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{{Short description|Continuation of the Roman Empire}} | {{Short description|Continuation of the Roman Empire (330–1453)}} | ||
{{Redirect|Byzantine}} | {{Redirect|Byzantine}} | ||
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The '''Byzantine Empire''', also referred to as the '''Eastern Roman Empire''', was the continuation of the ] centred in ] during ] and the ]. The eastern half of the Empire survived the conditions that caused the ] in the 5th century |
The '''Byzantine Empire''', also referred to as the '''Eastern Roman Empire''', was the continuation of the ] centred in ] during ] and the ]. The eastern half of the Empire survived the conditions that caused the ] in the 5th century{{Nbsp}}AD, and continued to exist until the ] to the ] in 1453. During most of its existence, the empire remained the most powerful economic, cultural, and military force in the ]. The term "Byzantine Empire" was only coined following the empire's demise; its citizens referred to the polity as the "Roman Empire" and to themselves as "Romans".{{Efn|{{Langx|grc-x-medieval|Ῥωμαῖοι|Rhōmaîoi}}}} Due to the imperial seat's move from Rome to ], the ], and the predominance of ] instead of ], modern historians continue to make a distinction between the earlier ''Roman Empire'' and the later ''Byzantine Empire''. | ||
During the earlier ] period, the western parts of the empire became ], while the eastern parts largely retained their preexisting ]. This created a dichotomy between the ]. These cultural spheres continued to diverge after ] ({{Reign|324|337}}) moved the capital to Constantinople and legalised ]. Under ] ({{Reign|379|395|lk=no}}), Christianity became the ], and other religious practices ]. Greek gradually replaced Latin for official use as Latin fell into disuse. | During the earlier ] period, the western parts of the empire became ], while the eastern parts largely retained their preexisting ]. This created a dichotomy between the ]. These cultural spheres continued to diverge after ] ({{Reign|324|337}}) moved the capital to Constantinople and legalised ]. Under ] ({{Reign|379|395|lk=no}}), Christianity became the ], and other religious practices ]. Greek gradually replaced Latin for official use as Latin fell into disuse. | ||
The empire experienced several cycles of decline and recovery throughout its history, reaching its greatest extent after the fall of the west during the reign of ] ({{Reign|527|565|lk=no}}), who briefly reconquered much of Italy and the western ]. The ] and a ] exhausted the empire's resources; the ] that followed saw the loss of the empire's richest provinces—] and ]—to the ]. In 698, Africa ] to the ], but the empire subsequently stabilised under the ] dynasty. The empire was able to expand once more under the ], experiencing ]. This came to an end in 1071 |
The empire experienced several cycles of decline and recovery throughout its history, reaching its greatest extent after the fall of the west during the reign of ] ({{Reign|527|565|lk=no}}), who briefly reconquered much of Italy and the western ]. The ] and a ] exhausted the empire's resources; the ] that followed saw the loss of the empire's richest provinces—] and ]—to the ]. In 698, Africa ] to the ], but the empire subsequently stabilised under the ] dynasty. The empire was able to expand once more under the ], experiencing ]. This growth came to an end in 1071 after the defeat by the ] at the ]. Thereafter, periods of civil war and Seljuk incursion resulted in the loss of most of ]. The empire recovered during the ], and Constantinople remained the largest and wealthiest city in Europe until the 13th century. | ||
The empire was largely dismantled in 1204, following the ] by Latin armies at the end of the ]; its former territories ] into competing Greek ]s and ]. Despite the eventual ] in 1261, the reconstituted empire |
The empire was largely dismantled in 1204, following the ] by Latin armies at the end of the ]; its former territories ] into competing Greek ]s and ]. Despite the eventual ] in 1261, the reconstituted empire wielded only regional power during its final two centuries of existence. Its remaining territories were progressively annexed by the Ottomans in ] fought throughout the 14th and 15th centuries. The ] to the Ottomans in 1453 ultimately brought the empire to an end. Many refugees who had fled the city after its capture settled in Italy and throughout Europe, helping to ignite the ]. The fall of Constantinople is sometimes used to mark the dividing line between the Middle Ages and the ]. | ||
== Nomenclature == | == Nomenclature == | ||
{{See also |
{{See also|Names of the Greeks}} | ||
The inhabitants of the empire, now generally termed Byzantines, thought of themselves as ] ({{transliteration|grc|Romaioi}}). Their Islamic neighbours similarly called their empire the "land of the Romans" ({{transliteration|ar|Bilād al-Rūm}}), but the people of medieval Western Europe preferred to call them "Greeks" (''Graeci''), due to having a contested legacy to Roman identity and to associate negative connotations from ancient Latin literature.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1p=2|2a1=Aschenbrenner|2a2=Ransohoff|2y=2022|2pp=1–2|Cormack|2008|3pp=8–9}} The adjective "Byzantine", which derived from ] (Latinised as {{lang|la|Byzantium}}), the name of the Greek settlement ] was established on, was only used to describe the inhabitants of that city; it did not refer to the empire, which they called {{transliteration|grc|Romanía}}—"Romanland".{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2022|1pp=349–351|Cormack|2008|2p=4}} | |||
The inhabitants of the empire, now generally termed ], thought of themselves as ] ({{transliteration|grc|Romaioi}}). Their Islamic neighbours similarly called their empire the "land of the Romans" ({{transliteration|ar|Bilād al-Rūm}}), but the people of medieval Western Europe preferred to call them "Greeks" ({{lang|la|Graeci}}), due to having a contested legacy to Roman identity and to associate negative connotations from ancient Latin literature.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1p=2|2a1=Aschenbrenner|2a2=Ransohoff|2y=2022a|2pp=1–2|3a1=Cormack|3a2=Haldon| 3a3=Jeffreys|3y=2008|3pp=8–9}} The adjective "Byzantine", which derived from ] (Latinised as {{lang|la|Byzantium}}), the name of the Greek settlement ] was established on, was only used to describe the inhabitants of that city; it did not refer to the empire, which they called {{transliteration|grc|Romanía}}—"Romanland".{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2022|1pp=349–351|2a1=Cormack |2a2=Haldon|2a3=Jeffreys|2y=2008|2p=4}} | |||
After the empire's fall, early modern scholars referred to the empire by many names, including the "Empire of Constantinople", the "Empire of the Greeks", the "Eastern Empire", the "Late Empire", the "Low Empire", and the "Roman Empire".{{sfn|Aschenbrenner|Ransohoff|2022|p=2}} The increasing use of "Byzantine" and "Byzantine Empire" likely started with the 15th-century historian ], whose works were widely propagated, including by ]. "Byzantine" was used adjectivally alongside terms such as "Empire of the Greeks" until the 19th century.{{sfn|Kaldellis|2022|pp=352–357}} It is now the primary term, used to refer to all aspects of the empire; some modern historians believe that, as an originally prejudicial and inaccurate term, it should not be used.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1pp=2–3|Cormack|2008|2p=4}} | |||
After the empire's fall, ] scholars referred to the empire by many names, including the "Empire of Constantinople", the "Empire of the Greeks", the "Eastern Empire", the "Late Empire", the "Low Empire", and the "Roman Empire".{{sfn|Aschenbrenner|Ransohoff|2022a|p=2}} The increasing use of "Byzantine" and "Byzantine Empire" likely started with the 15th-century historian ], whose works were widely propagated, notably by ]. "Byzantine" was used adjectivally alongside terms such as "Empire of the Greeks" until the 19th century.{{sfn|Kaldellis|2022|pp=352–357}} It is now the primary term, used to refer to all aspects of the empire; however, some modern historians believe that, as an originally prejudicial and inaccurate term, it should not be used.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1pp=2–3|2a1=Cormack|2a2=Haldon|2a3=Jeffreys|2y=2008|2p=4}} | |||
== History == | == History == | ||
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{{further|Byzantine Empire under the Constantinian and Valentinianic dynasties|Byzantine Empire under the Theodosian dynasty|Byzantine Empire under the Leonid dynasty}} | {{further|Byzantine Empire under the Constantinian and Valentinianic dynasties|Byzantine Empire under the Theodosian dynasty|Byzantine Empire under the Leonid dynasty}} | ||
] under the ] system established by ].|alt=A map showing the division of the Roman empire {{circa|300}}]] | ] under the ] system established by ].|alt=A map showing the division of the Roman empire {{circa|300}}]] | ||
In a series of conflicts between the third and first centuries{{Nbsp}}BC, the ] gradually established hegemony over the ], while ] ultimately transformed into the one-person rule of ]. The ] enjoyed a period of ] until ], when a combination of external threats and internal instabilities caused the Roman state to splinter as regional armies acclaimed their generals as "soldier-emperors".{{sfnm|Greatrex|2008|1p=233|Kaldellis|2023|2pp=16–17|Treadgold|1997|3pp=4–7}} One of these, ] ({{reign|284|305}}), seeing that the state was too big to be ruled by one man, attempted to fix the problem by instituting a ], or rule of four, and dividing the empire into eastern and western halves. Although the Tetrarchy system quickly failed, the division of the empire proved an enduring concept.{{sfnm|Greatrex|2008|1pp=233–235|Kaldellis|2023|2pp=17–18|Treadgold|1997|3pp=14–18}} | In a series of conflicts between the third and first centuries{{Nbsp}}BC, the ] gradually established hegemony over the ], while ] ultimately transformed into the one-person rule of ]. The ] enjoyed a period of ] until ], when a combination of external threats and internal instabilities caused the Roman state to splinter as regional armies acclaimed their generals as "soldier-emperors".{{sfnm|Greatrex|2008|1p=233|Kaldellis|2023|2pp=16–17|Treadgold|1997|3pp=4–7}} One of these, ] ({{reign|284|305}}), seeing that the state was too big to be ruled by one man, attempted to fix the problem by instituting a ], or rule of four, and dividing the empire into eastern and western halves. Although the Tetrarchy system quickly failed, the division of the empire proved an enduring concept.{{sfnm|Greatrex|2008|1pp=233–235|Kaldellis|2023|2pp=17–18|Treadgold|1997|3pp=14–18}} | ||
] ({{reign|306|337}}) secured sole power in 324. Over the following six years, he rebuilt the city of ] as a ], which was renamed ]. |
]'s reforms significantly altered governmental structure, reach and taxation, and these reforms also had the effect of downgrading the first capital, ].{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1pp=20-21, 34|Treadgold|1997|2pp=39, 45, 85|Rotman|2022|3pp=41–43|Greatrex|2008|3p=234–235}} ] ({{reign|306|337}}) secured sole power in 324. Over the following six years, he rebuilt the city of ] as a ], which was renamed ]. Rome was further from the important eastern provinces and in a less strategically important location; it was not esteemed by the "soldier-emperors" who ruled from the frontiers or by the empire's population who, ], considered themselves "Roman".{{sfnm|Greatrex|2008|1p=335|Kaldellis|2023|2pp=16–20|Treadgold|1997|3pp=39–40}} Constantine extensively reformed the empire's military and civil administration and instituted the ] as a stable currency.{{sfnm|Greatrex|2008|1pp=335–337|Kaldellis|2023|2loc=chapter 2|Treadgold|1997|3p=40}} He favoured ], which ] in 312.{{sfnm|Greatrex|2008|1pp=336–337|Kaldellis|2023|2pp=81–84|Treadgold|1997|3pp=31–33, 40–47}} | ||
Constantine's dynasty fought ] against ] and ended in 363 after the death of his son-in-law ].{{sfnm|Greatrex|2008|1pp=337–338|Kaldellis|2023|2pp=92–99, 106–111|Treadgold|1997|3pp=52–62}} The short ], occupied with ], religious debates, and anti-corruption campaigns, ended in the East after the death of ] at the ] in 378.{{sfnm|Greatrex|2008|1pp=239–240|Kaldellis|2023|2pp=114–118, 121–123|Treadgold|1997|3pp=63–67}} | |||
] | ] | ||
Valens's successor, ] ({{reign|379|395}}), restored political stability in the east by allowing the ] to settle in Roman territory;{{sfnm|Greatrex|2008|1p=240|Kaldellis|2023|2pp=128–129|Treadgold|1997|3p=73}} he also twice intervened in the western half, defeating the usurpers ] and ] in 388 and 394 respectively.{{sfnm|Greatrex|2008|1p=241|Kaldellis|2023|2pp=129–137|Treadgold|1997|3pp=74–75}} He ], confirmed the primacy of ] over ], and established ].{{sfnm|Greatrex|2008|1pp=240–241|Kaldellis|2023|2pp=126–128|Treadgold|1997|3pp=71–74}} He was the last emperor to rule both the western and eastern halves of the empire;{{sfn|Kaldellis|2023|p=136}} after his death, the West |
Valens's successor, ] ({{reign|379|395}}), restored political stability in the east by allowing the ] to settle in Roman territory;{{sfnm|Greatrex|2008|1p=240|Kaldellis|2023|2pp=128–129|Treadgold|1997|3p=73}} he also twice intervened in the western half, defeating the usurpers ] and ] in 388 and 394 respectively.{{sfnm|Greatrex|2008|1p=241|Kaldellis|2023|2pp=129–137|Treadgold|1997|3pp=74–75}} He ], confirmed the primacy of ] over ], and established ].{{sfnm|Greatrex|2008|1pp=240–241|Kaldellis|2023|2pp=126–128|Treadgold|1997|3pp=71–74}} He was the last emperor to rule both the western and eastern halves of the empire;{{sfn|Kaldellis|2023|p=136}} after his death, the West was destabilised by a succession of "soldier-emperors", unlike the East, where administrators continued to hold power. ] ({{reign|408|450}}) largely left the rule of the east to officials such as ], who constructed the ] to defend Constantinople, now firmly entrenched as Rome's capital.{{sfnm|Greatrex|2008|1p=242|Kaldellis|2023|2pp=165–167|Treadgold|1997|3pp=87–90}} | ||
Theodosius' reign was marked by the theological dispute over ], which was eventually deemed ], and by the formulation of the '']'' law code.{{sfnm|Greatrex|2008|1p=242|Kaldellis|2023|2pp=172–178|Treadgold|1997|3pp=91–92, 96–99|Shepard|2009|4p=23}} It also saw the arrival of ]'s ], who ravaged the ] and exacted a massive ] from the empire; Attila however switched his attention to the ], and his people fractured after his death in 453.{{sfnm|Greatrex|2008|1pp=242–243|Kaldellis|2023|2pp=193–196, 200|Treadgold|1997|3pp=94–95, 98}} After ] ({{reign|457|474}}) failed in his ] the west, the warlord ] deposed ] in 476, killed his titular successor ] in 480, and the office of western emperor was formally abolished.{{sfnm|Greatrex|2008|1pp=243–244|Kaldellis|2023|2pp=209, 214–215|Treadgold|1997|3pp=153, 158–159}} | Theodosius' reign was marked by the theological dispute over ], which was eventually deemed ], and by the formulation of the '']'' law code.{{sfnm|Greatrex|2008|1p=242|Kaldellis|2023|2pp=172–178|Treadgold|1997|3pp=91–92, 96–99|Shepard|2009|4p=23}} It also saw the arrival of ]'s ], who ravaged the ] and exacted a massive ] from the empire; Attila however switched his attention to the ], and his people fractured after his death in 453.{{sfnm|Greatrex|2008|1pp=242–243|Kaldellis|2023|2pp=193–196, 200|Treadgold|1997|3pp=94–95, 98}} After ] ({{reign|457|474}}) failed in his ] the west, the warlord ] deposed ] in 476, killed his titular successor ] in 480, and the office of western emperor was formally abolished.{{sfnm|Greatrex|2008|1pp=243–244|Kaldellis|2023|2pp=209, 214–215|Treadgold|1997|3pp=153, 158–159}} | ||
Through a combination of luck, cultural factors, and political decisions, the Eastern empire never suffered from rebellious barbarian vassals and was never ruled by barbarian warlords—the problems which ensured the downfall of the West.{{sfn|Kaldellis|2023|pp=243–246}} ] ({{reign|474|491}}) convinced the problematic ] king ] to take control of Italy from Odoacer, which he did; dying |
Through a combination of luck, cultural factors, and political decisions, the Eastern empire never suffered from rebellious barbarian vassals and was never ruled by barbarian warlords—the problems which ensured the downfall of the West.{{sfn|Kaldellis|2023|pp=243–246}} ] ({{reign|474|491}}) convinced the problematic ] king ] to take control of Italy from Odoacer, which he did; dying when the empire was at peace, Zeno was succeeded by ] ({{reign|491|518}}).{{sfnm|Greatrex|2008|1p=244|Kaldellis|2023|2pp=220–221|Treadgold|1997|3pp=162–164}} Although his ] brought occasional issues, Anastasius was a capable administrator and instituted several successful financial reforms including the abolition of the ]. He was the first emperor, since Diocletian, who did not face any serious problems affecting his empire.{{sfnm|Greatrex|2008|1p=244|Kaldellis|2023|2pp=223–226|Treadgold|1997|3pp=164–173}} | ||
=== 518–717 === | === 518–717 === | ||
{{ |
{{further|Byzantine Empire under the Justinian dynasty|Byzantine Empire under the Heraclian dynasty}} | ||
{{Multiple image | {{Multiple image | ||
| perrow = 2 | | perrow = 2 | ||
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<!--The Acacian schism should be discussed in the Religion section. Whether the renovatio imperii existed at all is not within the scope of this article.--> | <!--The Acacian schism should be discussed in the Religion section. Whether the renovatio imperii existed at all is not within the scope of this article.--> | ||
The reign of ] was a watershed in Byzantine history.{{sfnm|Haldon| |
The reign of ] was a watershed in Byzantine history.{{sfnm|Haldon|2008a|1p=250|Louth|2009a|2p=106|Kaldellis|2023|3pp=257–258|Treadgold|1997|4p=174}} Following his accession in 527, the law-code was rewritten as the influential '']'' and Justinian produced extensive legislation on provincial administration;{{sfnm|Louth|2009a|1pp=108–109|Kaldellis|2023|2pp=269–271|Sarris|2002|3p=45|Treadgold|1997|4pp=178–180}} he reasserted imperial control over religion and morality through purges of non-Christians and "deviants";{{sfnm|Sarris|2002|1pp=43–45|Kaldellis|2023|2pp=271–274|Louth|2009a|3pp=114–119}} and having ruthlessly subdued ] he rebuilt much of Constantinople, including the original ].{{sfnm|Louth|2009a|1pp=111–114|Kaldellis|2023|2pp=274–277|Sarris|2002|3p=46}} Justinian took advantage of political instability in Italy to attempt the reconquest of lost western territories. The ] in North Africa ] by the general ], who ]; the ] was destroyed in 554.{{sfnm|Sarris|2002|1p=46|Kaldellis|2023|2pp=279–283, 287–288, 305–307|Moorhead|2009|3pp=202–209}} | ||
In the 540s, however, Justinian began to suffer reversals on multiple fronts. Taking advantage of Constantinople's preoccupation with the West, ] of the ] invaded Byzantine territory and sacked ] in 540.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1p=297|Treadgold|1997|2pp=193–194|Haldon| |
In the 540s, however, Justinian began to suffer reversals on multiple fronts. Taking advantage of Constantinople's preoccupation with the West, ] of the ] invaded Byzantine territory and sacked ] in 540.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1p=297|Treadgold|1997|2pp=193–194|Haldon|2008a|3pp=252–253}} Meanwhile, the emperor's internal reforms and policies began to falter, not helped by ] that killed a large proportion of the population and severely weakened the empire's social and financial stability.{{sfnm|Sarris|2002|1p=49|Kaldellis|2023|2pp=298–301}} The most difficult period of the Ostrogothic war, against their king ], came during this decade, while divisions among Justinian's advisors undercut the administration's response.{{sfnm|Treadgold|1997|1pp=196–207|Kaldellis|2023|2pp=298–299, 305–306|Moorhead|2009|3pp=207–208}} He also did not fully heal the divisions in ], as the ] failed to make a real difference.{{sfnm|Treadgold|1997|1pp=210–211, 214|Louth|2009a|2pp=117–118|Haldon|2008a|3p=253}} Justinian died in 565; his reign saw more success than that of any other Byzantine emperor, yet he left his empire under massive strain.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1pp=318–319|Treadgold|1997|2p=217|Sarris|2002|3p=51}} | ||
Financially and territorially overextended, ] ({{reign|565|578}}) was soon at war on many fronts. The ], fearing the aggressive ], conquered much of northern Italy by 572.{{sfnm|Sarris|2002|1p=51|Haldon| |
