more rigorous designs of genetic and epidemiological studies".<ref>{{cite journal|title=Census, Race and Science|journal=Nature Genetics|year=2000|volume=24|issue=2 | pages=97–98 | doi = 10.1038/72884 |pmid=10655044|doi-access=free}}</ref>

A 2021 study that examined over 11,000 papers from 1949 to 2018 in The ], found that "race" was used in only 5% of papers published in the last decade, down from 22% in the first. Together with an increase in use of the terms "ethnicity," "ancestry," and location-based terms, it suggests that human geneticists have mostly abandoned the term "race."<ref>{{cite journal | title =Geneticists curb use of 'race' | journal =Science | volume =374 | issue =6572 | pages =1177 | date =3 December 2021 | language =English}}</ref>

===Gene-environment interactions===
Lorusso and Bacchini<ref name='LorussoBacchini'/> argue that self-identified race is of greater use in medicine as it correlates strongly with risk-related ]s that are potentially heritable when they become embodied in the ]. They summarise evidence of the link between racial discrimination and health outcomes due to poorer food quality, access to healthcare, housing conditions, education, access to information, exposure to infectious agents and toxic substances, and material scarcity. They also cite evidence that this process can work positively – for example, the psychological advantage of perceiving oneself at the top of a social hierarchy is linked to improved health. However they caution that the effects of discrimination do not offer a complete explanation for differential rates of disease and risk factors between racial groups, and the employment of self-identified race has the potential to reinforce racial inequalities.

== Objections to racial naturalism ==
Racial naturalism is the view that racial classifications are grounded in objective patterns of genetic similarities and differences. Proponents of this view have justified it using the scientific evidence described above. However, this view is controversial and philosophers<ref>{{cite book |chapter=Revelations |title=Shut Up and Listen |year=2011 |publisher=Palgrave Macmillan |doi=10.1057/9780230362987_1 |isbn=978-0-230-36298-7 |pages=3–26 | vauthors = Theobald T, Cooper C }}</ref> of race have put forward four main objections to it.

Semantic objections, such as the discreteness objection, argue that the human populations picked out in population-genetic research are not races and do not correspond to what "race" means in the United States. "The discreteness objection does not require there to be no genetic admixture in the human species in order for there to be US 'racial groups' ... rather ... what the objection claims is that membership in US racial groups is different from membership in continental populations. ... Thus, strictly speaking, Blacks are not identical to Africans, Whites are not identical to Eurasians, Asians are not identical to East Asians and so forth."<ref name=spencer>{{cite journal |last1=Spencer |first1=Quayshawn |title=Philosophy of race meets population genetics |journal=Studies in History and Philosophy of Biological and Biomedical Sciences |date=2015 |volume=52 |pages=49|doi=10.1016/j.shpsc.2015.04.003 |pmid=25963045 }}</ref> Therefore, it could be argued that scientific research is not really about race.

The next two objections, are metaphysical objections which argue that even if the semantic objections fail, human genetic clustering results do not support the biological reality of race. The 'very important objection' stipulates that races in the US definition fail to be important to biology, in the sense that continental populations do not form biological subspecies. The 'objectively real objection' states that "US racial groups are not biologically real because they are not objectively real in the sense of existing independently of human interest, belief, or some other mental state of humans."<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Spencer |first1=Quayshawn |title=Philosophy of race meets population genetics |journal=Studies in History and Philosophy of Biological and Biomedical Sciences |date=2015 |volume=52 |pages=51|doi=10.1016/j.shpsc.2015.04.003 |pmid=25963045 }}</ref> Racial naturalists, such as Quayshawn Spencer, have responded to each of these objections with counter-arguments. There are also methodological critics who reject racial naturalism because of concerns relating to the experimental design, execution, or interpretation of the relevant population-genetic research.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Spencer |first1=Quayshawn |title=Philosophy of race meets population genetics |journal=Studies in History and Philosophy of Biological and Biomedical Sciences |date=2015 |volume=52 |pages=46–47|doi=10.1016/j.shpsc.2015.04.003 |pmid=25963045 }}</ref>

Another semantic objection is the visibility objection which refutes the claim that there are US racial groups in human population structures. Philosophers such as Joshua Glasgow and ] believe that US racial groups cannot be defined by visible traits, such as skin colour and physical attributes: "The ancestral genetic tracking material has no effect on phenotypes, or biological traits of organisms, which would include the traits deemed racial, because the ancestral tracking genetic material plays no role in the production of proteins it is not the kind of material that 'codes' for protein production."<ref name="zach">{{cite book |last1=Zach |first1=Naomi |title=Philosophy of Science and Race |isbn=9781134728022 |date=2003 |publisher=Taylor & Francis}}</ref>{{Page needed|date=May 2021}} Spencer contends that certain racial discourses require visible groups, but disagrees that this is a requirement in all US racial discourse.{{citation needed|date=April 2021}}{{undue weight inline|date=April 2021}}

A different objection states that US racial groups are not biologically real because they are not objectively real in the sense of existing independently of some mental state of humans. Proponents of this second metaphysical objection include ] and Ron Sundstrom.<ref name="zach" /><ref>{{cite journal |last1=Sundstrom |first1=R |date=2002 |title=Race as a human kind |journal=Philosophy & Social Criticism |volume=28 |pages=91–115|doi=10.1177/0191453702028001592 |s2cid=145381236 }}</ref> Spencer argues that an entity can be both biologically real and socially constructed. Spencer states that in order to accurately capture real biological entities, social factors must also be considered.{{citation needed|date=April 2021}}{{undue weight inline|date=April 2021}}

It has been argued that knowledge of a person's race is limited in value, since people of the same race vary from one another.<ref name="Jorde2004"/> ] and colleagues have argued that when individuals are assigned to population groups, two randomly chosen individuals from different populations can resemble each other more than a randomly chosen member of their own group. They found that many thousands of genetic markers had to be used for the answer to "How often is a pair of individuals from one population genetically more dissimilar than two individuals chosen from two different populations?" to be "Never". This assumed three population groups, separated by large geographic distances (European, African and East Asian). The global human population is more complex, and studying a large number of groups would require an increased number of markers for the same answer. They conclude that "caution should be used when using geographic or genetic ancestry to make inferences about individual phenotypes",<ref>{{Cite journal|vauthors=Witherspoon DJ, Wooding S, Rogers AR, etal|date=May 2007|title=Genetic Similarities Within and Between Human Populations|journal=Genetics|volume=176|issue=1|pages=351–9|doi=10.1534/genetics.106.067355|pmc=1893020|pmid=17339205}}</ref> and "The fact that, given enough genetic data, individuals can be correctly assigned to their populations of origin is compatible with the observation that most human genetic variation is found within populations, not between them. It is also compatible with our finding that, even when the most distinct populations are considered and hundreds of loci are used, individuals are frequently more similar to members of other populations than to members of their own population".<ref>{{Cite journal|vauthors=Witherspoon DJ, Wooding S, Rogers AR, etal|date=May 2007|title=Genetic Similarities Within and Between Human Populations|journal=Genetics|volume=176|issue=1|page=358|doi=10.1534/genetics.106.067355|pmc=1893020|pmid=17339205}}</ref>