Financially and territorially overextended, ] ({{reign|565|578}}) was soon at war on many fronts. The ], fearing the aggressive ], conquered much of northern Italy by 572.{{sfnm|Sarris|2002|1p=51|Haldon|2008a|2p=254|Treadgold|1997|3pp=220–222}} The ] that year, and continued until the emperor ] finally emerged victorious in 591; by that time, the Avars and ], causing great instability.{{sfnm|Louth|2009a|1pp=124–127|Haldon|2008a|2p=254|Sarris|2002|3p=51}} Maurice ] during the 590s, but although he managed to re-establish Byzantine control up to the ], he pushed his troops too far in 602—they mutinied, proclaimed an officer named ] as emperor, and executed Maurice.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1pp=336–338|Treadgold|1997|2pp=232–235|Haldon|2008a|3p=254}} The Sasanians seized their moment and ]; Phocas was unable to cope and soon faced ] led by ]. Phocas lost Constantinople in 610 and was soon executed, but the destructive civil war accelerated the empire's decline.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1pp=347–350|Haldon|2008a|2p=254|Louth|2009b|3pp=226–227|Treadgold|1997|4p=241}} | ||
{{multiple image | {{multiple image | ||
| align = left | | align = left | ||
| direction = vertical | | direction = vertical | ||
| width = |
| width = 270 | ||
| image1 = The Sasanian Empire at its apex under Khosrow II-es.svg | | image1 = The Sasanian Empire at its apex under Khosrow II-es.svg | ||
| alt1 = A map centred on West Asia, with the territories controlled by the Sassanian Empire colored light brown. All of modern day Iran, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Syria, Iraq, Israel, Palestine; southern Yemen, northern Arabia and Egypt along with a bulge through Turkey are colored light brown | | alt1 = A map centred on West Asia, with the territories controlled by the Sassanian Empire colored light brown. All of modern day Iran, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Syria, Iraq, Israel, Palestine; southern Yemen, northern Arabia and Egypt along with a bulge through Turkey are colored light brown | ||
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}} | }} | ||
Under ], the Sassanids occupied the ] and Egypt and pushed into Asia Minor, while Byzantine control of Italy slipped and the Avars and Slavs ran riot in the Balkans.{{sfnm|Haldon| |
Under ], the Sassanids occupied the ] and Egypt and pushed into Asia Minor, while Byzantine control of Italy slipped and the Avars and Slavs ran riot in the Balkans.{{sfnm|Haldon|2008a|1pp=254–255|Treadgold|1997|2pp=287–293|Kaldellis|2023|3pp=351–355}} Although Heraclius repelled ] in 626 and ] in 627, this was a ].{{sfnm|Sarris|2002|1pp=56–58|Haldon|2008a|2p=255|Kaldellis|2023|3pp=364–367, 369, 372|Louth|2009b|4pp=227–229|Treadgold|1997|5pp=397–400}} The ] soon saw the conquest of ], ], and ] by the newly-formed Arabic ].{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1p=375|Haldon|2008a|2p=256|Louth|2009b|3pp=229–230}} By Heraclius' death in 641, the empire had been severely reduced economically as well as territorially—the loss of the wealthy eastern provinces had deprived Constantinople of three-quarters of its revenue.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1p=387|Haldon|2008a|2p=256|Treadgold|2002|3p=129}} | ||
The next seventy-five years are poorly documented.{{sfn|Kaldellis|2023|p=387}} ] began almost immediately, and the Byzantines resorted to holding fortified centres and avoiding battle at all costs; although it was invaded annually, Anatolia avoided permanent Arab occupation.{{sfnm|Haldon| |
The next seventy-five years are poorly documented.{{sfn|Kaldellis|2023|p=387}} ] began almost immediately, and the Byzantines resorted to holding fortified centres and avoiding battle at all costs; although it was invaded annually, Anatolia avoided permanent Arab occupation.{{sfnm|Haldon|2008a|1p=257|Kaldellis|2023|2p=387}} The outbreak of the ] in 656 gave Byzantium breathing space, which it used wisely: some order was restored in the Balkans by ] ({{reign|641|668}}),{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1p=389|Louth|2009b|2pp=230–231}} who began the administrative reorganisation known as the "]", in which troops were allocated to defend specific provinces.{{sfnm|Treadgold|1997|1pp=315–316|Louth|2009b|2pp=239–240}} With the help of the recently rediscovered ], ] ({{reign|668|685}}) repelled the Arab efforts to ],{{sfnm|Treadgold|1997|1pp=323–327|Haldon|2008a|2p=257|Louth|2009b|3pp=232–233}} but suffered ] against the ], who soon established ].{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1p=403|Haldon|2008a|2pp=257–258|Treadgold|2002|3pp=134–135}} Nevertheless, he and Constans had done enough to secure the empire's position, especially as the ] was undergoing ].{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1p=403|Treadgold|2002|2p=135}} | ||
] sought to build on the stability secured by his father Constantine but was overthrown in 695 after attempting to exact too much from his subjects; over the next twenty-two years, six more rebellions followed in ].{{sfnm|Treadgold|2002|1pp=136–138|Haldon| |
] sought to build on the stability secured by his father Constantine but was overthrown in 695 after attempting to exact too much from his subjects; over the next twenty-two years, six more rebellions followed in ].{{sfnm|Treadgold|2002|1pp=136–138|Haldon|2008a|2p=257|Kaldellis|2023|3pp=438–440}} The reconstituted caliphate sought to break Byzantium by taking Constantinople, but the newly crowned ] managed to ], the first major setback of the Muslim conquests.{{sfnm|Treadgold|2002|1pp=137–138|Haldon|2008a|2p=257|Auzépy|2009|3p=265}} | ||
=== 718–867 === | === 718–867 === | ||
{{ |
{{further|Byzantine Empire under the Isaurian dynasty|Byzantine Empire under the Nikephorian dynasty|Byzantine Empire under the Amorian dynasty}}] (left), and his son and heir, ] (right)|alt=Two gold coins, each depicting a man]] | ||
Leo and his son ] ({{reign|741|775}}), two of the most capable Byzantine emperors, withstood continued Arab attacks, civil unrest, and natural disasters, and reestablished the state as a major regional power.{{sfnm|Haldon| |
Leo and his son ] ({{reign|741|775}}), two of the most capable Byzantine emperors, withstood continued Arab attacks, civil unrest, and natural disasters, and reestablished the state as a major regional power.{{sfnm|Haldon|2008a|1pp=258–259|Kaldellis|2023|2pp=443, 451–452|Auzépy|2009|3pp=255–260}} Leo's reign produced the '']'', a new code of law to succeed that of Justinian II,{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1pp=444–445|Auzépy|2009|2pp=275–276}} and continued to reform the "theme system" in order to lead offensive campaigns against the Muslims, culminating in ].{{sfnm|Auzépy|2009|1pp=265–273|Kaegi|2009|2pp=385–385|Kaldellis|2023|3p=450}} Constantine overcame an early civil war against his brother-in-law ], made peace with the new ], ] against the Bulgars, and continued to make administrative and military reforms.{{sfnm|Haldon|2008a|1p=260|Kaldellis|2023|2pp=450–454|Treadgold|2002|3pp=140–141}} However, due to both emperors' support for the ], which opposed the use of ], they were later vilified by Byzantine historians;{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1pp=443, 447–449, 454–459|Haldon|2008a|2pp=258–261|Auzépy|2009|3pp=253–254}} Constantine's reign also saw the loss of ] to the ], and the beginning of a split with the ].{{sfnm|Treadgold|2002|1pp=140–141|Kaldellis|2023|2pp=459–561|Auzépy|2009|3pp=284–287}} | ||
In 780, Empress ] assumed power on behalf of her son ].{{sfnm|Haldon|2008|1p=261|Treadgold|2002|2pp=141–142|Magdalino|2002|3p=170}} Although she was a capable administrator who temporarily resolved the iconoclasm controversy,{{sfnm|Haldon|2008|1p=261|Kaldellis|2023|2pp=464–469}} the empire was destabilized by her feud with her son. The Bulgars and Abbasids meanwhile inflicted numerous defeats on the Byzantine armies, and the papacy crowned ] as Roman emperor in 800.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1pp=470–473|Magdalino|2002|2pp=169–171|Haldon|2008|3p=261}} In 802, the unpopular Irene was overthrown by ]; he reformed the empire's administration but died ] in 811.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1pp=473–474, 478–481}} Military defeats and societal disorder, especially the resurgence of iconoclasm, characterised the next eighteen years.{{sfnm|Holmes|2008|1p=265|Auzépy|2009|2pp=257, 259, 289|Kaldellis|2023|3pp=482–483, 485–491}} | |||
In 780, Empress ] assumed power on behalf of her son ].{{sfnm|Haldon|2008a|1p=261|Treadgold|2002|2pp=141–142|Magdalino|2002|3p=170}} Although she was a capable administrator who temporarily resolved the iconoclasm controversy,{{sfnm|Haldon|2008a|1p=261|Kaldellis|2023|2pp=464–469}} the empire was destabilized by her feud with her son. The Bulgars and Abbasids meanwhile inflicted numerous defeats on the Byzantine armies, and the papacy crowned ] as Roman emperor in 800.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1pp=470–473|Magdalino|2002|2pp=169–171|Haldon|2008a|3p=261}} In 802, the unpopular Irene was overthrown by ]; he reformed the empire's administration but died ] in 811.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1pp=473–474, 478–481}} Military defeats and societal disorder, especially the resurgence of iconoclasm, characterised the next eighteen years.{{sfnm|Holmes|2008|1p=265|Auzépy|2009|2pp=257, 259, 289|Kaldellis|2023|3pp=482–483, 485–491}} | |||
] | |||
Stability was somewhat restored during the reign of ] ({{reign|829|842}}), who exploited economic growth to complete construction programs, including rebuilding the ], overhaul provincial governance, and wage inconclusive campaigns against the Abbasids.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1pp=491–495|Holmes|2008|2p=265|Auzépy|2009|3pp=273–274}} After his death, his empress ], ruling on behalf of her son ], permanently extinguished the iconoclastic movement;{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1pp=498–501|Holmes|2008|2p=266}} the empire prospered under their sometimes-fraught rule. However, Michael was posthumously vilified by historians loyal to the dynasty of his successor ], who assassinated him in 867 and who was given credit for his predecessor's achievements.{{sfnm|Holmes|2008|1pp=265–266|Kaldellis|2023|2pp=504–505|Auzépy|2009|3p=254|Tougher|2009|4pp=292–293, 296}} | Stability was somewhat restored during the reign of ] ({{reign|829|842}}), who exploited economic growth to complete construction programs, including rebuilding the ], overhaul provincial governance, and wage inconclusive campaigns against the Abbasids.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1pp=491–495|Holmes|2008|2p=265|Auzépy|2009|3pp=273–274}} After his death, his empress ], ruling on behalf of her son ], permanently extinguished the iconoclastic movement;{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1pp=498–501|Holmes|2008|2p=266}} the empire prospered under their sometimes-fraught rule. However, Michael was posthumously vilified by historians loyal to the dynasty of his successor ], who assassinated him in 867 and who was given credit for his predecessor's achievements.{{sfnm|Holmes|2008|1pp=265–266|Kaldellis|2023|2pp=504–505|Auzépy|2009|3p=254|Tougher|2009|4pp=292–293, 296}} | ||
=== 867–1081 === | === 867–1081 === | ||
{{further|Byzantine Empire under the Macedonian dynasty|Byzantine Empire under the Doukas dynasty}} | {{further|Byzantine Empire under the Macedonian dynasty|Byzantine Empire under the Doukas dynasty}} | ||
Basil I ({{reign|867|886}}) continued Michael's policies.{{sfnm|Tougher|2009|1pp=292, 296|Holmes|2008|2p=266}} His armies campaigned with mixed results in Italy but ] the ].{{sfnm|Holmes|2008|1p=266|Kaldellis|2023|2pp=522–524|Treadgold|1997|3pp=455–458}} His successor ] ({{reign|886|912}}){{efn|Leo VI was officially the son of Basil I, but a persistent rumour alleged that he had been fathered by Michael III, who had previously taken Leo's mother ] as his mistress. One of Leo's first acts was to rebury Michael III in Basil's mausoleum in the ] complex, which exacerbated the rumours.{{sfnm|Tougher|2009|1p=296|Kaldellis|2023|2p=526}}}} compiled and propagated a huge number of written works. These included the '']'', a Greek translation of Justinian I's law-code which included over 100 new laws created by Leo; the '']'', a military treatise; and the '']'', which codified Constantinople's trading regulations.{{sfnm|Shepard|2009b|1pp=493, 496–498|Kaldellis|2023|2pp=429–433|Holmes|2008|3p=267}} In non-literary contexts Leo was less successful: the empire ] and ],{{sfnm|Holmes|2008|1p=267|Kaldellis|2023|2pp=534–535}} while he provoked theological scandal by marrying four times in an attempt to father a legitimate heir.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1pp=537–539|Holmes|2008|2p=267|Shepard|2009b|3p=503}} | |||
] | |||
Basil I ({{reign|867|886}}) continued Michael's policies.{{sfnm|Tougher|2009|1pp=292, 296|Holmes|2008|2p=266}} His armies campaigned with mixed results in Italy but ] the ].{{sfnm|Holmes|2008|1p=266|Kaldellis|2023|2pp=522–524|Treadgold|1997|3pp=455–458}} His successor ] ({{reign|886|912}}){{efn|Leo VI was officially the son of Basil I, but a persistent rumour alleged that he had been fathered by Michael III, who had previously taken Leo's mother ] as his mistress. One of Leo's first acts was to rebury Michael III in Basil's mausoleum, which exacerbated the rumours.{{sfnm|Tougher|2009|1p=296|Kaldellis|2023|2p=526}}}} compiled and propagated a huge number of written works. These included the '']'', a Greek translation of Justinian I's law-code which included over 100 new laws of Leo's devising; the '']'', a military treatise; and the '']'', which codified Constantinople's trading regulations.{{sfnm|Shepard|2009b|1pp=493, 496–498|Kaldellis|2023|2pp=429–433|Holmes|2008|2p=267}} In non-literary contexts Leo was less successful: the empire ] and ],{{sfnm|Holmes|2008|1p=267|Kaldellis|2023|2pp=534–535}} while he provoked theological scandal by marrying four times in an attempt to father a legitimate heir.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1pp=537–539|Holmes|2008|2p=267|Shepard|2009b|3p=503}} | |||
The early reign of that heir, ], was tumultuous, as his mother ], his uncle ], the patriarch ], the powerful ], and other influential figures jockeyed for power.{{sfnm|Shepard|2009b|1p=505|Kaldellis|2023|2pp=540–543|Holmes|2008|3p=267}} In 920, the admiral ] used his fleet to secure power, crowning himself and demoting Constantine to the position of junior co-emperor.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1pp=543–544|Shepard|2009b|2pp=505–507}} His reign, which brought ] and successes in the east under the general ], was ended in 944 by the machinations of his sons, whom Constantine soon usurped in turn.{{sfnm|Shepard|2009b|1pp=508–509|Kaldellis|2023|2pp=546–552|Holmes|2008|3p=268}} Constantine's ineffectual sole rule has often been construed as ], but while several works were compiled, they were largely intended to legitimise and glorify the emperor's ].{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1pp=553–555|Holmes|2008|2p=268}} ] died young; under two soldier-emperors, ] ({{reign|963|969}}) and ] ({{reign|969|976}}), the Roman army claimed numerous military successes, including the ] and ], and a ] in 971. John in particular was an astute administrator who reformed military structures and implemented effective fiscal policies.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1pp=563–573|Holmes|2008|2p=268–269|Magdalino|2002|3p=176}} | The early reign of that heir, ], was tumultuous, as his mother ], his uncle ], the patriarch ], the powerful ], and other influential figures jockeyed for power.{{sfnm|Shepard|2009b|1p=505|Kaldellis|2023|2pp=540–543|Holmes|2008|3p=267}} In 920, the admiral ] used his fleet to secure power, crowning himself and demoting Constantine to the position of junior co-emperor.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1pp=543–544|Shepard|2009b|2pp=505–507}} His reign, which brought ] and successes in the east under the general ], was ended in 944 by the machinations of his sons, whom Constantine soon usurped in turn.{{sfnm|Shepard|2009b|1pp=508–509|Kaldellis|2023|2pp=546–552|Holmes|2008|3p=268}} Constantine's ineffectual sole rule has often been construed as ], but while several works were compiled, they were largely intended to legitimise and glorify the emperor's ].{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1pp=553–555|Holmes|2008|2p=268}} ] died young; under two soldier-emperors, ] ({{reign|963|969}}) and ] ({{reign|969|976}}), the Roman army claimed numerous military successes, including the ] and ], and a ] in 971. John in particular was an astute administrator who reformed military structures and implemented effective fiscal policies.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1pp=563–573|Holmes|2008|2p=268–269|Magdalino|2002|3p=176}} | ||
After John's death, Constantine VII's grandsons ] and ] ruled jointly for half a century, although the latter exercised no real power.{{sfn|Holmes|2008|pp=268}} Their early reign was occupied by conflicts against two prominent generals, ] and ], which ended in 989 with the former's death and the latter's submission, and with a power struggle against the eunuch ], who was dismissed in 985.{{sfnm|Shepard|2009b|1pp=522–526|Magdalino|2002|2p=202|Kaldellis|2023|3pp=573–578}} Basil, who for unknown reasons never married or had children, subsequently refused to delegate any authority: he sidelined the military establishment by taking personal command of the army and promoting officers loyal to him.{{sfnm|Shepard|2009b|1pp=526, 531|Kaldellis|2023|2pp=578–579|Holmes|2008|3p=269}} His reign was preoccupied with ], which ended in total Byzantine victory at the ] in 1018.{{sfnm|Holmes|2008|1p=269|Shepard|2009b|2pp=526–29|Kaldellis|2023|3pp=579–582}} Diplomatic efforts, critical for that success,{{sfnm|Shepard|2009b|1p=529|Holmes|2008|2p=271}} also contributed to the ] in the 1020s and coexistence with the new ].{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1pp=584|Holmes|2008|2pp=270–271|Magdalino|2002|3p=180}} When he died in 1025, Basil's empire stretched from the Danube and Sicily in the west to the ] in the east; his swift expansion was, however, unaccompanied by administrative reforms.{{sfnm|Shepard|2009b|1pp=531–536|Holmes|2008|2p=271}} | |||
] in 1204.|alt=A 3D model of a large city bordered on two sides by water]] | |||
After John's death, Constantine VII's grandsons ] and ] ruled jointly for half a century, although the latter exercised no real power before Basil's death in 1025.{{sfn|Holmes|2008|pp=268, 271}} Their early reign was occupied by conflicts against two prominent generals, ] and ], which ended in 989 with the former's death and the latter's submission.{{sfnm|Shepard|2009b|1pp=522–526|Magdalino|2002}} | |||
Between 1021 and 1022, following years of tensions, ] led a series of victorious campaigns against the ], resulting in the annexation of several Georgian provinces to the empire. Basil's successors also annexed ] in 1045. Importantly, both Georgia and Armenia were significantly weakened by the Byzantine administration's policy of heavy taxation and abolishing of the levy. The weakening of Georgia and Armenia played a significant role in the Byzantine ] in 1071.<ref name="RappCrego2018">{{Cite book |last=Toumanoff |first=Cyril |author-link=Cyril Toumanoff |title=Languages and Cultures of Eastern Christianity: Georgian |publisher=Taylor & Francis |year=2018 |isbn=978-1-351-92326-2 |editor-last=Rapp |editor-first=Stephen H. |editor-link=Stephen H. Rapp Jr |location=London and New York |pages=62 |chapter=Caucasia and Byzantium |access-date=30 December 2018 |editor-last2=Crego |editor-first2=Paul |chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=rH10DwAAQBAJ&pg=PT62 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200727162836/https://books.google.com/books?id=rH10DwAAQBAJ&pg=PT62 |archive-date=27 July 2020 |url-status=live}}</ref> Basil II is considered among the most capable Byzantine emperors and his reign as the apex of the empire in the ]. By 1025, the date of Basil II's death, the Byzantine Empire stretched from Armenia in the east to ] in southern Italy in the west.{{Sfn|Browning|1992|p=116}} Many successes had been achieved, ranging from the conquest of Bulgaria to the annexation of parts of Georgia and Armenia, and the ], ], and the important city of ]. These were not temporary tactical gains but long-term reconquests.{{Sfn|Browning|1992|p=96}} | |||
] (1031) by the Byzantines under ] and the counterattack by the ]|alt=Depiction of an army attacking a walled town]] | ] (1031) by the Byzantines under ] and the counterattack by the ]|alt=Depiction of an army attacking a walled town]] | ||
After Constantine VIII's death in 1028, his daughters, the empresses ] ({{reign|1028|1052}}) and ] ({{reign|1042|1056}}), held the keys to power: four emperors (], ], ], and ]) ruled only because of their connection to Zoe, while ] ({{reign|1056|1057}}) was selected by Theodora.{{sfnm|Magdalino|2002|1pp=202–203|Holmes|2008|2pp=271–272|Angold|2009|3pp=587–588|Kaldellis|2023|4pp=588–589}} This political instability, regular budget deficits, a string of expensive military failures, and other problems connected to over-extension led to substantial issues in the empire;{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1pp=590, 593|Magdalino|2002|2pp=181–182|Angold|2009|3pp=587–598}} its strategic focus moved from maintaining its hegemony to prioritizing defence.{{sfn|Kaldellis|2023|p=602}} | |||
The empire soon came under sustained assault on three fronts, from the ], the ] in the north, and the ]. The Byzantine army struggled with confronting these enemies, who did not organise themselves as traditional states and were thus untroubled by defeats in set-piece battles.{{sfnm|Holmes|2008|1pp=272–273|Magdalino|2002|2p=182|Kaldellis|2023|3p=636}} The year 1071 brought two consequential reverses: ], the last remaining Byzantine settlement in Italy, was ], while the Seljuks won a decisive victory at the ], taking the emperor ] prisoner.{{sfnm|Holmes|2008|1p=273|Magdalino|2002|2pp=184–185, 189}} The latter event sparked a decade-long civil war, during which the Seljuks took possession of Anatolia up to the ].{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1pp=629–637|Angold|2009|2pp=609–610}} | |||
At the same time, Byzantium was faced with new enemies. Its provinces in southern Italy were threatened by the ] who arrived in Italy at the beginning of the 11th century. During a period of strife between Constantinople and Rome culminating in the ], the ] gradually into ].{{sfn|Vasiliev|1928–1935|p=}} ], the capital of the tagma of Calabria, was captured in 1060 by ], followed by ] in 1068. ], the main Byzantine stronghold in ], was besieged in August 1068 and ].{{Sfnm|2=2000|1p=157|Stephenson|2a1=Hooper|2a2=Bennett|2y=1996|2p=82}} | |||
=== 1081–1204 === | |||
About 1053, ] disbanded what the historian ] calls the "Iberian Army", which consisted of 50,000 men, and it was turned into a contemporary ]. Two other knowledgeable contemporaries, the former officials ] and ], agree with Skylitzes that by demobilising these soldiers, Constantine did catastrophic harm to the empire's eastern defences. The emergency lent weight to the military aristocracy in Anatolia, who in 1068 secured the election of one of their own, ], as emperor. In the summer of 1071, Romanos undertook a massive eastern campaign to draw the ] into a general engagement with the Byzantine army. At the ], Romanos suffered a surprise defeat against ] ] and was captured. Alp Arslan treated him with respect and imposed no harsh terms on the Byzantines.<ref name="PM">Markham, Paul. "". 1 August 2005. UMass Lowell Faculty. {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160429203111/http://faculty.uml.edu/ethan_spanier/Teaching/documents/TheBattleofManzikert.pdf|date=29 April 2016}}".</ref> In Constantinople a coup put in power ], who soon faced the opposition of ] and ]. By 1081, the Seljuks had expanded their rule over virtually the entire Anatolian plateau from Armenia in the east to ] in the west, and had established their capital at ], just {{Convert|90|km|0|abbr=off}} from Constantinople.<ref name=":0">{{Cite encyclopedia |title=Byzantine Empire |encyclopedia=Encyclopædia Britannica |url=https://www.britannica.com/place/Byzantine-Empire |last1=MacGillivray Nicol |first1=Donald |date= 2024|author-link=Donald Nicol |last2=Teall |first2=John L.}}; Markham, Paul. "". 1 August 2005. UMass Lowell Faculty {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160429203111/http://faculty.uml.edu/ethan_spanier/Teaching/documents/TheBattleofManzikert.pdf|date=29 April 2016}}".</ref> | |||
{{further|Byzantine Empire under the Komnenos dynasty|Byzantine Empire under the Angelos dynasty}} | |||
One prominent general, ], usurped the throne in 1081. In contrast to the prior turmoil, the three reigns of Alexios ({{reign|1081|1118}}), his son ] ({{reign|1118|1143}}), and his grandson ] ({{reign|1143|1180}}) lasted a century and ] for the final time.{{sfnm|Holmes|2008|1pp=273–274|Angold|2009|2p=611}} Alexios immediately faced the Normans under ], who were ].{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1pp=639–642|Holmes|2008|2p=275|Magdalino|2002|3p=190}} He then targeted the Pechenegs, who ] with help from the ], who were in turn defeated three years later.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1pp=642–644|Holmes|2008|2p=275|Angold|2009|3pp=611–612}} Finally, looking to recover Asia Minor from the Seljuks, he approached ] for help {{circa|1095}}. He did not anticipate the scale of western Christendom's response—the ] led to the recapture of western Anatolia, although Alexios soon fell out with its leaders.{{sfnm|Holmes|2008|1p=275|Magdalino|2002|2p=190|Angold|2009|3p=621–623}} The rest of his reign was spent ] and Seljuks, establishing a new, loyal aristocracy to ensure stability, and carrying out fiscal and ecclesiastical reforms.{{sfnm|Holmes|2008|1pp=274–275|Angold|2009|2pp=612–613, 619–621, 623–625|Kaldellis|2023|3pp=645–647, 659–663}} | |||
=== Komnenian dynasty and the Crusades === | |||
{{See also|Byzantine Empire under the Komnenos dynasty}} | |||
], founder of the ]|alt=A mosaic depicting a haloed crowned man holding a book.]] | |||
==== Alexios I and the First Crusade ==== | |||
{{See also|First Crusade}} | |||
] in modern Istanbul, dating from the ], has some of the finest Byzantine frescoes and mosaics.|alt=A color photograph of a domed stone structure with a tree at front center]] | |||
The ] attained full power under ] in 1081. From the outset of his reign, Alexios faced a formidable attack from the Normans under Guiscard and his son ], who ] and ] and laid siege to ] in ]. Guiscard's death in 1085 temporarily eased the Norman problem. The following year, the Seljuq sultan died, and the sultanate was split due to internal rivalries. By his own efforts, Alexios defeated the ], who were caught by surprise and annihilated at the ] on 28 April 1091.<ref name="Br">{{Cite encyclopedia |title=Byzantine Empire |encyclopedia=Encyclopædia Britannica |url=https://www.britannica.com/place/Byzantine-Empire |last1=MacGillivray Nicol |first1=Donald |date= 2024|author-link=Donald Nicol |last2=Teall |first2=John L.}}</ref> | |||
] before the ] (1095–1099)|alt=A map showing most of Greece under Byzantine rule and most of Anatolia under Seljuk rule.]] | |||
Having achieved stability in the West, Alexios could turn his attention to the severe economic difficulties and the disintegration of the empire's traditional defences.{{Sfn|Birkenmeier|2002|p=234}} However, he still did not have enough manpower to recover the lost territories in Asia Minor and to the advance by the Seljuks. At the ] in 1095, envoys from Alexios spoke to ] about the suffering of the Christians of the East and underscored that without help from the West, they would continue to suffer under Muslim rule. Urban saw Alexios' request as a dual opportunity to cement Western Europe and reunite the ] with the ] under his rule.{{Sfnm|Harris|2014|Read|2000|Watson|1993|1p=55|2p=124|3p=12}} On 27 November 1095, Urban called the ] and urged all those present to take up arms under the sign of the ] and launch an armed ] to recover Jerusalem and the East from the Muslims. The response in Western Europe was overwhelming.<ref name="Br" /> Alexios was able to recover a number of important cities, islands and much of western Asia Minor. The Crusaders agreed to become Alexios' vassals under the ] in 1108, which marked the end of the Norman threat during Alexios' reign.{{sfn|Komnene|1928|loc= }}{{sfn|Birkenmeier|2002|p=46}} | |||
==== John II, Manuel I, and the Second Crusade ==== | |||
{{See also|Second Crusade}} | |||
] from the ] of Constantinople (modern Istanbul), depicting ] and ], flanked by ] (left) and his wife ] (right), 12th century|alt=A mosaic depicting a haloed woman holding a baby, flanked by a man and woman, both crowned and haloed]] | ] from the ] of Constantinople (modern Istanbul), depicting ] and ], flanked by ] (left) and his wife ] (right), 12th century|alt=A mosaic depicting a haloed woman holding a baby, flanked by a man and woman, both crowned and haloed]] | ||
Alexios' concentration of power in the hands of his ] meant the most serious political threats came from within the imperial family—before his coronation, John II had to overcome ] and ], and the primary threat during his reign was ].{{sfnm|Holmes|2008|1p=274|Magdalino|2009|2pp=629–630}} John campaigned annually and extensively—he fought the Pechenegs in 1122, the ], and the Seljuks throughout his reign, notably waging ] in his final years—but did not achieve large territorial gains.{{sfnm|Holmes|2008|1p=275|Magdalino|2009|2pp=631–633|Kaldellis|2023|3pp=664–670}} In 1138, John raised the imperial standard over the Crusader ] to intimidate the city into allying with the Byzantines, but chose not to attack, fearing that it would provoke western Christendom to respond.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1p=669|Holmes|2008|2p=275}} | |||
Alexios's son ] succeeded him in 1118 and ruled until 1143. John was a pious and dedicated emperor who was determined to undo the damage to the empire suffered at the Battle of Manzikert half a century earlier.{{Sfn|Norwich|1998|p=267}} Famed for his piety and his remarkably mild and just reign, John was an exceptional example of a moral ruler at a time when cruelty was the norm.{{Sfn|Ostrogorsky|1969|p=377}} For this reason, he has been called the Byzantine ]. During his twenty-five-year reign, John made alliances with the ] in the West and decisively defeated the Pechenegs at the ].{{Sfn|Birkenmeier|2002|p=90}} He thwarted Hungarian and Serbian threats during the 1120s, and in 1130 he allied himself with ], the ] against the Norman King ].{{Sfn|Cinnamus|1976|pp=74–75}} | |||
Manuel I utilised his father's overflowing imperial treasury in pursuit of his ambitions and to secure the empire's position in an increasingly multilateral geopolitical landscape.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1pp=670, 676–677|Magdalino|2009|2pp=644–646}} Through a combination of ], he cultivated a ring of allies and clients around the empire: the Turks of the ], the ], the ], Balkan princes, Italian and Dalmatian cities, and most importantly Antioch and the ], marrying ] in 1161.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1pp=678, 683–688|Holmes|2008|2pp=275–276}} Manuel averted the threat of war during the tumultuous passage of the ] through Byzantine territories in 1147, but the campaign's failure was blamed on the Byzantines by western contemporaries.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1pp=679–681|Magdalino|2009|2pp=637–638}} He was less successful militarily: an invasion of ] was decisively defeated by ] in 1156, leading to tensions with ], the Holy Roman Emperor;{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1pp=682–683|Magdalino|2002|2p=194|Magdalino|2009|3pp=638–641}} two decades later, an invasion of Anatolia was resoundingly defeated at the ].{{sfnm|Magdalino|2009|1pp=643–644|Kaldellis|2023|2pp=692–693}} | |||
In the later part of his reign, John focused his activities on the East, personally leading ] in Asia Minor. His campaigns fundamentally altered the balance of power in the East, forcing the Turks onto the defensive, while retaking many towns, fortresses, and cities across the peninsula for the Byzantines. He defeated the ] of ] and reconquered all of ],{{Sfn|Harris|2014|p=87}} while forcing ], Prince of Antioch, to recognise Byzantine suzerainty.{{Sfn|Harris|2014|p=93}} In an effort to demonstrate the emperor's role as the leader of the Christian world, John marched into the ] at the head of the combined forces of the empire and the Crusader states; yet despite his efforts in leading the campaign, his hopes were disappointed by the treachery of his Crusader allies.{{Sfn|Harris|2014|pp=95–97}} In 1142, John returned to press his claims to Antioch, but he died in the spring of 1143 following a hunting accident.<ref>{{Cite web |date=4 April 2024 |title=John II Comnenus |url=https://www.britannica.com/biography/John-II-Comnenus |access-date=2024-09-02 |website=Encyclopedia Britannica |language=en}}</ref> | |||
John's chosen heir was his fourth son, ], who campaigned aggressively against his neighbours both in the west and east. In Palestine, Manuel allied with the Crusader ] and sent a large fleet to participate in a combined ] of ]. Manuel reinforced his position as overlord of the Crusader states, with his hegemony over Antioch and Jerusalem secured by agreement with ], Prince of Antioch, and ].{{Sfn|Magdalino|2002a|p=74}} In an effort to restore Byzantine control over the ports of southern Italy, he sent an expedition to Italy in 1155, but disputes within the coalition led to the eventual failure of the campaign. Despite this military setback, Manuel's armies successfully invaded the southern parts of the ] in 1167, defeating the Hungarians at the ]. By 1168, nearly the whole of the eastern Adriatic coast lay in Manuel's hands.{{Sfn|Sedlar|1994|p=372}} Manuel made several alliances with the pope and Western Christian kingdoms, and he successfully handled the passage of the crusaders through his empire.{{Sfn|Magdalino|2002a|p=67}} | |||
In the East, Manuel suffered a major defeat in 1176 at the ] against the Turks. These losses were quickly recovered, and in the following year Manuel's forces inflicted a defeat upon a force of "picked Turks".{{Sfn|Birkenmeier|2002|p=128}} The Byzantine commander ], who destroyed the Turkish invaders at the ], brought troops from the capital and was able to gather an army along the way, a sign that the Byzantine army remained strong and that the defensive program of western Asia Minor was still successful.{{Sfn|Birkenmeier|2002|p=196}} John and Manuel pursued active military policies, and both deployed considerable resources on sieges and city defences; aggressive fortification policies were at the heart of their imperial military policies.{{Sfn|Birkenmeier|2002|pp=185–186}} Despite the defeat at Myriokephalon, the policies of Alexios, John and Manuel resulted in vast territorial gains, increased frontier stability in Asia Minor, and secured the stabilisation of the empire's European frontiers. From {{Circa|1081}} to {{Circa|1180}}, the Komnenian army assured the empire's security, enabling Byzantine civilisation to flourish.{{Sfn|Birkenmeier|2002|p=1}} | |||
This allowed the Western provinces to achieve an economic revival that continued until the close of the century. It has been argued that Byzantium under the Komnenian rule was more prosperous than at any time since the Persian invasions of the 7th century. During the 12th century, population levels rose and extensive tracts of new agricultural land were brought into production. Archaeological evidence from both Europe and Asia Minor shows a considerable increase in the size of urban settlements, together with a notable upsurge in new towns. Trade was also flourishing; the Venetians, the ] and others opened up the ports of the Aegean to commerce, shipping goods from the Crusader states and Fatimid Egypt to the west and trading with the empire via Constantinople.{{Sfnm|Day|1977|Harvey|2003|1pp=289–290|2pp=241–243}} | |||
=== Decline and disintegration === | |||
{{Main|Decline of the Byzantine Empire}} | |||
==== Angelid dynasty ==== | |||
{{Main|Byzantine Empire under the Angelos dynasty}} | |||
Manuel's death on 24 September 1180 left his 11-year-old son ] on the throne. Alexios was highly incompetent in the office, and with his mother ]'s Frankish background, his regency was unpopular.{{Sfn|Norwich|1998|p=291}} Eventually, ], a grandson of Alexios I, overthrew Alexios II in a violent ''coup d'état''. After eliminating his potential rivals, he had himself crowned as co-emperor in September 1183. He eliminated Alexios II and took his 12-year-old wife ] for himself.{{Sfn|Norwich|1998|p=292}} | |||
Andronikos began his reign well; in particular, the measures he took to reform the government of the empire have been praised by historians. According to the historian ], Andronikos was determined to root out corruption: under his rule, the sale of offices ceased; selection was based on merit, rather than favouritism; and officials were paid an adequate salary to reduce the temptation of bribery. In the provinces, Andronikos's reforms produced a speedy and marked improvement.{{Sfn|Ostrogorsky|1969|p=397}} Gradually, however, Andronikos's reign deteriorated. The aristocrats were infuriated against him, and to make matters worse, Andronikos seemed to have become increasingly unbalanced; executions and violence became increasingly common, and his reign turned into a reign of terror.{{Sfn|Harris|2014|p=118}} Andronikos seemed almost to seek the extermination of the aristocracy as a whole. The struggle against the aristocracy turned into wholesale slaughter, while the emperor resorted to ever more ruthless measures to shore up his regime.{{Sfn|Ostrogorsky|1969|p=397}} | |||
Despite his military background, Andronikos failed to deal with ] of Cyprus, ] who ] Croatian territories into Hungary, and ] who declared his independence from the Byzantine Empire. Yet, none of these troubles compared to ]'s invasion force of 300 ships and 80,000 men, arriving in 1185 and ].{{Sfn|Norwich|1998|p=293}} Andronikos mobilised a small fleet of 100 ships to defend the capital, but other than that he was indifferent to the populace. He was finally overthrown when ], surviving an imperial assassination attempt, seized power with the aid of the people and had Andronikos killed.{{Sfn|Norwich|1998|pp=294–295}} | |||
The reign of Isaac II, and more so that of his brother ], saw the collapse of what remained of the centralised machinery of Byzantine government and defence. Although the Normans were driven out of Greece, in 1186 the ] and Bulgars began a rebellion that led to the formation of the ]. The internal policy of the Angeloi was characterised by the squandering of the public treasure and fiscal maladministration. Imperial authority was severely weakened, and the growing power vacuum at the centre of the empire encouraged fragmentation. There is evidence that some Komnenian heirs had set up a semi-independent state in ] before 1204.{{Sfnm|Angold|1997|2a1=Paparrigopoulos|2a2=Karolidis|2p=216|2y=1925|1pp=305–307}} According to the historian ], "the dynasty of the Angeloi, Greek in its origin, ... accelerated the ruin of the Empire, already weakened without and disunited within."{{sfn|Vasiliev|1928–1935|p=}} | |||
==== Fourth Crusade and aftermath ==== | |||
{{further|Fourth Crusade|Frankokratia|Byzantine Empire under the Palaiologos dynasty}} | |||
], by ] (1840)|alt=A painting of an army marching into a city gate with much smoke burning in the background]] | ], by ] (1840)|alt=A painting of an army marching into a city gate with much smoke burning in the background]] | ||
Manuel's death left the empire rudderless and it soon came under intense pressure.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1p=695}} His son ] was too young to rule, and his troubled regency was soon overthrown by ], who was himself replaced by ] in 1185.{{sfnm|Magdalino|2002|1p=194|Holmes|2008|2p=276}} Centrifugal forces swirled at the borders as ambitious rulers seized their chance: Hungary and the Turks captured Byzantine territories, ] seized Cyprus; and most injuriously, ] caused the foundation of a ].{{sfnm|Holmes|2008|1p=276|Magdalino|2002|2pp=194–195|Magdalino|2009|3p=655}} Relations with the west deteriorated further after Constantinople allied with ], the vanquisher of the ], whose leaders also conflicted with Byzantium as they passed through its territory.{{sfnm|Magdalino|2002|1pp=195–196|Magdalino|2009|2pp=648–651|Kaldellis|2023|3pp=706–710}} In 1195, Isaac II was deposed by his brother ]; this particular quarrel proved fatal.{{sfn|Holmes|2008|p=276}} | |||
The ] was originally intended to target ], but amid strategic difficulties, Isaac II's son ] convinced the crusaders to restore his father to the throne in exchange for a huge tribute.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1pp=718–720|Magdalino|2009|2pp=651–652}} They ], reinstating Isaac II and his son to the throne. The new rulers grew swiftly unpopular and were deposed by ], which the crusaders used as a pretext to ], ransacking the wealth it had accumulated over nine centuries.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1pp=720–724|Magdalino|2009|2pp=652–653}} | |||