This is similar to the conclusion reached by anthropologist ] in a 1992 article on the ability of forensic anthropologists to assign "race" to a skeleton, based on craniofacial features and limb morphology. Sauer said, "the successful assignment of race to a skeletal specimen is not a vindication of the race concept, but rather a prediction that an individual, while alive was assigned to a particular socially constructed 'racial' category. A specimen may display features that point to African ancestry. In this country that person is likely to have been labeled Black regardless of whether or not such a race actually exists in nature".<ref name="Sauer 1992">{{cite journal|last1=Sauer|first1=N. J.|date=January 1992|title=Forensic anthropology and the concept of race: if races don't exist, why are forensic anthropologists so good at identifying them?|journal=Social Science & Medicine|volume=34|issue=2|pages=107–111|doi=10.1016/0277-9536(92)90086-6|pmid=1738862}}</ref>

=== Criticism of race-based medicines ===
] points out that genetics is often not the predominant determinant of disease susceptibilities, even though they might correlate with specific socially defined categories. This is because this research oftentimes lacks control for a multiplicity of socio-economic factors. He cites data collected by King and Rewers that indicates how dietary differences play a significant role in explaining variations of diabetes prevalence between populations.

Duster elaborates by putting forward the example of ] of ], a population suffering from disproportionately high rates of ]. The reason for such, he argues, was not necessarily a result of the prevalence of the ] gene, which is associated with ]. Rather he argues that scientists often discount the lifestyle implications under specific socio-historical contexts. For instance, near the end of the 19th century, the Pima economy was predominantly agriculture-based. However, as the European American population settles into traditionally Pima territory, the Pima lifestyles became heavily Westernised. Within three decades, the incidence of diabetes increased multiple folds. Governmental provision of free relatively high-fat food to alleviate the prevalence of poverty in the population is noted as an explanation of this phenomenon.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Duster |first=Troy |date=2015 |title=A post-genomic surprise. The molecular reinscription of race in science, law and medicine |journal=The British Journal of Sociology |volume=66|issue=1 |pages=1–27 |doi=10.1111/1468-4446.12118 |pmid=25789799 }}</ref>

Lorusso and Bacchini argue against the assumption that "self-identified race is a good proxy for a specific genetic ancestry"<ref name='LorussoBacchini' /> on the basis that self-identified race is complex: it depends on a range of psychological, cultural and social factors, and is therefore "not a robust proxy for genetic ancestry".<ref name="ambiguous">{{Cite journal|first1=L. M. |last1=Hunt |first2=M.S. |last2=Megyesi|date=Fall 2007|title=The ambiguous meanings of the racial/ethnic categories routinely used in human genetics research|journal=Social Science and Medicine|volume=66|issue=2 |pages=349–361|via=Science Direct Assets|doi=10.1016/j.socscimed.2007.08.034|pmid=17959289|pmc=2213883}}</ref> Furthermore, they explain that an individual's self-identified race is made up of further, collectively arbitrary factors: personal opinions about what race is and the extent to which it should be taken into consideration in everyday life. Furthermore, individuals who share a genetic ancestry may differ in their racial self-identification across historical or socioeconomic contexts. From this, Lorusso and Bacchini conclude that the accuracy in the prediction of genetic ancestry on the basis of self-identification is low, specifically in racially admixed populations born out of complex ancestral histories.

== See also ==
* {{annotated link|List of Y-chromosome haplogroups in populations of the world}}
* {{annotated link|History of anthropometry}}, section; 4.2 Race, identity and cranio-facial description
* {{annotated link|Human subspecies}}
* {{annotated link|Human Genetic Diversity: Lewontin's Fallacy}}
* ]