In 1198, ] broached the subject of a new crusade through ] and ] letters.{{Sfn|Norwich|1998|p=299}} The stated intent of the crusade was to conquer ], the centre of Muslim power in the Levant. The Crusader army arrived at ] in the summer of 1202 and hired the Venetian fleet to transport them to Egypt. As a payment to the Venetians, they captured the (Christian) port of ] in ], which was a vassal city of Venice, it had rebelled and placed itself under Hungary's protection in 1186.<ref name="BrC">Britannica Concise, {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070706062040/http://concise.britannica.com/ebc/article-9383275/Siege-of-Zara |date=6 July 2007 }}.</ref> Shortly afterward, ], son of the deposed and blinded Emperor Isaac II, made contact with the Crusaders. Alexios offered to reunite the Byzantine church with Rome, pay the Crusaders 200,000 silver marks, join the crusade, and provide all the supplies they needed to reach Egypt.{{Sfn|Norwich|1998|p=301}} | |||
===1204–1453=== | |||
], {{Circa|1204}}|alt=A map showing the competing states after the Fourth Crusade.]] | |||
], {{Circa|1204}}.{{sfnm|Laiou|2008|1p=280|Kaldellis|2023|2pp=733–734|Reinert|2002|3pp=250–253|Angold|2009b|4p=731}}|alt=A map showing the competing states after the Fourth Crusade.]] | |||
The crusaders arrived at Constantinople in the summer of 1203 and ], starting a major fire that damaged large parts of the city, and briefly seized control. Alexios III fled from the capital, and Alexios Angelos was elevated to the throne as Alexios IV along with his blind father Isaac. Alexios IV and Isaac II were unable to keep their promises and were deposed by ]. The crusaders again ], and Constantinople was subjected to pillage and massacre by the rank and file for three days. Many priceless icons, relics and other objects later turned up in ], a large number in Venice. According to chronicler ], a prostitute was even set up on the patriarchal throne.{{sfn|Choniates|1912|loc=}} When order had been restored, the crusaders and the Venetians proceeded to implement their agreement; ] was elected emperor of a new ], and the Venetian ] was chosen as patriarch. The lands divided up among the leaders included most of the former Byzantine possessions.<ref name="Br40 million">{{Cite encyclopedia |title=The Fourth Crusade and the Latin Empire of Constantinople |encyclopedia=Encyclopædia Britannica |url=https://www.britannica.com/event/Crusades/The-Fourth-Crusade-and-the-Latin-empire-of-Constantinople |last1=Madden |first1=Thomas F. |author-link=Thomas F. Madden |last2=Dickson |first2=Gary|date=2024 }}</ref> Although Venice was more interested in commerce than conquering territory, it took key areas of Constantinople, and the ] took the title of "''Lord of a Quarter and Half a Quarter of the Roman Empire''".{{Sfn|Norwich|1982|pp=11.1–11.2, 127–143}} | |||
{{further|Byzantine Empire under the Palaiologos dynasty}} | |||
Byzantine territories fragmented into competing political entities. The crusaders crowned ] as the ruler of a new ] in Constantinople; it soon suffered ] against the Bulgarians in 1205. It also failed to expand west or east, where three Greek successor states had formed: the ] and the ] in Asia Minor, and the ] on the Adriatic. The Venetians acquired many ports and islands, and the ] emerged in southern Greece.{{sfnm|Laiou|2008|1p=280|Kaldellis|2023|2pp=733–734|Reinert|2002|3pp=250–253|Angold|2009b|4p=731}} Trebizond ] the key port of ] in 1214 and thereafter was unable to affect matters away from the southeastern Black Sea.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1pp=755–758|Angold|2009b|2p=737}} For a time, it seemed like Epirus was the one most likely to reclaim Constantinople from the Latins, and its ruler ] crowned himself emperor, but he suffered ] in 1230 and Epirote power waned.{{sfnm|Laiou|2008|1p=283|Reinert|2002|2p=254|Angold|2009b|3pp=737–738|Kaldellis|2023|4pp=766–770}} | |||
Nicaea, ruled by the ] and composed of a mixture of Byzantine refugees and native Greeks, blocked the Latins and the Seljuks of Rum from expanding east and west respectively.{{sfnm|Reinert|2002|1p=253|Kaldellis|2023|2pp=760–762}} ] ({{reign|1221|1254}}) was a very capable emperor.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1pp=771|Laiou|2008|2pp=282–283}} His ] economic policies strongly encouraged Nicaean ],{{sfnm|Angold|2009b|1p=740|Laiou|2008|2pp=282–283|Kaldellis|2023|3p=772}} while he made many diplomatic treaties, especially after ] armies ] and ] between 1237 and 1243. This chaos was an opportunity for John, who fought numerous successful campaigns against the states which bore the brunt of the ].{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1pp=774–781|Reinert|2002|2p=254}} Soon after his death, ] was usurped by ], founder of the ], who ] in 1261.{{sfnm|Laiou|2008|1p=283|Reinert|2002|2p=254}} | |||
After the sack of Constantinople in 1204 by Latin crusaders, two Byzantine successor states were established: the ] and the ]. A third, the ], was created after ], commanding the ] expedition in ]<ref name=":1">{{Cite journal |last=Vasiliev |first=A. A. |author-link=Alexander Vasiliev (historian) |year=1936 |title=The Foundation of the Empire of Trebizond (1204–1222) |journal=] |volume=11 |issue=1 |pages=18ff |doi=10.2307/2846872 |jstor=2846872}}</ref> a few weeks before the sack of Constantinople, found himself ] emperor and established himself in Trebizond. Of the three successor states, Epirus and Nicaea stood the best chance of reclaiming Constantinople. The Nicaean Empire struggled to survive the next few decades, however, and by the mid-13th century it had lost much of southern Anatolia.{{Sfnm|Kean|2006|Madden|2005|1pp=150, 164|2p=162}} The weakening of the ] following the ] allowed many ] and ] to set up their own principalities in Anatolia, weakening the Byzantine hold on Asia Minor.{{Sfn|Köprülü|1992|pp=33, 41}} Two centuries later, one of the Beys of these beyliks, ], would establish the ] that would eventually conquer Constantinople.{{Sfn|Köprülü|1992|pp=3–4}} However, the Mongol invasion also gave Nicaea a temporary respite from Seljuk attacks, allowing it to concentrate on the Latin Empire to its north. | |||
Michael chose to expand the empire, gaining only short-term success. To avoid another sacking of the capital by the Latins, he forced the Church to submit to Rome, again a temporary solution for which the peasantry hated Michael and Constantinople.{{Sfn|Reinert|2002|p=257}} The efforts of ] and later his grandson ] marked Byzantium's last genuine attempts to restore the glory of the empire. However, the use of mercenaries by Andronikos II often backfired, like the time the ] ravaged the countryside, which increased public resentment towards Constantinople.{{Sfn|Reinert|2002|p=261}} | |||
The Empire of Nicaea, founded by the ], managed to ] in 1261 and defeat ]. This led to a short-lived revival of Byzantine fortunes under ], but the war-ravaged empire was ill-equipped to deal with the enemies that surrounded it. To maintain his campaigns against the Latins, Michael pulled troops from Asia Minor and levied crippling taxes on the peasantry, causing much resentment.{{Sfnm|Madden|2005|Reinert|2002|1p=179|2p=260}} Massive construction projects were completed in Constantinople to repair the damage of the Fourth Crusade, but none of these initiatives were of any comfort to the farmers in Asia Minor suffering raids from Muslim ghazis.{{Sfn|Reinert|2002|p=257}} | |||
Rather than holding on to his possessions in Asia Minor, Michael chose to expand the empire, gaining only short-term success. To avoid another sacking of the capital by the Latins, he forced the Church to submit to Rome, again a temporary solution for which the peasantry hated Michael and Constantinople.{{Sfn|Reinert|2002|p=257}} The efforts of ] and later his grandson ] marked Byzantium's last genuine attempts to restoring the glory of the empire. However, the use of mercenaries by Andronikos II often backfired, with the ] ravaging the countryside and increasing resentment towards Constantinople.{{Sfn|Reinert|2002|p=261}} | |||
=== Fall === | |||
{{Main|Byzantine–Ottoman wars|Fall of Constantinople}} | |||
] in 1453, depicted in a 15th-century French miniature|alt=A painting of a siege of a city]] | ] in 1453, depicted in a 15th-century French miniature|alt=A painting of a siege of a city]] | ||
The situation became worse for Byzantium during the civil wars after Andronikos III died. A ] devastated the empire, allowing the Serbian ruler ] to overrun most of the empire's remaining territory and establish a ]. In 1354, an earthquake at ] devastated the fort, allowing the ] |
The situation became worse for Byzantium during the civil wars which erupted after Andronikos III died. A ] devastated the empire, allowing the Serbian ruler ] to overrun most of the empire's remaining territory and establish a ].{{sfn|Vasiliev|1964|pp=617–619}} In 1354, an earthquake at ] devastated the fort, allowing the ] to ] and establish themselves in Europe, after originally being hired as mercenaries during the civil war by ].{{Sfnm|Reinert|2002|1p=268|Vasiliev|1964|2p=622}} By the time the Byzantine civil wars ended, the Ottomans had ] and subjugated them as vassals. After the ], much of the Balkans became dominated by the Ottomans.{{Sfn|Reinert|2002|p=270}} | ||
Constantinople by this stage was underpopulated and dilapidated. The population of the city had collapsed so severely that it was now little more than a cluster of villages separated by fields. On 2 April 1453, ]'s army of 80,000 men and large numbers of irregulars laid siege to the city.{{Sfn|Runciman|1990|pp=84–86}} Despite a desperate last-ditch defence of the city by the massively outnumbered Christian forces (c. 7,000 men, 2,000 of whom were foreign),{{sfnm|Runciman|1990|1pp=84–85}} Constantinople finally fell to the Ottomans after a two-month siege on 29 May 1453. The final Byzantine emperor, ], was last seen casting off his imperial regalia and throwing himself into hand-to-hand combat after the walls of the city were taken.{{Sfn|Hindley|2004|p=300}} | |||
== Geography == | |||
{{Main|Outline of the Byzantine Empire#Geography of the Byzantine Empire}} | |||
The Empire was centred in what is now ] and ] with ] as its capital.{{sfnm|Stathakopoulos|2023|1p=29|Herrin|2009|2p=24}} In the 5th century, it controlled the eastern basis of the Mediterranean running east from ] (modern ]) in a line through the ] and south to ].{{sfn|Herrin|2009|p=24}} This encompassed most of the ], all of modern Greece, Turkey, ], ]; North Africa, primarily with modern ] and ]; the ] along with ], ] and ], and a small settlement in ].{{sfnm|Stathakopoulos|2023|1p=29|Herrin|2009|2p=24}} | |||
The landscape of the Empire was defined by the fertile fields of ], long mountain ranges and rivers such as the ].{{sfn|Stathakopoulos|2023|pp=29–30}} In the north and west were the Balkans, the corridors between the mountain ranges of ], the ], the ] and the ]. In the south and east were Anatolia, the ] and the ]-] range, which served as passages for armies, while the ] lay between the Empire and its eastern neighbours.{{sfn|Stathakopoulos|2023|p=30}} | |||
Constantinople at this stage was underpopulated and dilapidated. The population of the city had collapsed so severely that it was now little more than a cluster of villages separated by fields. On 2 April 1453, ]'s army of 80,000 men and large numbers of irregulars laid siege to the city.{{Sfn|Runciman|1990|pp=84–86}} Despite a desperate last-ditch defence of the city by the massively outnumbered Christian forces (c. 7,000 men, 2,000 of whom were foreign),{{sfnm|Runciman|1990|1pp=84–85}} Constantinople finally fell to the Ottomans after ]. The final Byzantine emperor, ], was last seen casting off his imperial regalia and throwing himself into hand-to-hand combat after the walls of the city were taken.{{Sfn|Hindley|2004|p=300}} | |||
] connected the Empire by land, with the ] running from Constantinople to the Albanian coast through ] and the ] to Adrianople (modern ]), Serdica (modern ]) and Singidunum.{{sfn|Stathakopoulos|2023|pp=30–31}} By water, Crete, Cyprus and Sicily were key naval points and the main ports connecting Constantinople were Alexandria, Gaza, ] and Antioch.{{sfnm|Stathakopoulos|2023|1p=30|Herrin|2009|2p=25}} The ] was considered an internal lake within the Empire.{{sfn|Stathakopoulos|2023|p=30}} | |||
== Government == | == Government == | ||
Line 251: | Line 206: | ||
=== Governance === | === Governance === | ||
{{See also|Roman emperor|Coronation of the Byzantine emperor|Byzantine bureaucracy and aristocracy}} | {{See also|Roman emperor|Coronation of the Byzantine emperor|Byzantine bureaucracy and aristocracy}} | ||
The patriarch inaugurated emperors from 457 onwards, while the crowds of Constantinople proclaimed their support, thus legitimizing their rule.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1pp=35, 189, 222|Nicol|1988|2p=63|Howard-Johnston|2024|3p=8}} The ] originally had its own identity but later became a ceremonial extension of the emperor's court.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1p=35|Howard-Johnston|2024|2p=8|Browning|1992|3p=98}} The reign of Phocas ({{Reign|602|610}}) was the first military coup after the third century, and he was one of 43 emperors violently removed from power.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1p=338|Treadgold|1997|2p=326|Nicol|1988|3p=64}} From Heraclius' accession in 610 till 1453, a total of nine dynasties ruled the Empire. During this time, for only 30 of the 843 years were the reigning emperors unrelated by blood or kinship, largely due to the practice of co-emperorship.{{sfn|Nicol|1988|p=63}} | |||
The emperor was the centre of the whole administration of the Empire, who the legal historian Kaius Tuori has said was "above the law, within the law, and the law itself"; with a power that is difficult to define{{efn|Scholars from the previous and current generation who still cite the historian ] focus on Byzantinian emperors being '']'', the "living law", both lawgiver and administrator, claimed as being in accordance with what Justinian I had codified.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Maas |first=Michael |date=1986 |title=Roman History and Christian Ideology in Justinianic Reform Legislation |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/1291527 |journal=Dumbarton Oaks Papers |volume=40 |page=29 |doi=10.2307/1291527 |jstor=1291527 |issn=0070-7546}}</ref><ref>{{Cite journal |last=Atkinson |first=J.E. |date=2000 |title=Justinian and the Tribulations of Transformation |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/24595080 |journal=Acta Classica |volume=43 |page=18 |jstor=24595080 |issn=0065-1141}}</ref><ref>{{Cite book |title=Encyclopedia of medieval philosophy: philosophy between 500 and 1500 |date=2020 |publisher=Springer |isbn=978-94-024-1663-3 |editor-last=Lagerlund |editor-first=Henrik |last=Christov |first=Ivan |edition=2nd |series=Springer reference |location=Dordrecht |chapter=Political Philosophy, Byzantine| page=1574}}</ref>{{sfnm|Nicol|1988|1pp=64–65 |Bleicken |1978 |2p=6 |Tussay|2022}} The concept is associated with Hellenistic ideas of kingship and authoritarianism that influenced medieval thought of absolute power, and is now better understood as being promoted by the pagan rhetorician ] from 364 as the Empire transitioned into Christianity.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Hadas |first=Moses |author-link=Moses Hadas |date=1958 |editor-last=Voegelin |editor-first=Eric |editor1-link=Eric Voegelin |title=Order and History |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/2708049 |journal=Journal of the History of Ideas |volume=19 |issue=3 |page=444 |doi=10.2307/2708049 |jstor=2708049 |issn=0022-5037}}</ref><ref>{{Cite journal |last=Stertz |first=Stephen A. |date=1976 |title=Themistius: A Hellenic Philosopher-Statesman in the Christian Roman Empire |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/3298499 |journal=The Classical Journal |volume=71 |issue=4 |page=358 |jstor=3298499 |issn=0009-8353}}</ref>{{sfn|Tussay|2022|pp=11, 15}} More recent scholarship, such as the narrative histories of ] and ], or edited collections such as The Oxford Handbook of Byzantine Studies do not even mention the concept. It has been used as a way to distinguish earlier Roman emperors and Byzantine philosophy, but it is now understood that there was no real change and that the concept codified by Justinian originated with the power transition of the ].{{sfnm|Bleicken|1978|1p=25|Tuori|2016|2p=11}}}} and which does not align with our modern understanding of the separation of powers.{{sfn|Tuori|2016|page=11}}<ref>{{Cite book |last=Eck |first=Werner |chapter=The Emperor, the Law and Imperial Administration |date=2016|title=The Oxford Handbook of Roman Law and Society |page=108 |editor-last=DuPlessis |editor-first=Paul J. |editor-last2=Tuori |editor-first2=Kaius |editor-last3=Ando |editor-first3=Clifford |url=http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198728689.013.8 |access-date=2024-08-15 |place=Oxford and New York |publisher=Oxford University Press |doi=10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198728689.013.8 |isbn=978-0-19-872868-9}}</ref><ref>{{Cite book |last=Christoforou |first=Panayiotis |chapter=A History of the Roman Emperor |date=2023-07-31 |title=Imagining the Roman Emperor: Perceptions of Rulers in the High Empire |page=28 |url=http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/9781009362504.003 |access-date=2024-08-15 |place=Cambridge, New York, Port Melbourne, New Delhi and Singapore |publisher=Cambridge University Press |doi=10.1017/9781009362504.003 |isbn=978-1-009-36250-4}}</ref> The proclamations of the crowds of Constantinople, and the inaugurations of the patriarch from 457, would legitimise the rule of an emperor.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1pp=35, 189, 222|Nicol|1988|2p=63|Howard-Johnston|2024|3p=8}} The ] had its own identity but would become an extension of the emperor's court, becoming largely ceremonial.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1p=35|Howard-Johnston|2024|2p=8|Browning|1992|3p=98}} | |||
Diocletian and Constantine's reforms reorganized the Empire into ]s and separated the army from the civil administration.{{sfnm|Louth|2005|1pp=306–308|Treadgold|1997|2pp=82–83}} From the 7th century onward, these prefectures were reorganized into provinces and later divided into districts called '']'', governed by military commanders known as '']'', who oversaw both civil and military matters.{{sfnm|Louth|2005|1p=303|Treadgold|1997|2pp=430–431|Kaldellis|2023|3pp=418, 421}} Before this change, cities were self-governing communities represented by central government and church officials, while emperors focused on defense and foreign relations.{{sfnm|Browning|1992|1p=98|Kaldellis|2023|2p=185}} However, constant wars and raids by Arab forces drastically changed this structure. City councils declined, as did the local elites who supported them. Through his legal reforms, Leo VI ({{reign|886|912}}) centralised power, formally ending city councils' rights and the legislative authority of the senate.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1pp=397, 407–409, 536|Howard-Johnston|2024|2p=67|Browning|1992|3p=98}} | |||
The reign of Phocas ({{Reign|602|610}}) was the first military overthrow since the third century, his reign also being one of 43 emperors violently removed.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1p=338|Treadgold|1997|2p=326|Nicol|1988|3p=64}} The historian ] states that there were nine dynasties between Heraclius in 610 and 1453, however, for only 30 of those 843 years was the Empire not ruled by men linked by blood or kinship which was largely due to the practice of co-emperorship.{{sfn|Nicol|1988|p=63}} | |||
As a result of the Diocletianic–Constantinian reforms, the Empire was organised into ]s and the army was separated from the civil administration.{{sfnm|Louth|2005|1pp=306–308|Treadgold|1997|2pp=82–83}} From the 7th century onwards, the prefectures became provinces and were later divided into districts called '']'' governed by a military commander called a ''strategos'' who oversaw the civil and military administration.{{sfnm|Louth|2005|1p=303|Treadgold|1997|2pp=430–431|Kaldellis|2023|3pp=418, 421}} | |||
In earlier times, cities had been a collection of self-governing communities with central government and church representatives, whereas the emperor focused on defense and foreign relations.{{sfnm|Browning|1992|1p=98|Kaldellis|2023|2p=185}} The Arab destruction primarily changed this due to constant war and their regular raids, with a decline in city councils and the local elites that supported them.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|Howard-Johnston|2024|2p=67|1pp=397, 407–409, 536}} The historian ] states that due to the Empire's fight for survival, it developed into one centre of power, with Leo VI ({{reign|886|912}}) during his legal reforms formally ending the rights of city councils and the legislative authority of the senate.{{sfn|Browning|1992|p=98}} | |||