==References== ==References==
{{Reflist|30em}}
* Avise, J.C., Ball, R.M. 1990. Principles of genealogical concordance in species concepts and biological taxonomy. Oxford Surveys in Evolutionary Biology 7:45-67.
* Bamshad M., Wooding, S., Salisbury, B. A. and Stephens, J. C. (2004). ''''. '''Nature Reviews Genetics,''' Vol 5 pp. 598-605. Retrieved 28 December 2006.
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== Further reading ==
* Dobzhansky, T. (1970). Genetics of the Evolutionary Process. New York, NY: Columbia University Press.
*{{cite book |last=Glasgow |first=Joshua |year=2009 |title=] |location=New York |publisher=Routledge |isbn=9780415990721}}
* {{cite journal | author = Helms, J. E., Jernigan, M. and Mascher, J. | year = 2005 | month = Jan | title = The Meaning of Race in Psychology and How to Change It: A Methodological Perspective | journal = American Psychologist | volume = 60 | issue = 1 | pages = 27-36 | doi = 10.1037/0003-066x.60.1.27 | url = http://www.apa.org/journals/releases/amp60127.pdf }}
*{{cite journal |vauthors=Helms JE, Jernigan M, Mascher J |title=The meaning of race in psychology and how to change it: a methodological perspective |journal=The American Psychologist |volume=60 |issue=1 |pages=27–36 |date=January 2005 |pmid=15641919 |doi=10.1037/0003-066X.60.1.27|s2cid=1676488 |url=http://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/76f4/b90cf2eab3829c86b489bfdc372c1e735616.pdf |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190226012954/http://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/76f4/b90cf2eab3829c86b489bfdc372c1e735616.pdf |url-status=dead |archive-date=2019-02-26 }}
* Jackson, F. L. C. (2004). Book chapter: '''' '''British Medical Bulletin 2004; 69: 215–235''' DOI: 10.1093/bmb/ldh012. Retrieved 29 December 2006.
*{{cite journal |vauthors=Keita SO, Kittles RA, Royal CD, etal |title=Conceptualizing human variation |journal=Nature Genetics |volume=36 |issue=11 Suppl |pages=S17–20 |date=November 2004 |pmid=15507998 |doi=10.1038/ng1455|doi-access=free }}
* Keita, S. O. Y. (1993) ''. Journal of Black Studies'' '''23''':416-445.
*{{cite book |title=Revisiting Race in a Genomic Age |editor1-last=Koenig |editor1-first=Barbara A. |editor2-last=Lee |editor2-first=Sandra Soo-jin |editor3-last=Richardson |editor3-first=Sarah S. |date=2008 |publisher=Rutgers University Press |location=New Brunswick (NJ) |isbn=978-0-8135-4324-6}} This review of current research includes chapters by Jonathan Marks, John Dupré, Sally Haslanger, Deborah A. Bolnick, Marcus W. Feldman, Richard C. Lewontin, Sarah K. Tate, David B. Goldstein, Jonathan Kahn, Duana Fullwiley, Molly J. Dingel, Barbara A. Koenig, Mark D. Shriver, Rick A. Kittles, Henry T. Greely, Kimberly Tallbear, ], Pamela Sankar, Sally Lehrman, Jenny Reardon, Jacqueline Stevens, and Sandra Soo-Jin Lee.
* Keita, S. O. Y., Kittles, R. A., Royal, C. D. M., Bonney, G. E., Furbert-Harris, P., Dunston, D. M., and Rotimi, C. M. (2004). ''Conceptualizing human variation'': '''Nature Genetics''' 36, S17 - S20 (2004) {{doi|10.1038/ng1455}}
*{{Cite journal |last1=Lieberman |first1=Leonard |last2=Kirk |first2=Rodney C. |last3=Corcoran |first3=Michael |year=2003 |title=The Decline of Race in American Physical Anthropology |journal=Przegląd Antropologiczny – Anthropological Review |issn=0033-2003 |volume=66 |pages=3&ndash;21 |url=http://www.staff.amu.edu.pl/~anthro/pdf/paar/vol066/01lieb.pdf |access-date=2010-09-12 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110608131024/http://www.staff.amu.edu.pl/~anthro/pdf/paar/vol066/01lieb.pdf |archive-date=2011-06-08 |url-status=dead }}
* Lewonin, R. C. (2005). '''' from Race and Genomics, Social Sciences Research Council. Retreived 28 December 2006.
*{{cite journal |vauthors=Long JC, Kittles RA |title=Human genetic diversity and the nonexistence of biological races |journal=Human Biology |volume=75 |issue=4 |pages=449–71 |date=August 2003 |pmid=14655871 |doi=10.1353/hub.2003.0058|s2cid=26108602 }}
* Leroy, A. M. (2005). ''A Family Tree in Every Gene''. Published: March 14, 2005, The New York Times, p. A23. . Retrieved 08 January 2006.
*{{cite journal |doi=10.1046/j.1523-1739.1996.10041115.x |title=Phylogeographic Subspecies Recognition in Leopards (Panthera pardus): Molecular Genetic Variation |year=1996 |last1=Miththapala |first1=Sriyanie |last2=Seidensticker |first2=John |last3=O'Brien |first3=Stephen J. |journal=Conservation Biology |volume=10 |pages=1115–1132 |issue=4|bibcode=1996ConBi..10.1115M }}
* Long and Kittles (2003). ''Human genetic variation and the nonexistence of human races'': '''Human Biology, V. 75, no. 4, pp. 449-471. . Retrieved 10 January 2007.
*{{cite journal |vauthors=Ossorio P, Duster T |title=Race and genetics: controversies in biomedical, behavioral, and forensic sciences |journal=The American Psychologist |volume=60 |issue=1 |pages=115–28 |date=January 2005 |pmid=15641926 |doi=10.1037/0003-066X.60.1.115}}
* Mayr, E. (1969). Principles of Systematic Zoology. New York, NY: McGraw-Hill.
*{{cite journal |vauthors=Parra EJ, Kittles RA, Shriver MD |title=Implications of correlations between skin color and genetic ancestry for biomedical research |journal=Nature Genetics |volume=36 |issue=11 Suppl |pages=S54–60 |date=November 2004 |pmid=15508005 |doi=10.1038/ng1440|doi-access=free }}
* Miththapala, S., Seidensticker, J., O’Brien, S.J. 1996. Phylogeographic Subspecies Recognition in Leopards (Panthera pardus): Molecular Genetic Variation. Conservation Biology 10:1115-1132.
*{{cite journal |vauthors=Sawyer SL, Mukherjee N, Pakstis AJ, etal |title=Linkage disequilibrium patterns vary substantially among populations |journal=European Journal of Human Genetics |volume=13 |issue=5 |pages=677–86 |date=May 2005 |pmid=15657612 |doi=10.1038/sj.ejhg.5201368|doi-access=free }}
* O’Brien, S.J., Mayr, E. 1991. Bureaucratic Mischief: Recognizing Endangered Species and Subspecies. Science. 2 51:1187-1188.
*{{cite journal |vauthors=Rohde DL, Olson S, Chang JT |title=Modelling the recent common ancestry of all living humans |journal=Nature |volume=431 |issue=7008 |pages=562–6 |date=September 2004 |pmid=15457259 |doi=10.1038/nature02842|bibcode = 2004Natur.431..562R |citeseerx=10.1.1.78.8467 |s2cid=3563900 }}
* * Pigliucci, Kaplan ''On the Concept of Biological Race and Its Applicability to Humans''
* {{cite journal | author = Risch, N., Burchard, E., Ziv, E. and Tang, H. | year = 2002 | month = | title = Categorization of humans in biomedical research: genes, race and disease | journal = Genome Biology | volume = 3 | issue = 7 | pages = comment2007.2001 - comment2007.2012 | id = | url = http://genomebiology.com/2002/3/7/comment/2007 }} *{{cite journal |vauthors=Serre D, Pääbo S |title=Evidence for Gradients of Human Genetic Diversity Within and Among Continents |journal=Genome Research |volume=14 |issue=9 |pages=1679–85 |date=September 2004 |pmid=15342553 |pmc=515312 |doi=10.1101/gr.2529604}}
*{{cite journal |vauthors=Smedley A, Smedley BD |title=Race as biology is fiction, racism as a social problem is real: Anthropological and historical perspectives on the social construction of race |journal=The American Psychologist |volume=60 |issue=1 |pages=16–26 |date=January 2005 |pmid=15641918 |doi=10.1037/0003-066X.60.1.16|citeseerx=10.1.1.568.4548 }}
* Rosenberg1, N. A., Mahajan, s., Ramachandran, S., Zhao, C., Pritchard, J. K., Feldman, M. W. (2005) ''Clines, Clusters, and the Effect of Study Design on the Inference of Human Population Structure.'' '''PLoS Genet 1(6): e70''': {{DOI|10.1371/journal.pgen.0010070}}
* Serre, D and Pääbö, S. (2004) ''Evidence for Gradients of Human Genetic Diversity Within and Among Continents'' '''Genome Research 14:1679-1685, 2004 ''' {{doi|10.1101/gr.2529604}}. Retrieved 08 January 2006.
* {{cite journal
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* Templeton, A.R. (1998). Human races: A genetic and evolutionary perspective. Am. Anthropol. 100, 632–650.. Retrieved 01 January 2007.
* Travassos, C. and Williams, D. R. (2004). ''The concept and measurement of race and their relationship to public health: a review focused on Brazil and the United States'': '''Cadernos de Saúde Pública''' v.20 n.3. {{doi|10.1590/S0102-311X2004000300003}}


{{Human genetics}}


{{DEFAULTSORT:Race And Genetics}}
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Latest revision as of 03:00, 13 January 2025

Relevance of genotype to race classification

Race
History
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Race and...
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Researchers have investigated the relationship between race and genetics as part of efforts to understand how biology may or may not contribute to human racial categorization. Today, the consensus among scientists is that race is a social construct, and that using it as a proxy for genetic differences among populations is misleading.

Many constructions of race are associated with phenotypical traits and geographic ancestry, and scholars like Carl Linnaeus have proposed scientific models for the organization of race since at least the 18th century. Following the discovery of Mendelian genetics and the mapping of the human genome, questions about the biology of race have often been framed in terms of genetics. A wide range of research methods have been employed to examine patterns of human variation and their relations to ancestry and racial groups, including studies of individual traits, studies of large populations and genetic clusters, and studies of genetic risk factors for disease.

Research into race and genetics has also been criticized as emerging from, or contributing to, scientific racism. Genetic studies of traits and populations have been used to justify social inequalities associated with race, despite the fact that patterns of human variation have been shown to be mostly clinal, with human genetic code being approximately 99.6% – 99.9% identical between individuals and without clear boundaries between groups.

Some researchers have argued that race can act as a proxy for genetic ancestry because individuals of the same racial category may share a common ancestry, but this view has fallen increasingly out of favor among experts. The mainstream view is that it is necessary to distinguish between biology and the social, political, cultural, and economic factors that contribute to conceptions of race.

Phenotype may have a tangential connection to DNA, but it is still only a rough proxy that would omit various other genetic information. Today, in a somewhat similar way that "gender" is differentiated from the more clear "biological sex", scientists state that potentially "race" / phenotype can be differentiated from the more clear "ancestry". However, this system has also still come under scrutiny as it may fall into the same problems – which would be large, vague groupings with little genetic value.

Overview

The concept of race

See also: Race (human categorization)

The concept of "race" as a classification system of humans based on visible physical characteristics emerged over the last five centuries, influenced by European colonialism. However, there is widespread evidence of what would be described in modern terms as racial consciousness throughout the entirety of recorded history. For example, in Ancient Egypt there were four broad racial divisions of human beings: Egyptians, Asiatics, Libyans, and Nubians. There was also Aristotle of Ancient Greece, who once wrote: "The peoples of Asia... lack spirit, so that they are in continuous subjection and slavery." The concept has manifested in different forms based on social conditions of a particular group, often used to justify unequal treatment. Early influential attempts to classify humans into discrete races include 4 races in Carl Linnaeus's Systema Naturae (Homo europaeus, asiaticus, americanus, and afer) and 5 races in Johann Friedrich Blumenbach's On the Natural Variety of Mankind. Notably, over the next centuries, scholars argued for anywhere from 3 to more than 60 race categories. Race concepts have changed within a society over time; for example, in the United States social and legal designations of "White" have been inconsistently applied to Native Americans, Arab Americans, and Asian Americans, among other groups (See main article: Definitions of whiteness in the United States). Race categories also vary worldwide; for example, the same person might be perceived as belonging to a different category in the United States versus Brazil. Because of the arbitrariness inherent in the concept of race, it is difficult to relate it to biology in a straightforward way.

Race and human genetic variation

There is broad consensus across the biological and social sciences that race is a social construct, not an accurate representation of human genetic variation. As more progress has been made on sequencing the human genome, it has been found that any two humans will share an average of 99.35% of their DNA based on the approximately 3.1 billion haploid base pairs. However, this number should be understood as an average, any two specific individuals can have their genomes differ by more or less than 0.65%. Additionally, this average is an estimate, subject to change as additional sequences are discovered and populations sampled. In 2010, the genome of Craig Venter was found to differ by an estimated 1.59% from a reference genome created by the National Center for Biotechnology Information.

We nonetheless see wide individual variation in phenotype, which arises from both genetic differences and complex gene-environment interactions. The vast majority of this genetic variation occurs within groups; very little genetic variation differentiates between groups. Crucially, the between-group genetic differences that do exist do not map onto socially recognized categories of race. Furthermore, although human populations show some genetic clustering across geographic space, human genetic variation is "clinal", or continuous. This, in addition to the fact that different traits vary on different clines, makes it impossible to draw discrete genetic boundaries around human groups. Finally, insights from ancient DNA are revealing that no human population is "pure" – all populations represent a long history of migration and mixing.

Sources of human genetic variation

Main article: Human genetic variation

Genetic variation arises from mutations, from natural selection, migration between populations (gene flow) and from the reshuffling of genes through sexual reproduction. Mutations lead to a change in the DNA structure, as the order of the bases are rearranged. Resultantly, different polypeptide proteins are coded. Some mutations may be positive and can help the individual survive more effectively in their environment. Mutation is counteracted by natural selection and by genetic drift; note too the founder effect, when a small number of initial founders establish a population which hence starts with a correspondingly small degree of genetic variation. Epigenetic inheritance involves heritable changes in phenotype (appearance) or gene expression caused by mechanisms other than changes in the DNA sequence.

Human phenotypes are highly polygenic (dependent on interaction by many genes) and are influenced by environment as well as by genetics.

Nucleotide diversity is based on single mutations, single nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs). The nucleotide diversity between humans is about 0.1 percent (one difference per one thousand nucleotides between two humans chosen at random). This amounts to approximately three million SNPs (since the human genome has about three billion nucleotides). There are an estimated ten million SNPs in the human population.

Research has shown that non-SNP (structural) variation accounts for more human genetic variation than single nucleotide diversity. Structural variation includes copy-number variation and results from deletions, inversions, insertions and duplications. It is estimated that approximately 0.4 to 0.6 percent of the genomes of unrelated people differ.

Genetic basis for race

Much scientific research has been organized around the question of whether or not there is genetic basis for race. In Luigi Luca Cavalli-Sforza's book (circa 1994) "The History and Geography of Human Genes" he writes, "From a scientific point of view, the concept of race has failed to obtain any consensus; none is likely, given the gradual variation in existence. It may be objected that the racial stereotypes have a consistency that allows even the layman to classify individuals. However, the major stereotypes, all based on skin color, hair color and form, and facial traits, reflect superficial differences that are not confirmed by deeper analysis with more reliable genetic traits and whose origin dates from recent evolution mostly under the effect of climate and perhaps sexual selection".