=== Diplomacy === | === Diplomacy === | ||
{{main|Byzantine diplomacy}} | {{main|Byzantine diplomacy}} | ||
{{see also|Foreign relations of the Byzantine Empire}} | {{see also|Foreign relations of the Byzantine Empire}} | ||
Diplomacy is often regarded as one of the Empire's lasting contributions to European history, particularly in preserving civilization in Eastern Europe.{{sfn|Obolensky|1994|p=3}} This reputation stems from its aggressive treaty negotiations, alliances with the enemies of its adversaries, and strategic partnerships.{{sfn|Zhang|2023|p=221}} For instance, the Empire supported the Turks against the Persians during the ] and exploited tensions between the ] and the ].{{sfn|Kaldellis|2023|pp=322–323, 325, 366–367, 511}} Diplomacy frequently involved long-term embassies, hosting foreign royals as political pawns, and deliberately displaying wealth and power to ensure such impressions spread widely.{{sfnm|Neumann|2006|1pp=4–5|Chrysos|1990|2p=35|Shepard|1990a|3pp=61–66}} Other diplomatic strategies included political marriages, granting titles, bribery, persuasion, and intelligence gathering.{{sfnm|Zhang|2023|1p=221|2a1=Sinnigen|2y=1963|2p=|Haldon|1990|3pp=281–282|Shepard|1990a|4pp=65–67}} Notably, the ']', established in the 4th century, is considered one of the earliest foreign intelligence agencies.{{sfn|Zhang|2023|p=221}} | |||
] in 829, |
] in 829, sent by emperor ] to the Abbasid caliph ] |alt=Manuscript illustration of an embassy travelling between two rulers]] | ||
Diplomacy after the reign of Theodosius I ({{reign|379|395}}) shifted significantly from the more conquest-focused policies of the ], instead emphasizing peace as a strategic necessity.{{sfn|Whitby|2008|pp=122–123}} Even in the 6th century, when the Empire had greater resources and fewer threats, the enormous costs of defense, agricultural self-reliance, and aggressive neighbors made avoiding war a priority.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1p=309|Whitby|2008|2pp=122–123, 125|Haldon|1990|3p=282-283}} Between the 4th and 8th centuries, diplomats capitalized on the Empire's reputation as the ''Orbis Romanus'' and its administrative sophistication to influence new settlements on former Roman territories.{{sfnm|Chrysos|1990|1pp=25,36|Haldon|1990|2p=289}} Byzantine diplomacy often drew fledgling states into dependency, creating a network of inter-state relations (the ]) dominated by the Empire and leveraging Christianity to strengthen these ties.{{sfnm|Haldon|1990|1p=289|Chrysos|1990|2pp=25, 33, 35|Neumann|2006|3pp=4–5}} This network emphasized treaty-making, integrating new rulers into the "family of kings," and assimilating values, institutions, and attitudes.{{sfnm|Chrysos|1990|1pp=33, 35|Neumann|2006|2pp=4–5|Kaldellis|2023|3p=338}} These practices have even been referred to as creating a "Byzantine Caliphate", where religion re-framed the civilised-versus-barbarian dichotomy in classical times.{{sfnm|Chrysos|1990|1pp=33, 35|Zhang|2023|2p=221}} By contrast, diplomatic relations with Muslim states focused primarily on war-related issues, such as negotiating hostages or preventing hostilities.{{sfnm|Kazhdan|1990|1p=4|Kennedy|1990|2pp=134, 137, 143}} | |||
] during his visit |
] of Emperor ] during his visit to ] and ] in 1438|alt=A pencil sketch of a bearded, crowned horseman]] | ||
Peace and survival, rather than conquest, were central objectives. Historians describe this approach as "defensive imperialism," which evolved between the 9th and 10th centuries to include halting and reversing Muslim advances, cultivating alliances with Armenians and Rus, and subjugating the Bulgarians.{{sfnm|Kazhdan|1990|1pp=7, 10|Kennedy|1990|2p=134|Chrysos|1990|3pp=28–29|Howard-Johnston|2008|4p=949|Haldon|1990|5pp=286,949}}{{sfn|Howard-Johnston|2008|p=949}} Diplomatic relations with Western states became more challenging after 752–753 and particularly during the Crusades, as shifts in the balance of power undermined the Empire's dominance and its use of the ].{{sfn|Kazhdan|1990|pp=5, 11, 13, 20}} By the 11th century, the Empire adopted a principle of diplomatic equality, leveraging the emperor's personal presence to negotiate.{{sfn|Kazhdan|1990|pp=20–21}} | |||
After recovering Constantinople in 1261, the Empire maintained its influence as a great power in the 13th and 14th centuries, despite its declining strength. This success is attributed to its efficient statecraft and strategic use of the Constantinople patriarch.{{sfnm|Howard-Johnston|2008|1p=945|Oikonomides|1990|2p=74-77}} | |||
Complex diplomatic manoeuvring is how ] managed to recover Constantinople in 1261 and its statecraft is what allowed the weakened Empire to act like a great power of the past in the 13–14th centuries.{{sfnm|Howard-Johnston|2008|1p=945|Oikonomides|1990|2p=74}} The historian ] states that the Constantinople patriarch elevated the emperor's credibility, during this challenging time as the Empire battled militant Islam geographically and Latin Christians economically; and ultimately, it was its efficient foreign relations that kept the state alive in this late era and not anything else.{{sfn|Oikonomides|1990|pp=74–77}} | |||
=== Law === | === Law === | ||
{{Main|Byzantine law}} | {{Main|Byzantine law}} | ||
] |
] originated with the ] and evolved primarily through the annual ] and the opinions of educated specialists known as ]s.{{sfnm|Chitwood|2017|Stein|1999|1p=16|2pp=3–4, 8, 16|Longchamps de Berier|2014|3pp=217–218}} Hadrian ({{reign|117|138}}) made the Praetorian Edict permanent and established a rule where a legal point jurists unanimously agreed on became law.{{sfnm|Stein|1999|1pp=14, 16}} Over time, conflicting legal sources caused confusion about what the law should be.{{sfnm|Gregory|2010|1p=135|Kaldellis|2023|2p=168|Stein|1999|3p=27}} Efforts to address this included two private collections of imperial constitutions compiled during Diocletian's reign (284–305), the ]'' and the '']'' ({{reign|284|305}}).{{sfnm|Dingledy|2019|Kaiser|2015|1pp=2–14|2p=120}} | ||
Eventually, an official reform of Roman law was initiated by the East, when Theodosius II ({{reign|402|450}}) elevated five Jurists to the role of principal authorities and compiled the legislation issued since Constantine's reign into the ].{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|Stein|1999|Kaiser|2015|1p=168|3p=120|2pp=14, 16, 28}} This work was completed by what is collectively known today as the '']'', when Justinian I ({{reign|527|565}}) commissioned a complete standardisation of imperial decrees since Hadrian's reign, and also incorporated a comprehensive collection of Jurists' opinions, resolving conflicts to create a final authority.{{sfnm|Gregory|2010|Stein|1999|1p=135|2pp=33–35|Dingledy|2019|3pp=2–14|Kaiser|2015|4pp=123–126}} This work was not restricted in its scope to just ], but also covered the power of the emperor, the organisation of the Empire and other matters now classified as ].{{sfnm|MerrymanPérez-Perdomo|2007|Stein|1999|1p=8|2p=21}} After 534, Justinian would legislate the ] in Greek as well, which legal historian Bernard Stolte proposes as a convenient breaking point to demarcate the end of Roman law and the start of Byzantine law. This division is proposed largely due to the legal heritage of Western Europe coming mostly from law written in Latin as transmitted through the ''Corpus Juris Civilis''.{{sfn|Stolte|2015|pp=356, 370}}<ref>{{Cite book |last=Stolte |first=Bernard |url=https://academic.oup.com/edited-volume/27972/chapter/211607076 |title=Byzantine Law |date=2018 |publisher=Oxford University Press |editor-last=Pihlajamäki |editor-first=Heikki |volume=1 |language=en |doi=10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198785521.013.10 |editor-last2=Dubber |editor-first2=Markus D. |editor-last3=Godfrey |editor-first3=Mark|pages=231–232 |location=Oxford and New York}}</ref> | |||
Theodosius II ({{reign|402|450}}) formalized Roman law by appointing five jurists as principal authorities and compiling legislation issued since Constantine’s reign into the ].{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|Stein|1999|Kaiser|2015|1p=168|3p=120|2pp=14, 16, 28}} This process culminated in the '']'' under Justinian I ({{reign|527|565}}), who commissioned a complete standardization of imperial decrees since Hadrian’s time and resolved conflicting legal opinions.{{sfnm|Gregory|2010|Stein|1999|1p=135|2pp=33–35|Dingledy|2019|3pp=2–14|Kaiser|2015|4pp=123–126}} The result became the definitive legal authority. This body of law covered not only ] but also ], including imperial power and administrative organization.{{sfnm|Stein|1999|1p=8|2a1=Merryman|2a2=Pérez-Perdomo|2y=2007|2p=21}} After 534, Justinian issued the ] in Greek, which marked a transition from Roman to Byzantine law. Legal historian Bernard Stolte distinguishes Roman law as this because Western Europe inherited law through the Latin texts of the ''Corpus Juris Civilis'' only.{{sfnm|Stolte|2015|1pp=356, 370|Stolte|2018|2pp=231–232}} | |||
The researcher Zachary Chitwood claims that the ''Corpus Juris Civilis'' was inaccessible in Latin, particularly in the Empire's provinces.{{sfn|Chitwood|2017|p=23}} There was also a stronger association of Christianity with the law, after people questioned how the law was developed and used following the 7th century Islamic conquests.{{sfn|Chitwood|2017|p=185}} Together, this created the backdrop for Leo III ({{Reign|717|741}}) to develop the '']'', 'with a greater view of humanity'.{{sfnm|Chitwood|2017|1p=185|Nicol|1988|2pp=23–24|2p=65}} The three so-called ''leges speciales'' (the Farmers' Law, the Seamen's Law, and the Soldiers' Law) were derived from the ''Ecloga,'' which Zachary Chitwood claims were likely used on a daily basis in the provinces as companions to the ''Corpus Juris Civilis''.{{sfn|Chitwood|2017|pp=23, 132, 364}} The Macedonian dynasty started their reform attempts with the ''Procheiron'' and the ''Eisagoge'' to replace the ''Ecloga'' due to its associations with ], but also noteworthy because they show an effort to define the emperor's power according to the prevalent laws.{{sfnm|Browning|1992|Kaldellis|2023|Chitwood|2017|1p=97|2p=529|3pp=25–32, 44}} Leo VI ({{Reign|886|912}}) achieved the ] of Roman law in the Greek language with the '']'', a monumental work consisting of 60 books, and that became the foundation of all subsequent Byzantine law.{{sfnm|Browning|1992|Chitwood|2017|Kaldellis|2023|1pp=97–98|2pp=32–35|3p=529}} The '']'', published in 1345 by a jurist, was a law book in six volumes compiled from a wide range of Byzantine legal sources.{{sfn|Stein|1999|p=35}} | |||
Zachary Chitwood argues that the ''Corpus Juris Civilis'' was largely inaccessible in Latin, particularly in the provinces.{{sfn|Chitwood|2017|p=23}} Following the 7th-century Islamic conquests, people began questioning the development and application of law, leading to stronger ties between law and Christianity.{{sfn|Chitwood|2017|p=185}} This context influenced Leo III ({{Reign|717|741}}) to develop the '']'', which emphasized humanity.{{sfnm|Chitwood|2017|1p=185|Nicol|1988|2pp=23–24|2p=65}} The Ecloga inspired practical legal texts like the ''Farmers' Law, Seamen's Law,'' and ''Soldiers' Law'', which Chitwood suggests were used daily in the provinces as companions to the ''Corpus Juris Civilis''.{{sfn|Chitwood|2017|pp=23, 132, 364}} During the Macedonian dynasty, efforts to reform law began with the ''Procheiron'' and the ''Eisagoge'', which aimed to replace the ''Ecloga'' due to its association with ] and to define the emperor's power under prevailing laws.{{sfnm|Browning|1992|Kaldellis|2023|Chitwood|2017|1p=97|2p=529|3pp=25–32, 44}} Leo VI ({{Reign|886|912}}) completed a ] of Roman law in Greek through the '']'', a monumental work of 60 books that became the foundation of Byzantine law.{{sfnm|Browning|1992|Chitwood|2017|Kaldellis|2023|1pp=97–98|2pp=32–35|3p=529}} Later, in 1345, Constantine Harmenopoulos compiled the '']'', a six-volume law book derived from various Byzantine legal sources.{{sfn|Stein|1999|p=35}} | |||
The Roman and Byzantine law codes form the basis of the modern world's civil law tradition, underlying the legal system of Western and Eastern Europe, Latin America, African nations like Ethiopia, the countries that follow ], with ongoing debates about its impact on Islamic countries.{{sfnm|MerrymanPérez-Perdomo|2007|Stolte|2015|Stein|1999|1pp=10–11|2pp=367–368|3p=36}}<ref>{{Cite book |last=Hudson |first=John |author-link=John Hudson (historian) |url=http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781846158124-009 |title=Magna Carta and the England of King John |date=2010 |publisher=Boydell and Brewer |isbn=978-1-84615-812-4 |editor-last=Senderowitz Loengard |editor1-first=Janet |location=London |page=114 |chapter=Magna Carta, the ius commune, and English Common Law |doi=10.1515/9781846158124-009 |access-date=2024-08-24}}</ref><ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Salogubova |first1=Elena |last2=Zenkov |first2=Alan |date=2018-06-15 |title=Roman law 's influence on russian civil law and procedure |journal=Russian Law Journal |volume=6 |issue=2 |pages=118–133 |doi=10.17589/2309-8678-2018-6-2-118-133 |doi-broken-date=1 November 2024 |issn=2312-3605|doi-access=free }}</ref> As an example, the ''Hexabiblos'' was the basis of Greece's civil code until the mid-20th century.{{sfnm|Stolte|2015|Stolte|1998|Stein|1999|1p=358|2p=264|3p=35}} Historians used to think that "there was no continuity between Roman and Byzantine law", but this view has now changed due to new scholarship.{{sfnm|Chitwood|2017|Stolte|1998|1pp=4, 364–365|2p=264}}<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Stolte |first=Bernard H. |date=2019 |title=Review of Byzantine Legal Culture and the Roman Legal Tradition, 867–1056 |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/26845546 |journal=Speculum |volume=94 |issue=4 |pages=1139–1140 |doi=10.1086/704909 |jstor=26845546 |issn=0038-7134}}</ref> | |||
== Military == | == Military == | ||
=== Army === | === Army === | ||
{{Main|Eastern Roman army|Byzantine army |
{{Main|Eastern Roman army|Byzantine army}} | ||
In the 5th century the East was fielding five armies of ~20,000 each in two army branches: stationary frontier units (]) and mobile forces (]).{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1pp=59, 194| |
In the 5th century the East was fielding five armies of ~20,000 each in two army branches: stationary frontier units (]) and mobile forces (]).{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1pp=59, 194|Haldon|2008b|2p=554|Treadgold|1997|3p=50}} The historian ] claims that the fiscally stretched Empire could only handle one major enemy at a time in the 6th century.{{sfn|Kaldellis|2023|p=331}} The Islamic conquests between 634 and 642 led to significant changes, transforming the 4th-7th centuries field forces into provincial militia-like units which had a core of professional soldiers.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1pp=454–455|Haldon|2008b|2p=555}} The state shifted the burden of supporting the armies onto local populations and during Leo VI ({{Reign|886|912}}) wove them into the tax system, where provinces evolved into military regions known as ''themata''.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1pp=421-422,437|Haldon|2008b|2pp=555–556|Treadgold|1997|3pp=430–431|Neville|2004|4p=7}} Despite many challenges, the historian ] states that the field forces of the Eastern Empire between 284 and 602 were the best in the western world, while the historian Anthony Kaldellis believes that during the conquest period of the ] ({{reign|867|1056}}), they were the best in the empire's history.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1p=562|Treadgold|1995|2p=206}} | ||
The military structure |
The military structure diversified to incorporate militia-like soldiers tied to regions, professional thematic forces (]), and imperial units mostly based in Constantinople (]).{{sfnm|Haldon|2008b|1p=555|Treadgold|1997|2pp=281, 432, 489}} Foreign mercenaries also increasingly became employed, including the better-known ''tagma'' regiment, the ], that guarded the emperor.{{sfnm|Haldon|2008b|1p=556|Blöndal|1979|2pp=17, 20–22, 178–179}} The defence-orientated thematic militias were gradually replaced by more specialised offensive field armies, which could also counter the generals who rebelled against the emperor.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2021a|1p=463|Haldon|2008b|2p=556|Treadgold|1997|3pp=730–734, 737|Treadgold|1995|4p=29}} When the Empire was expanding, the state began to commute thematic military service for cash payments: in the 10th century, there were 6,000 Varangians, another 3,000 foreign mercenaries and when including paid and unpaid citizen soldiers, the army on paper was 140,000 (an expeditionary force was 15,000 soldiers and field armies seldom were more than 40,000).{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2021a|1p=463|Haldon|2008b|2p=555|Treadgold|1997|3pp=735–736}} | ||
The thematic forces faded into insignificance—the government relying on the ''tagmata'', mercenaries and allies instead—and which led to a neglect in defensive capability.{{sfnm| |
The thematic forces faded into insignificance—the government relying on the ''tagmata'', mercenaries and allies instead—and which led to a neglect in defensive capability.{{sfnm|Haldon|2008b|1p=557|Treadgold|1997|2pp=737, 794–796, 810}} Mercenary armies further fueled political divisions and civil wars that led to a collapse in the Empire's defence, and resulted in significant losses over territories such as Italy and the Anatolian heartland in the 11th century.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1p=634|Haldon|2008b|2p=557}} Major military and fiscal reforms under the emperors of the Komnenian dynasty after 1081 re-established a modest-sized, adequately compensated and competent army.{{sfnm|Haldon|2008b|1p=557|Treadgold|1997|2pp=825–826}} However, the costs were not sustainable and the structural weaknesses of the Komnenian approach—namely, the reliance on fiscal exemptions called ]—unraveled after the end of the reign of Manuel I ({{Reign|1143|1180}}).{{sfnm|Haldon|2008b|1p=557|Treadgold|1997|2pp=905–906}} | ||
=== Navy === | === Navy === | ||
{{Main|Byzantine Navy}} | {{Main|Byzantine Navy}} | ||
]'' showing the Byzantine fleet repelling the ] on Constantinople in 941.]] | |||
The navy dominated the eastern Mediterranean and were active also on the Black Sea, the Sea of Marmara, and the Aegean.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1pp=562, 656|Pryor|2002|p=489}} Imperial naval forces were restructured to challenge Arab naval dominance in the 7th century, and would later cede its own dominance to the ] and ] in the 11th century.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1pp=399, 442|Blöndal|1979|2p=29|Haldan|2008|3p=555}} The navy's patrols, in addition to chains of watchtowers and fire signals that warned inhabitants of threats, created the coastal defense for the Empire and were the responsibility of three themes (], ], ]) and an imperial fleet that consisted of mercenaries like the Norsemen and Russians that later became Varangians.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1p=502|Blöndal|1979|2pp=16, 29–30|Haldan|2008|3p=560}} | |||
The navy dominated the eastern Mediterranean and were active also on the Black Sea, the Sea of Marmara, and the Aegean.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1pp=562, 656|Pryor|2008|2p=483}} Imperial naval forces were restructured to challenge Arab naval dominance in the 7th century, and later ceded their own maritime dominance to the ] and ] in the 11th century.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1pp=399, 442|Blöndal|1979|2p=29|Haldon|2008b|3p=555}} The navy's patrols, as well as the chains of watchtowers and fire signals that warned inhabitants of threats, created the coastal defense for the Empire and were the responsibility of three themes: ], ], ] and an imperial fleet that consisted of mercenaries like the Norsemen and Russians that later became Varangians.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1p=502|Blöndal|1979|2pp=16, 29–30|Haldon|2008b|3p=560}} | |||
A new type of war galley, the ], appeared early in the sixth century.{{sfnm|Pryor| |