In 2018 geneticist David Reich reaffirmed the conclusion that the traditional views which assert a biological basis for race are wrong:

Today, many people assume that humans can be grouped biologically into "primeval" groups, corresponding to our notion of "races"... But this long-held view about "race" has just in the last years been proven wrong.

— David Reich, Who We Are and How We Got Here, (Introduction, pg. xxiv).

In 1956, some scientists proposed that race may be similar to dog breeds within dogs. However, this theory has since been discarded, with one of the main reasons being that purebred dogs have been specifically bred artificially, whereas human races developed organically. Furthermore, the genetic variation between purebred dog breeds is far greater than that of human populations. Dog-breed intervariation is roughly 27.5%, whereas human populations inter-variation is only at 10-15.6%. Including non purebreds would substantially decrease the 27.5% genetic variance, however. Mammal taxonomy is rarely defined by genetic variance alone.

Research methods

Scientists investigating human variation have used a series of methods to characterize how different populations vary.

Early studies of traits, proteins, and genes

See also: Race (classification of human beings)

Early racial classification attempts measured surface traits, particularly skin color, hair color and texture, eye color, and head size and shape. (Measurements of the latter through craniometry were repeatedly discredited in the late 19th and mid-20th centuries due to a lack of correlation of phenotypic traits with racial categorization.) In actuality, biological adaptation plays the biggest role in these bodily features and skin type. A relative handful of genes accounts for the inherited factors shaping a person's appearance. Humans have an estimated 19,000–20,000 human protein-coding genes. Richard Sturm and David Duffy describe 11 genes that affect skin pigmentation and explain most variations in human skin color, the most significant of which are MC1R, ASIP, OCA2, and TYR. There is evidence that as many as 16 different genes could be responsible for eye color in humans; however, the main two genes associated with eye color variation are OCA2 and HERC2, and both are localized in chromosome 15.

Analysis of blood proteins and between-group genetics

Multicolored world map
Geographic distribution of blood group A
Multicolored world map
Geographic distribution of blood group B

Before the discovery of DNA, scientists used blood proteins (the human blood group systems) to study human genetic variation. Research by Ludwik and Hanka Herschfeld during World War I found that the incidence of blood groups A and B differed by region; for example, among Europeans 15 percent were group B and 40 percent group A. Eastern Europeans and Russians had a higher incidence of group B; people from India had the greatest incidence. The Herschfelds concluded that humans comprised two "biochemical races", originating separately. It was hypothesized that these two races later mixed, resulting in the patterns of groups A and B. This was one of the first theories of racial differences to include the idea that human variation did not correlate with genetic variation. It was expected that groups with similar proportions of blood groups would be more closely related, but instead it was often found that groups separated by great distances (such as those from Madagascar and Russia), had similar incidences. It was later discovered that the ABO blood group system is not just common to humans, but shared with other primates, and likely predates all human groups.

In 1972, Richard Lewontin performed a FST statistical analysis using 17 markers (including blood-group proteins). He found that the majority of genetic differences between humans (85.4 percent) were found within a population, 8.3 percent were found between populations within a race and 6.3 percent were found to differentiate races (Caucasian, African, Mongoloid, South Asian Aborigines, Amerinds, Oceanians, and Australian Aborigines in his study). Since then, other analyses have found FST values of 6–10 percent between continental human groups, 5–15 percent between different populations on the same continent and 75–85 percent within populations. This view has been affirmed by the American Anthropological Association and the American Association of Physical Anthropologists since.

Critiques of blood protein analysis

While acknowledging Lewontin's observation that humans are genetically homogeneous, A. W. F. Edwards in his 2003 paper "Human Genetic Diversity: Lewontin's Fallacy" argued that information distinguishing populations from each other is hidden in the correlation structure of allele frequencies, making it possible to classify individuals using mathematical techniques. Edwards argued that even if the probability of misclassifying an individual based on a single genetic marker is as high as 30 percent (as Lewontin reported in 1972), the misclassification probability nears zero if enough genetic markers are studied simultaneously. Edwards saw Lewontin's argument as based on a political stance, denying biological differences to argue for social equality. Edwards' paper is reprinted, commented upon by experts such as Noah Rosenberg, and given further context in an interview with philosopher of science Rasmus Grønfeldt Winther in a recent anthology.

As referred to before, Edwards criticises Lewontin's paper as he took 17 different traits and analysed them independently, without looking at them in conjunction with any other protein. Thus, it would have been fairly convenient for Lewontin to come up with the conclusion that racial naturalism is not tenable, according to his argument. Sesardic also strengthened Edwards' view, as he used an illustration referring to squares and triangles, and showed that if you look at one trait in isolation, then it will most likely be a bad predicator of which group the individual belongs to. In contrast, in a 2014 paper, reprinted in the 2018 Edwards Cambridge University Press volume, Rasmus Grønfeldt Winther argues that "Lewontin's Fallacy" is effectively a misnomer, as there really are two different sets of methods and questions at play in studying the genomic population structure of our species: "variance partitioning" and "clustering analysis." According to Winther, they are "two sides of the same mathematics coin" and neither "necessarily implies anything about the reality of human groups."

Current studies of population genetics

This section needs to be updated. The reason given is: All references are more than 13 years old. Please help update this article to reflect recent events or newly available information. (December 2022)

Researchers currently use genetic testing, which may involve hundreds (or thousands) of genetic markers or the entire genome.

Structure

Principal component analysis of fifty populations, color-coded by region, illustrates the differentiation and overlap of populations found using this method of analysis.
Individuals mostly have genetic variants which are found in multiple regions of the world. Based on data from "A unified genealogy of modern and ancient genomes".

Several methods to examine and quantify genetic subgroups exist, including cluster and principal components analysis. Genetic markers from individuals are examined to find a population's genetic structure. While subgroups overlap when examining variants of one marker only, when a number of markers are examined different subgroups have different average genetic structure. An individual may be described as belonging to several subgroups. These subgroups may be more or less distinct, depending on how much overlap there is with other subgroups.

In cluster analysis, the number of clusters to search for K is determined in advance; how distinct the clusters are varies.

The results obtained from cluster analyses depend on several factors:

  • A large number of genetic markers studied facilitates finding distinct clusters.
  • Some genetic markers vary more than others, so fewer are required to find distinct clusters. Ancestry-informative markers exhibit substantially different frequencies between populations from different geographical regions. Using AIMs, scientists can determine a person's ancestral continent of origin based solely on their DNA. AIMs can also be used to determine someone's admixture proportions.
  • The more individuals studied, the easier it becomes to detect distinct clusters (statistical noise is reduced).
  • Low genetic variation makes it more difficult to find distinct clusters. Greater geographic distance generally increases genetic variation, making identifying clusters easier.
  • A similar cluster structure is seen with different genetic markers when the number of genetic markers included is sufficiently large. The clustering structure obtained with different statistical techniques is similar. A similar cluster structure is found in the original sample with a subsample of the original sample.