A new type of war galley, the ], appeared early in the sixth century.{{sfnm|Pryor|2008|1p=487|Pryor|2017|2p=401|Markis|2002a|3p=92}}{{sfn|MacGeorge|2002|p=311}} A multi-purpose variant, the ], appeared during the reign of ] ({{reign|685|711}}) and could be used to transport cavalry.{{sfnm|Pryor|2008|1p=488|Pryor|2017|2p=403|Markis|2002a|3p=93}} The galleys were oar-driven, designed for coastal navigation, and are estimated to be able to operate for up to four days at a time.{{sfn|Pryor|2008|p=489}}{{sfn|Howard-Johnston|2008b|p=240}} They were equipped with apparatus to deliver ] in the 670s, and when ] ({{reign|867|886}}) developed professional marines, this combination kept a check on Muslim raiding through piracy.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1p=489|Blöndal|1979|2p=29|Treadgold|1995|3p=33|Howard-Johnston|2008|4p=947}} The ''dromon'' was the most advanced galley on the Mediterranean, until the 10th century development of a ''dromon'' called a ''galeai'', which superseded ''dromons'' after the development of a late 11th century Western (Southern Italian) variant.{{sfnm|Pryor|2008|1p=489|Pryor|2017|2pp=404, 408}} | ||
=== Late era (1204–1453) === | === Late era (1204–1453) === | ||
{{Main|Byzantine army (Palaiologan era)}} | {{Main|Byzantine army (Palaiologan era)}} | ||
The rulers of the ] that retook the capital and the ] that ruled until 1453, built on the Komnenian foundation initially with four types of military units—the Thelematarii (volunteer soldiers), ] and the Southern Peloponnese Tzacones/Lakones (marines), and Proselontes/Prosalentai (oarsmen)—but similarly could not sustain funding a standing force, largely relying on mercenaries as soldiers and fiscal exemptions to ]rs who provided a small force of mostly cavalry.{{sfnm| |
The rulers of the ] that retook the capital and the ] that ruled until 1453, built on the Komnenian foundation initially with four types of military units—the Thelematarii (volunteer soldiers), ] and the Southern Peloponnese Tzacones/Lakones (marines), and Proselontes/Prosalentai (oarsmen)—but similarly could not sustain funding a standing force, largely relying on mercenaries as soldiers and fiscal exemptions to ]rs who provided a small force of mostly cavalry.{{sfnm|Haldon|2008b|1p=558|Treadgold|1997|2pp=975, 1084}} The Fleet was disbanded in 1284 and attempts were made to build it back later but the ] sabotaged the effort.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1pp=812, 860–861|Treadgold|1997|2pp=989, 1024}} The historian ] claims that over time, the distinction between field troops and garrison units eventually disappeared as resources were strained.{{sfn|Haldon|2008b|p=558}} The frequent civil wars further drained the Empire, now increasingly instigated by foreigners such as the Serbs and Turks to win concessions, and the emperors were dependent on mercenaries to keep control, all the while dealing with the impact of the ].{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1p=1881|Haldon|2008b|2p=559|Treadgold|1997|3p=1112}} The strategy of employing mercenary Turks to fight civil wars was repeatedly used by emperors and always led to the same outcome: subordination to the Turks.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1p=896|Haldon|2008b|2pp=558–559}} | ||
== Society == | == Society == | ||
Line 307: | Line 257: | ||
=== Demography === | === Demography === | ||
{{Main|Population of the Byzantine Empire}} | {{Main|Population of the Byzantine Empire}} | ||
{{See also|Armenians in the Byzantine Empire}} | |||
From the rule of ] ({{reign|284|305}}) until the East's peak following Justinian's recovery of western territories in 540, the population could have been as high as 27 million, but would fall to as low as 12 million in 800.{{Sfnm|Treadgold|1997|1pp=197, 384–385|Kaldellis|2023|2pp=21–22|Stathakopoulos|2008|3p=310}} Plague and loss of territories to the Arab Muslim invaders significantly impacted the Empire, but it recovered, and by the near end of the ] in 1025, the population is estimated to have been as high as 18 million.{{Sfnm|Stathakopoulos|2008|1p=312|Treadgold|1997|2pp=931–932}} A few decades after the recapture of Constantinople in 1282, the Empire's population was in the range of 3–5 million; by 1312, the number had dropped to 2 million.{{Sfnm|Stathakopoulos|2008|1p=313|Treadgold|1997|2p=1112}} By the time the Ottoman Turks captured Constantinople, there were only 50,000 people in the city, which was one-tenth of its population in its prime.{{Sfnm|Stathakopoulos|2008|1pp=310, 314|Stathakopoulos|2023|2p=31|Kaldellis|2023|3p=21}} | |||
As many as 27 million people lived in the Empire at its peak in 540, but fell to as low as 12 million by 800.{{Sfnm|Treadgold|1997|1pp=197, 384–385|Kaldellis|2023|2pp=21–22|Stathakopoulos|2008|3p=310}} Although plague and territorial losses to Arab Muslim invaders weakened the Empire, it eventually recovered and by the near end of the ] in 1025, the population is estimated to have been as high as 18 million.{{Sfnm|Stathakopoulos|2008|1p=312|Treadgold|1997|2pp=931–932}} A few decades after the recapture of Constantinople in 1282, the Empire's population was in the range of 3–5 million; by 1312, the number had dropped to 2 million.{{Sfnm|Stathakopoulos|2008|1p=313|Treadgold|1997|2p=1112}} By the time the Ottoman Turks captured Constantinople, there were only 50,000 people in the city, which was one-tenth of its population in its prime.{{Sfnm|Stathakopoulos|2008|1pp=310, 314|Stathakopoulos|2023|2p=31|Kaldellis|2023|3p=21}} | |||
=== Education === | === Education === | ||
{{Further|Byzantine university|Byzantine rhetoric |
{{Further|Byzantine university|Byzantine rhetoric}} | ||
Education was voluntary and required financial means |
Education was voluntary and required financial means, so the most literate people were often those associated with the church.{{sfnm|Markopoulos|2008|1p=786|Jeffreys|2008|2p=798}} Primary education focused on teaching foundational subjects like reading, writing, and arithmetic whereas Secondary school focused on the ] and ] as their curriculum.{{Sfn|Markopoulos|2008|p=789}} The ] was formed in 425, and refounded in 1046 as a centre for law.{{sfn|Constantelos|1998|p=19|postscript="The fifth century marked a definite turning point in Byzantine higher education. Theodosios ΙΙ founded in 425 a major university with 31 chairs for law, philosophy, medicine, arithmetic, geometry, astronomy, music, rhetoric and other subjects. Fifteen chairs were assigned to Latin and 16 to Greek. The university was reorganized by Michael III (842–867) and flourished down to the fourteenth century."}}{{sfn|Kazhdan|Wharton|1990|p=122}}{{sfn|Rosser|2011|p=xxx}} | ||
=== Transition into an Eastern Christian empire === | |||
{{Further|Anti-paganism policies of the early Byzantine Empire}} | |||
The ] in 212 to all free men residing in its territories transformed the multi-lingual Roman Empire, expanding citizenship to a vast majority of its population and leading to a shift towards societal uniformity, particularly in its citizens' religious practices.{{sfnm|Beard|2015|1pp=165, 521, 527–533|Spawforth|1993|2p=254|Kaldellis|2023|3pp=19–20, 60, 71|Lavan|2016|4pp=32, 34}}<ref>{{Cite book |last1=Heller |first1=Anna |title=Patrie d'origine et patries électives: les citoyennetés multiples dans le monde grec d'époque romaine actes du colloque international de Tours, 6–7 novembre 2009 |last2=Pont |first2=Anne-Valérie |date=2012 |publisher=Ausonius éd. diff. de Boccard |isbn=978-2-35613-061-7 |series=Scripta antiqua |location=Bordeaux Pessac Paris |pages=79–98 |trans-title=Homeland of origin and elective homelands: multiple citizenships in the Greek world during the Roman period; proceedings of the international conference of Tours, 6–7 November 2009 |language=fr}} Referenced with commentary by Christina Kokkinia in {{Cite journal |title=Review of: Law, Language, and Empire in the Roman Tradition. Empire and After |url=https://bmcr.brynmawr.edu/2012/2012.06.10/ |journal=Bryn Mawr Classical Review |issn=1055-7660}} and {{Cite book |last=Ando |first=Clifford |title=Law, language, and empire in the Roman tradition |date=2011 |publisher=University of Pennsylvania Press |isbn=978-0-8122-4354-3 |series=Empire and after |author-link=Clifford Ando |location=Philadelphia |page=46 |doi=10.9783/9780812204889}} Referenced with commentary by Christina Kokkinia in {{Cite journal |title=Review of: Law, Language, and Empire in the Roman Tradition. Empire and After |url=https://bmcr.brynmawr.edu/2012/2012.06.10/ |journal=Bryn Mawr Classical Review |issn=1055-7660}}</ref><ref>{{Cite journal |last=Adams |first=J. N. |date=2003 |title='Romanitas' and the Latin Language |url=http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/53.1.184 |journal=The Classical Quarterly |volume=53 |issue=1 |pages=185–186, 205 |doi=10.1093/cq/53.1.184 |issn=0009-8388}}</ref> ]'s reforms significantly altered governmental structure, reach and taxation, and these reforms also had the effect of downgrading the first capital, Rome.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1p=34|Treadgold|1997|2pp=39, 45, 85|Rotman|2022|3pp=41–43|Greatrex|2008|3p=234–235}} The ] dynasty's support for Christianity, as well as the elevation of Constantinople as an imperial seat, further solidified this transformation.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1p=34|Treadgold|1997|2pp=85–86, 94, 153}}<ref>{{Cite book |last=Moser |first=Muriel |chapter=The Senatorial Officials of Constantius II |date=2018 |title=Emperor and Senators in the Reign of Constantius II: Maintaining Imperial Rule Between Rome and Constantinople in the Fourth Century AD |pages=215–228, 325 |url=http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/9781108646086.004 |access-date=2024-08-16 |place=Cambridge, New York, Port Melbourne, New Delhi and Singapore |publisher=Cambridge University Press |doi=10.1017/9781108646086.004 |isbn=978-1-108-64608-6}}</ref> | |||
In the late 4th century, when the majority of the Empire's citizens were pagan, ] built on previous emperors' bans and enacted many laws restricting pagan activities; but it would not be until ] in 529 when conversions would be enforced.{{Sfnm|FriellWilliams|2005|1p=121|Greatrex|2008|2p=236|Kaldellis|2023|3pp=138, 178|Treadgold|1997|4pp=72, 94, 113|Salzman|1993|5p=364}} The confiscation of pagan treasures, diversion of funds, and legal discrimination led to the decline of paganism, resulting in events like the closure of schools of philosophy and the end of the ].{{efn|The historian Sofie Remijsen indicates that there are several reasons to conclude that the Olympic games continued after Theodosius I, as the traditional end day of 393 is linked to his anti-pagan constitution. She argues that the games instead came to an end under Theodosius II when a fire burned down the temple of the Olympian Zeus during his reign.<ref>{{Cite book |last=Remijsen |first=Sofie |url=http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9781107279636 |title=The End of Greek Athletics in Late Antiquity |date=2015 |publisher=Cambridge University Press |isbn=978-1-107-27963-6|pages=47–49|doi=10.1017/cbo9781107279636 }}</ref> The historian ] argues that it's a common misconception that they were banned by decree and that instead the declining interest in chariot games, lack of funding (due to state policies) and hostility from zealots is what led to their end.{{Sfn|Kaldellis|2023|p=138}}}}{{Sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1pp=25, 67–68, 179, 181, 340|Treadgold|1997|2pp=71, 252–253}} Christianity was also aided by the prevalence of Greek, and Christianity's debates further increased the importance of Greek, making the emergent church dependent on branches of ] such as ].{{efn|This is despite Hellenic culture already having a long influence on Roman identity and the entrenchment of the Greek language in the east since the Hellenistic era.{{Sfnm|Wallace-Hadrill|1998|1pp=79–91|Goldhill|2024|2pp=847–848|Rochette|2018 |3p=108|Millar|2006|4pp=97–98|Treadgold|1997|5pp=5–7}}}}{{Sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1pp=111, 180|Jones|1986|2p=991 |Treadgold|1997|3pp=27–28, 175–176}} Despite the transition, the historian Anthony Kaldellis views Christianity as "bringing no economic, social, or political changes to the state other than being more deeply integrated into it".{{sfn|Kaldellis|2023|pp=141, 186, 342}} | |||
=== Slavery === | === Slavery === | ||
{{further||Slavery in the Byzantine Empire}} | {{further||Slavery in the Byzantine Empire}} | ||
During the third century, 10–15% of the population was enslaved (numbering around 3 million in the east).{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1p=40|Rotman|2022|2p=32|Lavan|2016|3pp=16, 19}} Youval Rotman calls the changes to slavery during this period "different degrees of unfreedom".{{sfnm|Rotman|2009|1pp=18, 179|Rotman |2022|2p=59}} Previous roles fulfilled by slaves became high-demand free market professions (like tutors), and the state encouraged the ], tenants bound to the land, as a new legal category between freemen and slaves.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1p=39|Lenski|2021|2pp=473–474}} From 294, but not completely, the enslavement of children was forbidden; ] ({{reign|393|423}}) |
During the third century, 10–15% of the population was enslaved (numbering around 3 million in the east).{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1p=40|Rotman|2022|2p=32|Lavan|2016|3pp=16, 19}} Youval Rotman calls the changes to slavery during this period "different degrees of unfreedom".{{sfnm|Rotman|2009|1pp=18, 179|Rotman |2022|2p=59}} Previous roles fulfilled by slaves became high-demand free market professions (like tutors), and the state encouraged the ], tenants bound to the land, as a new legal category between freemen and slaves.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1p=39|Lenski|2021|2pp=473–474}} From 294, but not completely, the enslavement of children was forbidden; ] ({{reign|393|423}}) began freeing enslaved people who were prisoners of war, and from the 9th century onward, emperors freed the slaves of conquered people.{{sfnm|Rotman|2009|1pp=30–31|Kaldellis|2023|2p=425|Rotman|2022|3p=42|Lenski|2021|4p=470|Rotman|2010}} Christianity as an institution had no direct impact, but by the 6th century it was a bishop's duty to ransom Christians, there were established limits on trading them, and state policies which prohibited the enslavement of Christians shaped Byzantine slave-holding from the 8th century onwards.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1p=140|Rotman|2009|2loc=Chapter 2|Rotman|2022|3pp=37–38, 53|Lenski|2021|4pp=461–462}} However, slavery persisted due to a steady source of non-Christians, prices thus remained stable until 1300, when prices for adult slaves, particularly females, started rising.{{sfn|Harper|2010|p=237}}{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1p=40|Rotman|2022|2p=53|Lenski|2021|3pp=467–468}} | ||
=== Socio-economic === | === Socio-economic === | ||
Agriculture was the main basis of taxation and the state sought to bind everyone to land for productivity.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1p=38|Brandes|2008|2p=563}} Most land |
Agriculture was the main basis of taxation and the state sought to bind everyone to land for productivity.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1p=38|Brandes|2008|2p=563}} Most land holdings were small and medium-sized lots around villages, with family farms serving as the primary source of agriculture.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1p=39|Harvey|2008|2p=329}} The ''coloni,'' sometimes called proto-serfs, were free citizens, though historians still debate their exact status.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1p=39|Harvey|2008|2p=331}} | ||
The Ekloge in 741 made marriage a Christian institution and no longer a private contract, |
The Ekloge in 741 made marriage a Christian institution and no longer a private contract, where it evolved alongside the increased rights of slaves and the change in power relations.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1p=444|Rotman|2022|2p=85|Lenski|2021|3pp=464–465}} Marriage was considered an institution to sustain the population, transfer property rights, support the elderly of the family; and the Empress ] had additionally said that it was needed to restrict sexual ].{{sfnm|Talbot|1997|1p=121|Kazhdan|1990a|2p=132}} Women usually married between ages 15 and 20, and the average family had two children.{{sfnm|Rotman|2022|1p=83|Talbot|1997|2p=121|Kaldellis|2023|3p=41|Stathakopoulos|2008|4pp=309, 313}} Divorce could be done by mutual consent but was restricted over time, for example, only being allowed if a married person was joining a convent.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1pp=88, 321, 444, 529, 588, 769|Talbot|1997|2pp=119, 122, 128}} | ||
Inheritance rights were well developed, including for all women.{{sfnm|Harris|2017|1p=13|Kaldellis|2023|2p=41|Garland|2006|3p=xiv}} The historian Anthony Kaldellis claims that these rights may have been what prevented the emergence of large properties and a hereditary nobility capable of intimidating the state.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1p=40}} The prevalence of widows (estimated at 20%) meant that women often controlled family assets as heads of households and businesses, contributing to the rise of some empresses to power.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1pp=40, 592|Stephenson|2010|2p=66}} Women |
Inheritance rights were well developed, including for all women.{{sfnm|Harris|2017|1p=13|Kaldellis|2023|2p=41|Garland|2006|3p=xiv}} The historian Anthony Kaldellis claims that these rights may have been what prevented the emergence of large properties and a hereditary nobility capable of intimidating the state.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1p=40}} The prevalence of widows (estimated at 20%) meant that women often controlled family assets as heads of households and businesses, contributing to the rise of some empresses to power.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1pp=40, 592|Stephenson|2010|2p=66}} Women played significant roles as taxpayers, landowners, and petitioners, often seeking to resolve property disputes in court.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1pp=40, 592|Talbot|1997|2p=129|Garland|2006|3p=xvi}} | ||
=== Women === | === Women === | ||
{{further||Women in the Byzantine Empire}} | {{further||Women in the Byzantine Empire}} | ||
Although women shared the same socio-economic status as men, they faced legal discrimination and had limitations in economic opportunities and vocations.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1p=40|Talbot|1997|2pp=118–119}} Prohibited from serving as soldiers or holding political office, and restricted from serving as ]es in the Church from the 7th century onwards, women were mostly assigned household responsibilities that were "labour-intensive".{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1p=40|Talbot|1997|2pp=126–127|Karras|2004|3pp=309–314}} They worked in professions, such as in the food and textile industry, as medical staff, in public baths, had a heavy presence in retail, and were practicing members of artisan guilds.{{sfnm|Talbot|1997|1pp=130–131|Harris|2017|2p=133|Garland|2006|3p=xiv|Kaldellis|2023|4pp=40–41}} They also worked in disreputable occupations: entertainers, tavern keepers, and prostitutes; a class where some saints and empresses allegedly originated from.{{sfnm|Talbot|1997|1p=131|Kazhdan|1990a|2p=136}} Prostitution was widespread, and attempts were made to limit it, especially during Justinian's reign under the influence of Theodora.{{sfnm|Grosdidier de Matons|1967|1pp=23–25|Garland|1999|2pp=11–39}} Women participated in public life, engaging in social events and protests.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1p=40|Karras|2004|2p=310}} Women's rights |
Although women shared the same socio-economic status as men, they faced legal discrimination and had limitations in economic opportunities and vocations.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1p=40|Talbot|1997|2pp=118–119}} Prohibited from serving as soldiers or holding political office, and restricted from serving as ]es in the Church from the 7th century onwards, women were mostly assigned household responsibilities that were "labour-intensive".{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1p=40|Talbot|1997|2pp=126–127|Karras|2004|3pp=309–314}} They worked in professions, such as in the food and textile industry, as medical staff, in public baths, had a heavy presence in retail, and were practicing members of artisan guilds.{{sfnm|Talbot|1997|1pp=130–131|Harris|2017|2p=133|Garland|2006|3p=xiv|Kaldellis|2023|4pp=40–41}} They also worked in disreputable occupations: entertainers, tavern keepers, and prostitutes; a class where some saints and empresses allegedly originated from.{{sfnm|Talbot|1997|1p=131|Kazhdan|1990a|2p=136}} Prostitution was widespread, and attempts were made to limit it, especially during Justinian's reign under the influence of Theodora.{{sfnm|Grosdidier de Matons|1967|1pp=23–25|Garland|1999|2pp=11–39}} Women participated in public life, engaging in social events and protests.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1p=40|Karras|2004|2p=310}} Women's rights were not better in comparable societies, Western Europe or America until the 19th century.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1p=529|Harris|2017|2p=133}} | ||