Recent studies have been published using an increasing number of genetic markers.

Focus on study of structure has been criticized for giving the general public a misleading impression of human genetic variation, obscuring the general finding that genetic variants which are limited to one region tend to be rare within that region, variants that are common within a region tend to be shared across the globe, and most differences between individuals, whether they come from the same region or different regions, are due to global variants.

Distance

Genetic distance is genetic divergence between species or populations of a species. It may compare the genetic similarity of related species, such as humans and chimpanzees. Within a species, genetic distance measures divergence between subgroups. Genetic distance significantly correlates to geographic distance between populations, a phenomenon sometimes known as "isolation by distance". Genetic distance may be the result of physical boundaries restricting gene flow such as islands, deserts, mountains or forests. Genetic distance is measured by the fixation index (FST). FST is the correlation of randomly chosen alleles in a subgroup to a larger population. It is often expressed as a proportion of genetic diversity. This comparison of genetic variability within (and between) populations is used in population genetics. The values range from 0 to 1; zero indicates the two populations are freely interbreeding, and one would indicate that two populations are separate.

Many studies place the average FST distance between human races at about 0.125. Henry Harpending argued that this value implies on a world scale a "kinship between two individuals of the same human population is equivalent to kinship between grandparent and grandchild or between half siblings". In fact, the formulas derived in Harpending's paper in the "Kinship in a subdivided population" section imply that two unrelated individuals of the same race have a higher coefficient of kinship (0.125) than an individual and their mixed race half-sibling (0.109).

Critiques of FST

While acknowledging that FST remains useful, a number of scientists have written about other approaches to characterizing human genetic variation. Long & Kittles (2009) stated that FST failed to identify important variation and that when the analysis includes only humans, FST = 0.119, but adding chimpanzees increases it only to FST = 0.183. Mountain & Risch (2004) argued that an FST estimate of 0.10–0.15 does not rule out a genetic basis for phenotypic differences between groups and that a low FST estimate implies little about the degree to which genes contribute to between-group differences. Pearse & Crandall 2004 wrote that FST figures cannot distinguish between a situation of high migration between populations with a long divergence time, and one of a relatively recent shared history but no ongoing gene flow. In their 2015 article, Keith Hunley, Graciela Cabana, and Jeffrey Long (who had previously criticized Lewontin's statistical methodology with Rick Kittles) recalculate the apportionment of human diversity using a more complex model than Lewontin and his successors. They conclude: "In sum, we concur with Lewontin's conclusion that Western-based racial classifications have no taxonomic significance, and we hope that this research, which takes into account our current understanding of the structure of human diversity, places his seminal finding on firmer evolutionary footing."

Anthropologists (such as C. Loring Brace), philosopher Jonathan Kaplan and geneticist Joseph Graves have argued that while it is possible to find biological and genetic variation roughly corresponding to race, this is true for almost all geographically distinct populations: the cluster structure of genetic data is dependent on the initial hypotheses of the researcher and the populations sampled. When one samples continental groups, the clusters become continental; with other sampling patterns, the clusters would be different. Weiss and Fullerton note that if one sampled only Icelanders, Mayans and Maoris, three distinct clusters would form; all other populations would be composed of genetic admixtures of Maori, Icelandic and Mayan material. Kaplan therefore concludes that, while differences in particular allele frequencies can be used to identify populations that loosely correspond to the racial categories common in Western social discourse, the differences are of no more biological significance than the differences found between any human populations (e.g., the Spanish and Portuguese).

Historical and geographical analyses

Current-population genetic structure does not imply that differing clusters or components indicate only one ancestral home per group; for example, a genetic cluster in the US comprises Hispanics with European, Native American and African ancestry.

Geographic analyses attempt to identify places of origin, their relative importance and possible causes of genetic variation in an area. The results can be presented as maps showing genetic variation. Cavalli-Sforza and colleagues argue that if genetic variations are investigated, they often correspond to population migrations due to new sources of food, improved transportation or shifts in political power. For example, in Europe the most significant direction of genetic variation corresponds to the spread of agriculture from the Middle East to Europe between 10,000 and 6,000 years ago. Such geographic analysis works best in the absence of recent large-scale, rapid migrations.

Historic analyses use differences in genetic variation (measured by genetic distance) as a molecular clock indicating the evolutionary relation of species or groups, and can be used to create evolutionary trees reconstructing population separations.

Results of genetic-ancestry research are supported if they agree with research results from other fields, such as linguistics or archeology. Cavalli-Sforza and colleagues have argued that there is a correspondence between language families found in linguistic research and the population tree they found in their 1994 study. There are generally shorter genetic distances between populations using languages from the same language family. Exceptions to this rule are also found, for example Sami, who are genetically associated with populations speaking languages from other language families. The Sami speak a Uralic language, but are genetically primarily European. This is argued to have resulted from migration (and interbreeding) with Europeans while retaining their original language. Agreement also exists between research dates in archeology and those calculated using genetic distance.

Self-identification studies

Jorde and Wooding found that while clusters from genetic markers were correlated with some traditional concepts of race, the correlations were imperfect and imprecise due to the continuous and overlapping nature of genetic variation, noting that ancestry, which can be accurately determined, is not equivalent to the concept of race.

A 2005 study by Tang and colleagues used 326 genetic markers to determine genetic clusters. The 3,636 subjects, from the United States and Taiwan, self-identified as belonging to white, African American, East Asian or Hispanic ethnic groups. The study found "nearly perfect correspondence between genetic cluster and SIRE for major ethnic groups living in the United States, with a discrepancy rate of only 0.14 percent". Paschou et al. found "essentially perfect" agreement between 51 self-identified populations of origin and the population's genetic structure, using 650,000 genetic markers. Selecting for informative genetic markers allowed a reduction to less than 650, while retaining near-total accuracy.

Correspondence between genetic clusters in a population (such as the current US population) and self-identified race or ethnic groups does not mean that such a cluster (or group) corresponds to only one ethnic group. African Americans have an estimated 20–25-percent European genetic admixture; Hispanics have European, Native American and African ancestry. In Brazil there has been extensive admixture between Europeans, Amerindians and Africans. As a result, skin color differences within the population are not gradual, and there are relatively weak associations between self-reported race and African ancestry. Ethnoracial self- classification in Brazilians is certainly not random with respect to genome individual ancestry, but the strength of the association between the phenotype and median proportion of African ancestry varies largely across population.

Critique of genetic-distance studies and clusters

Colored circles, illustrating gene-pool changes
A change in a gene pool may be abrupt or clinal.