=== Language === | === Language === | ||
Line 351: | Line 295: | ||
}} | }} | ||
There was never an official language of the Empire, however, Latin and Greek were the main languages.{{sfnm|Rochette|2023|1p=285|Goldhill|2024|2p=850}} During the early years of the Roman Empire, educated nobles often relied on their knowledge of Greek to meet societal expectations, and knowledge of Latin was useful for a career in the military, government, or law.{{sfn|Dickey|2023|p=4}} In the east, Greek was the dominant language, a legacy of the ].{{sfnm|Rochette|2018|1p=108|Millar|2006|2pp=97–98|Treadgold|1997|3p=5–7}} Greek was also the language of the Christian Church and trade.{{sfnm|McDonnell|2006|1p=77|Millar|2006|2pp=97–98|Oikonomides|1999|3pp=12–13}} | |||
] in light grey. ] in orange. ] in green. Green dots indicate Cappadocian Greek-speaking villages in 1910.<ref>] (1916). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.</ref>|alt=A map showing Pontic Greek dialects in Northern Turkey, Demotic Greek dialects in the west, and Cappadocian Greek dialects in the south.]] | |||
There was never an official language of the Empire, however, Latin and Greek were the main languages.{{sfnm|Rochette|2023|1p=285|Goldhill|2024|2p=850}} During the early years of the Roman Empire, knowledge of Greek had been useful to pass the requirements to be an educated noble, and knowledge of Latin was useful for a career in the military, government, or law.<ref>{{Cite book |last=Dickey |first=Eleanor |author-link=Eleanor Dickey |url=https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/identifier/9781108888387/type/book |title=Latin Loanwords in Ancient Greek: A Lexicon and Analysis |date=2023 |publisher=Cambridge University Press |isbn=978-1-108-88838-7 |edition=1st |location=Cambridge, New York, Port Melbourne, New Delhi and Singapore |page=4 |doi=10.1017/9781108888387 |access-date=21 December 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240209190604/https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/latin-loanwords-in-ancient-greek/F5D4E8C56689A2584BD68753B99CCDE9 |archive-date=9 February 2024 |url-status=live |s2cid=258920619}}</ref> In the east, Greek was the dominant language, a legacy of the ].{{sfnm|Rochette|2018|1p=108|Millar|2006|2pp=97–98|Treadgold|1997|3p=5–7}} Greek was also the language of the Christian Church and trade.{{sfnm|Bryce|1901|1p=59|McDonnell|2006|2p=77|Millar|2006|3pp=97–98|Oikonomides|1999|4pp=12–13}} | |||
Most early emperors were bilingual but had a preference for Latin in the public sphere for political reasons, a practice that first started during the ].{{sfnm|Rochette|2023|1pp=263, 268|Rochette|2018|2pp=114–115, 118|Wallace-Hadrill|1998|3pp=80–83}} Classical languages expert Bruno Rochette claims Latin had experienced a period of spread from the second century{{Nbsp}}BC onwards, and especially so in the western provinces, but not as much in the eastern provinces with a change due to Diocletian's reforms: there was a decline in the knowledge of Greek in the west, and Latin was asserted as the language of power in the east.{{sfnm|Rochette|2011|1pp=560, 562–563|Rochette|2018|2p=109}} | Most early emperors were bilingual but had a preference for Latin in the public sphere for political reasons, a practice that first started during the ].{{sfnm|Rochette|2023|1pp=263, 268|Rochette|2018|2pp=114–115, 118|Wallace-Hadrill|1998|3pp=80–83}} Classical languages expert Bruno Rochette claims Latin had experienced a period of spread from the second century{{Nbsp}}BC onwards, and especially so in the western provinces, but not as much in the eastern provinces with a change due to Diocletian's reforms: there was a decline in the knowledge of Greek in the west, and Latin was asserted as the language of power in the east.{{sfnm|Rochette|2011|1pp=560, 562–563|Rochette|2018|2p=109}} | ||
] in light grey. ] in orange. ] in green. Green dots indicate Cappadocian Greek-speaking villages in 1910.{{sfn|Dawkins|1916}}|alt=A map showing Pontic Greek dialects in Northern Turkey, Demotic Greek dialects in the west, and Cappadocian Greek dialects in the south.]] | |||
Despite this, Greek's influence gradually grew in the government, beginning when ] in 397{{Nbsp}}AD allowed judges to issue decisions in Greek, ] in 439 expanded its use in legal procedures, the first law in Greek was issued in 448, and when ] legislated in the language in the 460s.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1p=191|Rochette|2023|2p=283|Rochette|2011|3p=562}}<ref>{{Cite book |last=Wickham |first=Chris |author-link=Chris Wickham |title=The inheritance of Rome: a history of Europe from 400 to 1000 |date=2009 |publisher=Viking Penguin |isbn=978-0-670-02098-0 |location=New York |page=90}}</ref> ]'s '']'', a compilation of mostly Roman jurists, was written almost entirely in Latin; however, the laws issued after 534, from Justinian's ] onwards, were in both Greek and Latin, which marks the year when the government also officially began to use the former language.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1p=289|Rochette|2011|2p=562|Rochette|2023|3p=283}} | |||
Despite this, Greek's influence gradually grew in the government, beginning when ] in 397{{Nbsp}}AD allowed judges to issue decisions in Greek, ] in 439 expanded its use in legal procedures, the first law in Greek was issued in 448, and when ] legislated in the language in the 460s.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1p=191|Rochette|2023|2p=283|Rochette|2011|3p=562|Wickham|2009|4p=90}} ]'s '']'', a compilation of mostly Roman jurists, was written almost entirely in Latin; however, the laws issued after 534, from Justinian's ] onwards, were in both Greek and Latin, which marks the year when the government officially began to use the former language.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1p=289|Rochette|2011|2p=562|Rochette|2023|3p=283}} | |||
Historian ] states that Greek for a time became ] with the spoken language, known as ] (later, ]), used alongside an older written form (]) until ] won out as the spoken and written standard.{{sfn|Oikonomides|1999|pp=12–13}} Latin fragmented into the incipient ] in the 8th century, following the collapse of the Western Empire after the Muslim invasions broke the connection between speakers.<ref>{{Cite book |last1=Pei |first1=Mario |author-link=Mario Pei |title=The story of Latin and the Romance languages |last2=Gaeng |first2=Paul A. |date=1976 |publisher=Harper & Row |isbn=978-0-06-013312-2 |location=New York |pages=76–81}}</ref>{{sfn|Sedlar|1994|pp=403–440}} During the reign of Justinian ({{Reign| 527|565}}), Latin disappeared in the east, though it may have lingered in the military until ] ({{Reign|610|641}}).{{sfnm|Apostolides|1887|1pp=25–26|Rochette|2023|2p=283}}<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Rance |first=Philip |date=2010 |title=The De Militari Scientia or Müller Fragment as a philological resource. Latin in the East Roman army and two new loanwords in Greek: palmarium and *recala |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/41219881 |journal=Glotta |volume=86 |issue=1–4 |pages=63–64 |doi=10.13109/glot.2010.86.14.63 |jstor=41219881 |issn=0017-1298 |access-date=23 December 2023 |archive-date=7 April 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230407213721/https://www.jstor.org/stable/41219881 |url-status=live }}</ref> Historian ] claims contact with Western Europe in the 10th century revived Latin studies, and by the 11th century, knowledge of Latin was no longer unusual in Constantinople.<ref>{{Cite book |last=Runciman |first=Steven |author-link=Steven Runciman |url=http://archive.org/details/in.ernet.dli.2015.509885 |title=Byzantine Civilisation |date=1933 |publisher=Methuen |location=London |page=232}}</ref> | |||
Historian ] states that Greek for a time became ] with the spoken language, known as ] (later, ]), used alongside an older written form (]) until ] won out as the spoken and written standard.{{sfn|Oikonomides|1999|pp=12–13}} Latin fragmented into the incipient ] in the 8th century, following the collapse of the Western Empire after the Muslim invasions broke the connection between speakers.{{sfn|Pei|Gaeng|1976|pages=76–81}}{{sfn|Sedlar|1994|pp=403–440}} During the reign of Justinian ({{Reign| 527|565}}), Latin disappeared in the east, though it may have lingered in the military until ] ({{Reign|610|641}}).{{sfnm|Apostolides|1887|1pp=25–26|Rochette|2023|2p=283|Rance|2010|3pp=63–64}} Historian ] claims contact with Western Europe in the 10th century revived Latin studies, and by the 11th century, knowledge of Latin was no longer unusual in Constantinople.{{sfn|Runciman|1933|page=232}} | |||
Many other languages are attested in the Empire, not just in Constantinople but also at its frontiers.{{sfnm|Oikonomides|1999|1p=20|Harris|2014|2p=12}} They include ], ], ], ], ], ], ], and ]; these were typically the languages of the lower strata of the population and the illiterate, who were the vast majority.{{sfnm|Beaton|1996|1p=10|Jones|1986|2pp=991–997|Versteegh|1977|3p=1|Harris|2014|4p=12}} The Empire was a multi-lingual state, but Greek bound everyone, and the forces of assimilation would lead to the diversity of its peoples' languages declining over time.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2007|1p=95|Nicol|1993|2pp=1–2}} | |||
Many other languages are attested in the Empire, not just in Constantinople but also at its frontiers.{{sfnm|Oikonomides|1999|1p=20|Harris|2014|2p=12}} They include ], ], ], ], ], ], ], and ]; these were typically the languages of the lower strata of the population and the illiterate, who were the vast majority.{{sfnm|Beaton|1996|1p=10|Jones|1986|2pp=991–997|Versteegh|1977|3p=1|Harris|2014|4p=12}} The Empire initially was a multi-lingual state, and although Greek bound everyone, there was a decline in the diversity of its peoples' languages over time.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2007|1p=95|Nicol|1993|2pp=1–2}} | |||
== Economy == | == Economy == | ||
{{main|Byzantine economy}} | {{main|Byzantine economy}} | ||
{{Further|Byzantine silk|Sino-Roman relations}} | |||
The Empire's geographic and maritime advantages reduced the costs of transporting goods and facilitated trade, making it a key driver of economic growth from antiquity and through the post-classical period.{{sfnm|Whittow|2009|1p=473|2a1=Laiou|2a2=Morrisson|2y=2007|2p=13}} Infrastructure, including roads, public buildings, and the legal system, supported trade and other economic activities.{{sfn|Laiou|Morrisson|2007|p=24}} Regions like Asia Minor, the Aegean islands, Egypt, the Levant, and Africa thrived as mature economic centres despite political challenges and military insecurities.{{sfnm|Whittow|2009|1p=467|2a1=Laiou|2a2=Morrisson|2y=2007|2p=246}} From the mid-6th century onward, however, plagues, invasions, and wars caused populations and economies to decline significantly, leading to the collapse of the ancient economy.{{sfnm|Whittow|2009|1pp=472, 474, 479|Laiou|2002c|2p=698|3a1=Laiou|3a2=Morrisson|3y=2007|3p=24}} Major cities like Constantinople, Antioch, ], and ] continued to support substantial populations exceeding 100,000, while the countryside transitioned into fortified settlements.{{sfnm|Laiou|2002a|1p=177|2a1=Laiou|2a2=Morrisson|2y=2007|2pp=25-26}} These rural areas developed into hamlets and villages, reflecting an economic shift between historical periods toward more efficient land use.{{sfnm|Whittow|2009|1p=465, 471|2a1=Laiou|2a2=Morrisson|2y=2007|2pp=25-26, 232}} | |||
Low population density prompted emperors to encourage migration and resettlement, stimulating agriculture and demographic growth.{{sfn|Laiou|Morrisson|2007|pp=44-46}} By the 9th century, the economy began to revive, marked by increased agricultural production and urban expansion.{{sfnm|Whittow|2009|1pp=473-474|Laiou|2002a|2pp=269-270}} Advances in science, technical knowledge, and literacy gave the Empire a competitive edge over its neighbors.{{sfn|Laiou|Morrisson|2007|pp=19-22, 24}} The 11th and 12th centuries saw the continued rapid population growth, marking the peak of this revival.{{sfnm|Whittow|2009|1p=476|2a1=Laiou|2a2=Morrisson|2y=2007|2pp=90-92}} Meanwhile, Italian merchants, particularly the Venetians, Genoese, and Pisans, took control of international trade, thus reducing the influence of native merchants.{{sfnm|Whittow|2009|1pp=473-476|Laiou|2002a|2pp=25, 402}} The political system grew increasingly extractive and authoritarian, contributing to the Empire's collapse in 1204.{{sfnm|Laiou|2002a|1p=23|Laiou|2002b|2p=1164|3a1=Laiou|3a2=Morrisson|3y=2007|3p=233}} | |||
{{Further|Byzantine silk|Sino-Roman relations}}Following the split of the Western and Eastern Roman Empires, the West fell victim to political instability, social unrest, civil war, and invasions from foreign powers. In contrast, the Byzantines remained comparatively stable, allowing for the growth of a flourishing and resilient economy.{{Sfn|Laiou|Morrisson|2007|p=23}} Institutional stability, such as the presence of a ], and the maintenance of infrastructure created a secure environment for economic growth.{{Sfn|Laiou|Morrisson|2007|p=24}} In the 530s, the territory of the empire encompassed both a massive population of around 30 million people and a wide array of natural resources.{{Sfn|Laiou|Morrisson|2007|p=25}} The Byzantines had access to resources such as abundant ] in the Balkans or the fertile fields of Egypt.{{Sfn|Laiou|Morrisson|2007|pp=29–30}} Large sections of the Byzantine population lived within the many urbanized settlements inherited from the previously unified Roman Empire. Constantinople, the capital of the empire, was the largest city in the world at the time; it housed at least 400,000 people.{{Sfn|Laiou|Morrisson|2007|pp=|p=26}} These cities continued to grow during the 6th century, with evidence of massive construction projects suggesting that the Byzantine treasury remained strong.{{Sfn|Laiou|Morrisson|2007|p=27}} During the 5th and 6th centuries, rural development continued alongside urban development; the number of documented agricultural settlements increased significantly during this period.{{Sfn|Laiou|Morrisson|2007|p=25}} Although the ] and ] by Justinian I were expensive and draining campaigns, they reopened Mediterranean trade routes and parts of the Roman west were reconnected with the east.{{Sfn|Laiou|Morrisson|2007|p=23}}] of ] (527–565) excavated in India probably in the south, an example of ] during the period. ], London|alt=A photograph of a gold coin, showing a man wearing a crown holding up a cross with his right shoulder. On the top are letters in the Roman script.]] | |||
The fall of Constantinople during the Fourth Crusade in 1204 destroyed its wealth, led to the confiscation of large landholdings and the fragmentation of the Empire into smaller rump states, making governance inefficient and increasing the costs of doing business.{{sfnm|Magdalino|2002b|1p=535|Kaldellis|2023|2p=739|3a1=Laiou|3a2=Morrisson|3y=2007|3pp=167-168}} The state gradually lost its control over trade practices, price regulations, the outflow of precious metals, and possibly even the minting of coins.{{Sfn|Matschke|2002|pp=805–806}} Italian merchants further dominated trade as the events of 1204 opened the Black Sea to Western merchants, permanently altering the Empire's fortunes.{{sfnm|Whittow|2009|1p=477|Matschke|2002|2pp=771-772|3a1=Laiou|3a2=Morrisson|3y=2007|3p=203}} Farmers and other economic agents increasingly produced goods for local use and were affected by the insecurity of constant warfare.{{sfnm|Matschke|2002|1p=779|2a1=Laiou|2a2=Morrisson|2y=2007|2p=168}} Despite these challenges, the Empire's mixed economy — characterised by state interventions, public works, and market liberalisation — remained a model of medieval economic adaptability, even as it deteriorated under external pressures.{{sfnm|Whittow|2009|1p=471|2a1=Laiou|2a2=Morrisson|2y=2007|2pp=232-235}} | |||
The ] caused significant demographic decline, negatively affecting the production and demand of the Byzantine economy; consequently, the Imperial treasury took a substantial hit. Economic downturn was worsened by conflicts with the ], ], and ]. Heraclius waged numerous campaigns to fend off the mounting threats to the empire, recovering the wealthy provinces of ], Egypt, and ]. However, these short-term fortunes were quickly reversed following the ]. Beginning in the 630s, the Arab wars with the Romans halved Byzantine territory, including rich provinces such as Egypt.{{Sfn|Laiou|Morrisson|2007|p=24}} These collective disasters led to severe economic deterioration, culminating in large-scale deurbanization and impoverishment throughout the empire.{{Sfn|Laiou|Morrisson|2007|p=39}} Demographic and urban decline sparked the destruction of trade routes, with trade reaching its lowest point by the 8th century.{{Sfn|Laiou|Morrisson|2007|p=24}} Isaurian reforms and Constantine V's repopulation, public works, and tax measures marked the beginning of a revival that continued until 1204 despite territorial contraction.{{Sfnm|Magdalino|2002b|1a1=Laiou|1a2=Morrisson|1y=2007|1pp=3, 45, 49–50, 231|2p=532}} From the 10th century until the end of the 12th, the Byzantine Empire projected an image of luxury; travellers were impressed by the wealth accumulated in the capital.{{Sfnm|Magdalino|2002b|1a1=Laiou|1a2=Morrisson|1y=2007|1pp=90–91, 127, 166–169, 203–204|2p=535}} | |||
The Fourth Crusade led to the disruption of Byzantine manufacturing and the commercial dominance of the Western Europeans in the ], both events which amounted to an economic catastrophe for the empire.{{Sfnm|Magdalino|2002b|1a1=Laiou|1a2=Morrisson|1y=2007|1pp=90–91, 127, 166–169, 203–204|2p=535}} The ] tried to revive the economy, but the late Byzantine state could not gain full control of either foreign or domestic economic forces. Eventually, Constantinople also lost its influence on the ] of trade, price mechanisms, control over the outflow of precious metals and, according to some scholars, even over the minting of coins.{{Sfn|Matschke|2002|pp=805–806}} | |||
The government attempted to exercise formal control over interest rates and to set the parameters for the activity of the ]s and ]s, where they held special interests. The emperor and his officials intervened at times of crises to ensure the stockpiling of provisions for the capital and to keep the prices of cereals affordable. Finally, the government often collected a part of the economic surplus through taxation, and put it back into circulation through either redistribution in the form of salaries to state officials or in the form of investment in public works.{{Sfnm|1=Laiou|2=2002a|1a1=Laiou|1a2=Morrisson|1y=2007|1p=18|2pp=3–4}} | |||
One of the economic foundations of Byzantium was trade, fostered by the maritime character of the empire. Textiles must have been by far the most important item of export; ]s were certainly imported into Egypt and appeared also in Bulgaria and the West.{{Sfnm|2=2002b|1a1=Laiou|1a2=Morrisson|1y=2007|1p=13|2p=723|Laiou}} The state strictly controlled internal and international trade, and retained the monopoly of issuing ], maintaining a durable and flexible monetary system adaptable to the needs of trade.{{Sfnm|1=Laiou|2=2002a|1a1=Laiou|1a2=Morrisson|1y=2007|1p=18|2pp=3–4}} | |||
==Daily life== | ==Daily life== | ||
Line 380: | Line 320: | ||
=== Clothing === | === Clothing === | ||
{{Main|Byzantine dress}} | {{Main|Byzantine dress}} | ||
Historical evidence of Byzantine dress is scant. However, it is known that the court had a distinguishable dress, while non-elite men and women observed certain conventions of clothing.{{sfnm|Shepard|2009|1p=69|Ball|2005|2p=4|Dawson|2006|3pp=41,43}} Fashion trends started in the provinces, and not in the capital, which was more conservative.{{sfn|Ball|2005|pp=57, 75-76, 118-119}} The imperial dress was centred around the '']'', '']'' and crown which represented the empire and the court.{{sfn|Ball|2005|pp=35, 177}} The ''loros'' derived from the ], a ceremonial toga worn by consuls. It was more prominent in the early empire, indicating a continuation of the traditions of the Roman Empire.{{sfn|Ball|2005|pp=12, 29}} Historian Jennifer Ball claims that the '']'' cloak was like a modern-day business suit, which originated with the military, and was an evolution of the '']'' cloak worn by aristocratic men including the emperor during the early empire.{{sfnm|Ball|2005|1pp=24, 30, 32, 34|Dawson|2006|2p=43}} In the middle empire, dresses replaced the tunic for women.{{sfn|Ball|2005|p=9}} The late empire saw the larger influence on Byzantine dress of non-Greek cultures like the Italians (Genoese, Venetian), Turks (Ottomans) and Bulgarians.{{sfn|Ball|2005|p=6}} | |||