Genetic distances generally increase continually with geographic distance, which makes a dividing line arbitrary. Any two neighboring settlements will exhibit some genetic difference from each other, which could be defined as a race. Therefore, attempts to classify races impose an artificial discontinuity on a naturally occurring phenomenon. This explains why studies on population genetic structure yield varying results, depending on methodology.

Rosenberg and colleagues (2005) have argued, based on cluster analysis of the 52 populations in the Human Genetic Diversity Panel, that populations do not always vary continuously and a population's genetic structure is consistent if enough genetic markers (and subjects) are included.

Examination of the relationship between genetic and geographic distance supports a view in which the clusters arise not as an artifact of the sampling scheme, but from small discontinuous jumps in genetic distance for most population pairs on opposite sides of geographic barriers, in comparison with genetic distance for pairs on the same side. Thus, analysis of the 993-locus dataset corroborates our earlier results: if enough markers are used with a sufficiently large worldwide sample, individuals can be partitioned into genetic clusters that match major geographic subdivisions of the globe, with some individuals from intermediate geographic locations having mixed membership in the clusters that correspond to neighboring regions.

They also wrote, regarding a model with five clusters corresponding to Africa, Eurasia (Europe, Middle East, and Central/South Asia), East Asia, Oceania, and the Americas:

For population pairs from the same cluster, as geographic distance increases, genetic distance increases in a linear manner, consistent with a clinal population structure. However, for pairs from different clusters, genetic distance is generally larger than that between intracluster pairs that have the same geographic distance. For example, genetic distances for population pairs with one population in Eurasia and the other in East Asia are greater than those for pairs at equivalent geographic distance within Eurasia or within East Asia. Loosely speaking, it is these small discontinuous jumps in genetic distance—across oceans, the Himalayas, and the Sahara—that provide the basis for the ability of STRUCTURE to identify clusters that correspond to geographic regions.

This applies to populations in their ancestral homes when migrations and gene flow were slow; large, rapid migrations exhibit different characteristics. Tang and colleagues (2004) wrote, "we detected only modest genetic differentiation between different current geographic locales within each race/ethnicity group. Thus, ancient geographic ancestry, which is highly correlated with self-identified race/ethnicity—as opposed to current residence—is the major determinant of genetic structure in the U.S. population".

Gene clusters from Rosenberg (2006) for K=7 clusters. (Cluster analysis divides a dataset into any prespecified number of clusters.) Individuals have genes from multiple clusters. The cluster prevalent only among the Kalash people (yellow) only splits off at K=7 and greater.

Cluster analysis has been criticized because the number of clusters to search for is decided in advance, with different values possible (although with varying degrees of probability). Principal component analysis does not decide in advance how many components for which to search.

The 2002 study by Rosenberg et al. exemplifies why meanings of these clusterings can be disputable, though the study shows that at the K=5 cluster analysis, genetic clusterings roughly map onto each of the five major geographical regions. Similar results were gathered in further studies in 2005.

Critique of ancestry-informative markers

Ancestry-informative markers (AIMs) are a genealogy tracing technology that has come under much criticism due to its reliance on reference populations. In a 2015 article, Troy Duster outlines how contemporary technology allows the tracing of ancestral lineage but along only the lines of one maternal and one paternal line. That is, of 64 total great-great-great-great-grandparents, only one from each parent is identified, implying the other 62 ancestors are ignored in tracing efforts. Furthermore, the 'reference populations' used as markers for membership of a particular group are designated arbitrarily and contemporarily. In other words, using populations who currently reside in given places as references for certain races and ethnic groups is unreliable due to the demographic changes which have occurred over many centuries in those places. Furthermore, ancestry-informative markers being widely shared among the whole human population, it is their frequency which is tested, not their mere absence/presence. A threshold of relative frequency has, therefore, to be set. According to Duster, the criteria for setting such thresholds are a trade secret of the companies marketing the tests. Thus, we cannot say anything conclusive on whether they are appropriate. Results of AIMs are extremely sensitive to where this bar is set. Given that many genetic traits are found to be very similar amid many different populations, the designated threshold frequencies are very important. This can also lead to mistakes, given that many populations may share the same patterns, if not exactly the same genes. "This means that someone from Bulgaria whose ancestors go back to the fifteenth century could (and sometime does) map as partly 'Native American'". This happens because AIMs rely on a '100% purity' assumption of reference populations. That is, they assume that a pattern of traits would ideally be a necessary and sufficient condition for assigning an individual to an ancestral reference populations.

Race, genetics, and medicine

Main article: Race and health

There are certain statistical differences between racial groups in susceptibility to certain diseases. Genes change in response to local diseases; for example, people who are Duffy-negative tend to have a higher resistance to malaria. The Duffy negative phenotype is highly frequent in central Africa and the frequency decreases with distance away from Central Africa, with higher frequencies in global populations with high degrees of recent African immigration. This suggests that the Duffy negative genotype evolved in Sub-Saharan Africa and was subsequently positively selected for in the Malaria endemic zone. A number of genetic conditions prevalent in malaria-endemic areas may provide genetic resistance to malaria, including sickle cell disease, thalassaemias and glucose-6-phosphate dehydrogenase. Cystic fibrosis is the most common life-limiting autosomal recessive disease among people of European ancestry; a hypothesized heterozygote advantage, providing resistance to diseases earlier common in Europe, has been challenged. Scientists Michael Yudell, Dorothy Roberts, Rob DeSalle, and Sarah Tishkoff argue that using these associations in the practice of medicine has led doctors to overlook or misidentify disease: "For example, hemoglobinopathies can be misdiagnosed because of the identification of sickle-cell as a 'Black' disease and thalassemia as a 'Mediterranean' disease. Cystic fibrosis is underdiagnosed in populations of African ancestry, because it is thought of as a 'White' disease."

Information about a person's population of origin may aid in diagnosis, and adverse drug responses may vary by group. Because of the correlation between self-identified race and genetic clusters, medical treatments influenced by genetics have varying rates of success between self-defined racial groups. For this reason, some physicians consider a patient's race in choosing the most effective treatment, and some drugs are marketed with race-specific instructions. Jorde and Wooding (2004) have argued that because of genetic variation within racial groups, when "it finally becomes feasible and available, individual genetic assessment of relevant genes will probably prove more useful than race in medical decision making". However, race continues to be a factor when examining groups (such as epidemiologic research). Some doctors and scientists such as geneticist Neil Risch argue that using self-identified race as a proxy for ancestry is necessary to be able to get a sufficiently broad sample of different ancestral populations, and in turn to be able to provide health care that is tailored to the needs of minority groups.

Usage in scientific journals

Some scientific journals have addressed previous methodological errors by requiring more rigorous scrutiny of population variables. Since 2000, Nature Genetics requires its authors to "explain why they make use of particular ethnic groups or populations, and how classification was achieved". Editors of Nature Genetics say that " hope that this will raise awareness and inspire more rigorous designs of genetic and epidemiological studies".

A 2021 study that examined over 11,000 papers from 1949 to 2018 in The American Journal of Human Genetics, found that "race" was used in only 5% of papers published in the last decade, down from 22% in the first. Together with an increase in use of the terms "ethnicity," "ancestry," and location-based terms, it suggests that human geneticists have mostly abandoned the term "race."

Gene-environment interactions

Lorusso and Bacchini argue that self-identified race is of greater use in medicine as it correlates strongly with risk-related exposomes that are potentially heritable when they become embodied in the epigenome. They summarise evidence of the link between racial discrimination and health outcomes due to poorer food quality, access to healthcare, housing conditions, education, access to information, exposure to infectious agents and toxic substances, and material scarcity. They also cite evidence that this process can work positively – for example, the psychological advantage of perceiving oneself at the top of a social hierarchy is linked to improved health. However they caution that the effects of discrimination do not offer a complete explanation for differential rates of disease and risk factors between racial groups, and the employment of self-identified race has the potential to reinforce racial inequalities.

Objections to racial naturalism

Racial naturalism is the view that racial classifications are grounded in objective patterns of genetic similarities and differences. Proponents of this view have justified it using the scientific evidence described above. However, this view is controversial and philosophers of race have put forward four main objections to it.

Semantic objections, such as the discreteness objection, argue that the human populations picked out in population-genetic research are not races and do not correspond to what "race" means in the United States. "The discreteness objection does not require there to be no genetic admixture in the human species in order for there to be US 'racial groups' ... rather ... what the objection claims is that membership in US racial groups is different from membership in continental populations. ... Thus, strictly speaking, Blacks are not identical to Africans, Whites are not identical to Eurasians, Asians are not identical to East Asians and so forth." Therefore, it could be argued that scientific research is not really about race.

The next two objections, are metaphysical objections which argue that even if the semantic objections fail, human genetic clustering results do not support the biological reality of race. The 'very important objection' stipulates that races in the US definition fail to be important to biology, in the sense that continental populations do not form biological subspecies. The 'objectively real objection' states that "US racial groups are not biologically real because they are not objectively real in the sense of existing independently of human interest, belief, or some other mental state of humans." Racial naturalists, such as Quayshawn Spencer, have responded to each of these objections with counter-arguments. There are also methodological critics who reject racial naturalism because of concerns relating to the experimental design, execution, or interpretation of the relevant population-genetic research.

Another semantic objection is the visibility objection which refutes the claim that there are US racial groups in human population structures. Philosophers such as Joshua Glasgow and Naomi Zack believe that US racial groups cannot be defined by visible traits, such as skin colour and physical attributes: "The ancestral genetic tracking material has no effect on phenotypes, or biological traits of organisms, which would include the traits deemed racial, because the ancestral tracking genetic material plays no role in the production of proteins it is not the kind of material that 'codes' for protein production." Spencer contends that certain racial discourses require visible groups, but disagrees that this is a requirement in all US racial discourse.

A different objection states that US racial groups are not biologically real because they are not objectively real in the sense of existing independently of some mental state of humans. Proponents of this second metaphysical objection include Naomi Zack and Ron Sundstrom. Spencer argues that an entity can be both biologically real and socially constructed. Spencer states that in order to accurately capture real biological entities, social factors must also be considered.

It has been argued that knowledge of a person's race is limited in value, since people of the same race vary from one another. David J. Witherspoon and colleagues have argued that when individuals are assigned to population groups, two randomly chosen individuals from different populations can resemble each other more than a randomly chosen member of their own group. They found that many thousands of genetic markers had to be used for the answer to "How often is a pair of individuals from one population genetically more dissimilar than two individuals chosen from two different populations?" to be "Never". This assumed three population groups, separated by large geographic distances (European, African and East Asian). The global human population is more complex, and studying a large number of groups would require an increased number of markers for the same answer. They conclude that "caution should be used when using geographic or genetic ancestry to make inferences about individual phenotypes", and "The fact that, given enough genetic data, individuals can be correctly assigned to their populations of origin is compatible with the observation that most human genetic variation is found within populations, not between them. It is also compatible with our finding that, even when the most distinct populations are considered and hundreds of loci are used, individuals are frequently more similar to members of other populations than to members of their own population".

This is similar to the conclusion reached by anthropologist Norman Sauer in a 1992 article on the ability of forensic anthropologists to assign "race" to a skeleton, based on craniofacial features and limb morphology. Sauer said, "the successful assignment of race to a skeletal specimen is not a vindication of the race concept, but rather a prediction that an individual, while alive was assigned to a particular socially constructed 'racial' category. A specimen may display features that point to African ancestry. In this country that person is likely to have been labeled Black regardless of whether or not such a race actually exists in nature".

Criticism of race-based medicines

Troy Duster points out that genetics is often not the predominant determinant of disease susceptibilities, even though they might correlate with specific socially defined categories. This is because this research oftentimes lacks control for a multiplicity of socio-economic factors. He cites data collected by King and Rewers that indicates how dietary differences play a significant role in explaining variations of diabetes prevalence between populations.

Duster elaborates by putting forward the example of the Pima of Arizona, a population suffering from disproportionately high rates of diabetes. The reason for such, he argues, was not necessarily a result of the prevalence of the FABP2 gene, which is associated with insulin resistance. Rather he argues that scientists often discount the lifestyle implications under specific socio-historical contexts. For instance, near the end of the 19th century, the Pima economy was predominantly agriculture-based. However, as the European American population settles into traditionally Pima territory, the Pima lifestyles became heavily Westernised. Within three decades, the incidence of diabetes increased multiple folds. Governmental provision of free relatively high-fat food to alleviate the prevalence of poverty in the population is noted as an explanation of this phenomenon.

Lorusso and Bacchini argue against the assumption that "self-identified race is a good proxy for a specific genetic ancestry" on the basis that self-identified race is complex: it depends on a range of psychological, cultural and social factors, and is therefore "not a robust proxy for genetic ancestry". Furthermore, they explain that an individual's self-identified race is made up of further, collectively arbitrary factors: personal opinions about what race is and the extent to which it should be taken into consideration in everyday life. Furthermore, individuals who share a genetic ancestry may differ in their racial self-identification across historical or socioeconomic contexts. From this, Lorusso and Bacchini conclude that the accuracy in the prediction of genetic ancestry on the basis of self-identification is low, specifically in racially admixed populations born out of complex ancestral histories.

See also

References

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Further reading

Human genetics
Sub-topics
Genetic history
by region
Population genetics
by group
Categories:
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