It is known that the court had a distinguishable dress, while certain conventions of clothing were observed by non-elite men and women.{{sfn|Shepard|2009|p=69}} However, no garments survive, with the historical record distorted and incomplete.{{sfnm|Ball|2005|1p=4|Dawsom|2006|2pp=41,43}} Art historian Jennifer Ball claims that a fashion system began in the Empire many centuries before western Europe, and was not merely a textile industry, with trends driven by the provinces and not the capital which was more conservative.{{sfn|Ball|2005|pp=57, 75-76, 118-119}} | |||
The imperial dress was centred around the ], tzangia and crown which represented the Empire and the court.{{sfn|Ball|2005|pp=35, 177}} The ''Loros'' derived from the ], a ceremonial toga worn by consuls and was more prominent in the earlier period, showing a continuation of the traditions of the Roman Empire.{{sfn|Ball|2005|pp=12, 29}} Jennifer Ball claims the ] was like a modern-day business suit, which originated with the military and is an evolution of the ], that aristocratic men wore (including the emperor during the early period).{{sfnm|Ball|2005|1pp=24, 30, 32, 34|Dawsom|2006|2p=43}} In the middle era, dresses replaced the tunic for women.{{sfn|Ball|2005|p=9}} The late period sees the larger influence of non-Greek cultures on dress such as Italian (Genoese, Venetian), Turk (Ottoman) and Bulgarian.{{sfn|Ball|2005|p=6}} | |||
=== Cuisine === | === Cuisine === | ||
{{Main|Byzantine cuisine}} | {{Main|Byzantine cuisine}} | ||
Feasting was a major part of Byzantine culture and included the use of clean tables and forks. Modern Italian standards of gastronomy are likely to have been influenced by this era.{{Sfnm|Ash|1995|1p=244|Bryer|2008|2p=673-675|Decker|2008|3p=496}} Foods which are contemporary in the modern world are, among others, a cured meat called ], ], ] cheese, salt roe similar to the modern ], black sea caviar, fermented ], ], ]des, and the soup '']''.{{Sfnm|Ash|1995|1p=244|Davidson|2014|2p=123|Bryer|2008|3p=671|Faas|2005|4p=184-185|Vryonis|1971|5p=482 |Salaman|1986|6p=184}}<ref>{{Cite web |date=2014-10-17 |website=Internet History Sourcebooks Project, Fordham University |url=http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/source/liudprand1.asp |page=47 |access-date=2024-12-02 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20141017151834/http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/source/liudprand1.asp |archive-date=17 October 2014 |title=Medieval Sourcebook: Liutprand of Cremona: Report of his Mission to Constantinople}}</ref> Fruits unknown from classical times which were added to Byzantine diets included ] (eggplants) and oranges.{{Sfn|Davidson|2014|p=123}} There were famed medieval sweet wines such as the ] from ], the ], and the eponymous ] that were drunk, as were ] (known as ''boza'') and ].{{Sfnm|Bryer|2008|1pp=672-673|Unwin|2010|2p=185}} | |||
] played by the ] emperor ] in 480 and recorded by ] in {{Circa|530}} because of a very unlucky dice throw for Zeno (red), as he threw 2, 5 and 6 and was forced to leave eight pieces alone.{{Sfn|Horn|Schädler|2019}}|alt=A visualised depiction of a board game]] | |||
Byzantine cuisine still relied heavily on the Greco-Roman fish-sauce condiment ], but it also contained foods still familiar today, such as the cured meat ] (known as "paston" in Byzantine Greek),{{Sfnm|1a1=Ash|1y=1995|2a1=Davidson|2y=2014|3a1=Dalby|3a2=Bourbou|3a3=Koder|3a4=Leontsinē|3y=2013 |1p=224|3p=81|2p=123}} ] (known as ] κοπτοπλακοῦς),{{Sfnm|Ash|1995|Faas|2005|Vryonis|1971|1p=223|2p=184|3p=482}} ] (known as plakountas tetyromenous or tyritas plakountas),{{Sfnm|Faas|2005|Vryonis|1971|Salaman|1986|1pp=184–185|2p=482|3p=184}} and the famed medieval sweet wines (] from ], ] and the eponymous ]).<ref>{{Cite book |last=Unwin |first=P. T. H. |title=Wine and the vine: an historical geography of viticulture and the wine trade |date=2010 |publisher=Routledge |isbn=978-0-415-14416-2 |location=London |page=185}}</ref> ], wine flavoured with pine resin, was also drunk, as it still is in Greece today.{{Sfn|Bryer|2008|p=672}} "To add to our calamity the Greek wine, on account of being mixed with pitch, resin, and plaster was to us undrinkable", complained ], who was the ambassador sent to Constantinople in 968 by the German Holy Roman Emperor ].<ref name="Fordham">{{Cite web |last=Halsall |first=Paul |date=January 1996 |title=Medieval Sourcebook: Liutprand of Cremona: Report of his Mission to Constantinople |url=http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/source/liudprand1.asp |access-date=25 June 2016 |website=Internet History Sourcebooks Project |publisher=Fordham University |archive-date=17 October 2014 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20141017151834/http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/source/liudprand1.asp |url-status=dead }}</ref> The garos fish sauce condiment was also not much appreciated by the unaccustomed; Liutprand of Cremona described being served food covered in an "exceedingly bad fish liquor".<ref name="Fordham" /> The Byzantines also used a soy sauce-like condiment, ], a fermented barley sauce, which, like soy sauce, provided ] flavouring to their dishes.<ref>{{Cite web |last=Perry |first=Charles |date=31 October 2001 |title=The Soy Sauce That Wasn't |url=https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-2001-oct-31-fo-63688-story.html |access-date=25 June 2016 |website=Los Angeles Times |archive-date=27 May 2016 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160527001857/http://articles.latimes.com/2001/oct/31/food/fo-63688 |url-status=live }}</ref>{{Sfn|Jayyusi|Marín|1994|p=729}} | |||
=== Recreation === | === Recreation === | ||
] were held since the early era till 1204, becoming one of the world's longest continuous sporting events.{{sfnm|Jeffreys|2008a|1pp=681-682|Kaldellis|2023|2p=13, 138}} ], the ] and some wild-animal shows were prominent until the 6th century.{{sfn|Jeffreys|2008a|p=680}} Because Christian bishops and pagan philosophers did not like these activities, the state's funding for them ceased, leading to their decline and a shift to private entertainment and sporting.{{sfnm|Jeffreys|2008a|1pp=678-683|Kaldellis|2023|2p=187, 233}} A Persian version of Polo introduced by the Crusaders called ] was played by the nobility and urban aristocracy in major cities during the middle and late eras, along with the sport of jousting introduced from the West.{{Sfnm|Kazhdan|1991a|1p=2137, "Tzykanisterion" |Kazanaki-Lappa|2002|2p=643|Jeffreys |2008a|3p=683 |Kaldellis|2023|4pp=672, 844}} Over time, ] like ] became increasingly popular.{{Sfn|Jeffreys|2008a|p=683}} | |||
{{See also|Sports before 1001|1001 to 1600 in sports}} | |||
] played by the ] emperor ] in 480 and recorded by ] in {{Circa|530}} because of a very unlucky dice throw for Zeno (red), as he threw 2, 5 and 6 and was forced to leave eight pieces alone.{{Sfn|Austin|1934|pp=202–205}}|alt=A visualised depiction of a board game]] | |||
== Religion == | |||
Byzantines were avid players of ] (]: τάβλη), a game known in English as ], which is still popular in former Byzantine realms and still known by the same name in Greece.{{Sfn|Austin|1934|pp=202–205}} Byzantine nobles were devoted to horsemanship, particularly ], now known as ]. The game came from Sassanid Persia, and a Tzykanisterion (stadium for playing the game) was built by Theodosius II inside the ].{{Sfn|Kazhdan|1991a|p=2137, "Tzykanisterion"}} Emperor Basil I excelled at it; Emperor Alexander died from exhaustion while playing, Emperor Alexios I Komnenos was injured while playing with ], and John I of Trebizond died from a fatal injury during a game.{{Sfn|Komnene|1928|loc=}} Other than Constantinople and Trebizond, other Byzantine cities also featured ''tzykanisteria'', most notably ], ], and ], an indication of a thriving urban aristocracy.{{Sfn|Kazanaki-Lappa|2002|p=643}} The game was introduced to the West by crusaders, who had developed a taste for it particularly during the pro-Western reign of Emperor Manuel I Komnenos.<ref>{{Cite web |last=Suren-Pahlav |first=Shapour |date=1998 |title=The History of Chogân (Polo) |url=https://www.parstimes.com/sports/polo/polo.html |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230519155343/https://www.parstimes.com/sports/polo/polo.html |archive-date=19 May 2023 |access-date=2024-09-01 |website=Pars Times}}</ref> Chariot races were popular and held at hippodromes across the empire. There were four major factions in chariot racing, differentiated by the colour of the uniform which they wore; the colours were also worn by their supporters. These factions were the Blues (''Veneti''), the Greens (''Prasini''), the Reds (''Russati''), and the Whites (''Albati'').<ref>{{Cite book |last1=Mehlman |first1=Bernard H. |title=Medieval Midrash: the house for inspired innovation |last2=Limmer |first2=Seth M. |date=2016 |publisher=Brill |isbn=978-90-04-33133-4 |series=The Brill reference library of Judaism |location=Leiden and Boston |page=162 |doi=10.1163/9789004331334_014}}</ref> | |||
{{Main|Christianity as the Roman state religion}} | |||
== Arts == | |||
{{see|History of Christianity|History of the Eastern Orthodox Church#Byzantine period|History of the Jews in the Byzantine Empire}} | |||
The ] to all free Roman men in 212 fostered greater societal uniformity, particularly in religious practices.{{sfnm|Spawforth|1993|1p=254|Kaldellis|2023|2pp=19–20, 60, 71}}{{sfn|Ando|2011|loc=p. 46. Reviewed with commentary in {{harvnb|Kokkinia|2012}}}} Christianity, bolstered by ]'s support, began shaping all aspects of life.{{sfnm|Papaconstantinou|2016|1p=xxxii|Cameron|2016|2p=31|Cameron|2006b|3pp=544-551|Drake|2007|4pp=418, 422|Greatrex|2008|5p=236}} Subsequent emperors encouraged conversion and enacted laws in the late 4th century to restrict pagan activities.{{sfnm|Salzman|1993|1p=364|Drake|2007|2pp=412, 414, 425|Greatrex|2008|3p=236|4a1=Friell|4a2=Williams|4y=2005|4p=121|Kaldellis|2023|5p=178|Treadgold|1997|6pp=72, 94}} In 529, ] enforced conversions, specifically targeting ].{{Sfnm|Greatrex|2008|1p=236|Kaldellis|2023|2p=138|Salzman|1993|3p=364|Drake|2007|4p=425}} The confiscation of pagan treasures, diversion of funds, and legal discrimination led to the decline of paganism, resulting in events like the closure of schools of philosophy and the end of the ].{{efn|The historian Sofie Remijsen says there are several reasons to conclude that the Olympic games continued after Theodosius I, as the traditionally known terminal year of 393{{nbsp}}AD for the games is linked to his anti-pagan constitution. She argues that the games instead came to an end during the reign of Theodosius II, when a fire burned down the ].{{sfn|Remijsen|2015|pp=47–49}} The historian ] says there is a common misconception that the games were banned by an imperial decree. Kaldellis instead argues that the declining interest in chariot games, lack of funding (due to state policies) and hostility from zealots is what led to their end.{{Sfn|Kaldellis|2023|p=138}}}}{{Sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1pp=25, 67–68, 179, 181, 340|Treadgold|1997|2pp=71, 252–253}} Christianity's debates increased the importance of Greek, making the emergent church dependent on branches of ] such as ].{{efn|Greek's importance grew larger, even though Hellenic culture had already influenced Roman identity immensely and the Greek language had been entrenched in the east since the Hellenistic era.{{Sfnm|Wallace-Hadrill|1998|1pp=79–91|Goldhill|2024|2pp=847–848|Rochette|2018 |3p=108|Millar|2006|4pp=97–98|Treadgold|1997|5pp=5–7}}}}{{Sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1pp=111, 180|Jones|1986 |2p=991|Treadgold|1997|3pp=27–28, 175–176}} Despite the transition, the historian Anthony Kaldellis views Christianity as "bringing no economic, social, or political changes to the state other than being more deeply integrated into it".{{sfn|Kaldellis|2023|pp=141, 186, 342}} | |||
=== Architecture === | |||
{{main|Byzantine architecture}}{{multiple image | |||
| perrow = 2 | |||
| total_width = 400 | |||
| align = | |||
| image1 = Hagia Sophia in Istanbul (focused on the original Roman building).jpg | |||
| image2 = Istanbul Oct 2019 12 20 46 794000.jpeg | |||
| image3 = Deesis mosaic Hagia Sophia.jpg | |||
| image4 = Hagia Sophia Southwestern entrance mosaics 2.jpg | |||
| footer = The ] (], Turkey), 537, by ] and ] | |||
| alt1 = A photograph of a large blue-domed structure at the centre with at least four smaller white-domed structures at the right | |||
| alt2 = A photograph taken from a height of the interior of a domed building built in the classical style, large circular shield like objects with Arabic calligraphy on them are on the walls | |||
| alt3 = A mosaic painted golden yellow scraped off at the bottom. Three people with halos are depicted, the ones on the right and left are bowing towards the one on the centre. Greek letters can be seen, possibly labels describing the three people | |||
| alt4 = A mosaic painted golden yellow. One crowned man each is standing on the right and left, both are offering models of large buildings to a woman seated on a throne holding her baby. All four people have halos, Greek letters can be seen, possibly labels describing the people | |||
}} | |||
] | |||
Influences from ], particularly in religious buildings, can be found in diverse regions ranging from Egypt and Arabia to ] and Romania. Byzantine architecture is known for the use of ]s, and ] architecture was invented in the Byzantine Empire. In contrast to the ] plans favored in medieval Western European churches, Byzantine churches usually had more centralized ground plans, such as the ] plan deployed in many Middle Byzantine churches.<ref>{{Cite book |last=Ousterhout |first=Robert |url=https://pressbooks.pub/smarthistoryguidetobyzantineart/chapter/middle-byzantine-church-architecture/ |title=A Smarthistory Guide to Byzantine Art |date=2021 |editor-last=Freeman |editor-first=Evan |chapter=Middle Byzantine Church Architecture |access-date=30 December 2023 |archive-date=29 December 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20231229225223/https://pressbooks.pub/smarthistoryguidetobyzantineart/chapter/middle-byzantine-church-architecture/ |url-status=live }}</ref> They also often featured marble columns, ]ed ceilings and sumptuous decoration, including the extensive use of ]s with golden backgrounds. Byzantine architects used marble mostly as interior cladding, in contrast to the structural roles it had for the Ancient Greeks. They used mostly stone and brick, and also thin ] sheets for windows. Mosaics were used to cover brick walls and any other surface where fresco would not resist. Notable examples of mosaics from the proto-Byzantine era are at the ] in ] (Greece), the ] and the ], both in Ravenna (Italy), and the Hagia Sophia in ]. Christian liturgies were held in the interior of the churches, the exterior usually having little to no ornamentation.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Hurmuziadis |first1=George D. |title=Cultura Greciei |date=1979 |publisher=Editura științifică și enciclopedică |location=Bucharest |pages=92, 93 |language=ro |trans-title=Greek Culture |oclc=64273966}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |last1=Hopkins |first1=Owen |url= |title=Architectural Styles: A Visual Guide |date=2014 |publisher=Laurence King |isbn=978-1-78067-163-5 |location=London |page=17 |language=en}}</ref> | |||
When the Roman state in the West politically collapsed, cultural differences began to divide the Christian churches of the East and West.{{sfnm|Brown|1976|1p=8|Löhr|2007|2p=9}} Internal disputes within the Eastern churches led to the migration of monastic communities to Rome, exacerbating tensions between Rome and Constantinople.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2023|1p=390|Cameron|2017|2at=A United Church, chapter 1}} These disputes,{{efn|], one of the first major controversies, shook the Empire until it was addressed by the ].{{sfnm|1a1=Berndt|1a2=Steinacher|1y=2014|1pp=1-2, 8-19|2a1=Löhr|2y=2007|2p=14}} Other controversies persisted, leading to schisms, such as debates on the fundamental definitions of Christ's nature at the ] in 451.{{sfnm|Sabo|2018|1p=vi9|Löhr|2007|2p=14-23}}}} particularly in Egypt and the eastern Mediterranean, eventually split the church into three branches: ], Monophysite (Coptic), and ].{{sfnm|Adams|2021|1pp=366|Micheau|2006|2pp=373, 375}} The Chalcedonian group maintained dominance within the Empire’s territories, while the Monophysite and Nestorian branches largely fell under Muslim rule following the rise of Islam in the 7th century.{{sfn|Micheau|2006|pp=373-374, 376}} | |||
{{Multiimage | |||
| align = center | |||
| total_width = 600 | |||
| image1 = "The good Shepherd" mosaic - Mausoleum of Galla Placidia.jpg | |||
| alt1 = A mosaic below a wall, the latter is painted blue and has circular patterns. A man with a halo holding a cross is depicted herding sheep | |||
| caption1 = Christ as the ]; {{circa}} 425–430; mosaic; width: {{circa}} 3 m; ] (], Italy)<ref>{{cite book |last1=Fortenberry |first1=Diane |title=The Art Museum |date=2017 |publisher=Phaidon |isbn=978-0-7148-7502-6 |location=New York |page=108 |language=en}}</ref> | |||
| image2 = KHM Wien Kaiserin Ariadne X 39.jpg | |||
| alt2 = A carving of a crowned woman seated on a throne behind undrawn curtains. She is holding a cross atop a globe on her left hand | |||
| caption2 = Diptych Leaf with a Byzantine Empress; 6th century; ivory with traces of gilding and leaf; height: {{cvt|26.5|cm}}; ] (], Austria)<ref>{{cite book |last1=Fortenberry |first1=Diane |title=The Art Museum |date=2017 |publisher=Phaidon |isbn=978-0-7148-7502-6 |location=New York |page=114 |language=en}}</ref> | |||
}} | |||
Eastern patriarchs frequently sought the Papacy’s mediation in doctrinal and practical matters, but the pope’s authority was not universally acknowledged, even in nearby regions like Northern Italy.{{sfnm|CasidayNorris|2007a|1p=3|Nicholson|1960|2pp=54, 60}} By 600, the Slavic settlement of the Balkans disrupted communication between Rome and Constantinople, further widening the divide.{{Sfnm|Louth|2008|1p=47|Kolbaba|2008|2pp=214-215}} The Arab and Lombard invasions, and the increased ] presence, deepened this estrangement and intensified disputes over jurisdiction and authority between the two spiritual centres.{{Sfn|Kolbaba|2008|pp=213–215, 218-221}} Differences in ritual and theology, such as the use of ] and the ], along with divergences in ecclesiology — ] versus the authority of ] — and issues of mutual respect, contributed to the separation of Western Christianity from Eastern Christianity.{{Sfnm|Meyendorff|1979|1pp=95,97 101|Kolbaba|2008|2p=223}} This separation began as early as 597 and culminated more definitively in 1054 during the ].{{Sfnm|Brown|2008|1p=13|Kolbaba|2008|2p=223}} | |||
===Art=== | |||
{{further|Byzantine art}} | |||
{{Byzantine culture|Iconoclasm|alt=A close up photograph of a mosaic painted on a wall. One peacock each is depicted to the right and left of an amphora (pot)}} | |||
Constantine's sponsorship produced an exuberant burst of Christian art and architecture, frescoes and mosaics for church walls, and hieroglyphic type drawings.{{sfn|Weitzmann|1979|pp=xix–xx}} While classical and Christian culture did coexist into the seventh century, Christian imagery gradually replaced classical images, which had undergone a short revival under ] and in the Theodosian renaissance.{{sfn|Weitzmann|1979|p=xix}} | |||
In 1439, a proposed reunion between the Eastern and Western churches faced Eastern resistance, delaying its official publication in Constantinople until 1452.{{sfn|Dowley|2018|p=342}} This agreement was overturned the following year by the ] to the Ottoman Turks in 1453.{{sfnm|Dowley|2018|1p=342|Kitromilides|2006|2p=187}} The conquest of 1453 marked the destruction of the Church as the central institution of the Christian empire established by Constantine, isolating Greek-speaking Orthodoxy from the West and restricting its influence for nearly 150 years.{{sfnm|Kitromilides|2006|1pp=187, 191|Kenworthy|2008|2p=173}} Despite this, the Church survived in an altered form, and the spiritual and cultural influence of the Eastern Church, Constantinople, and ] the monastic peninsula has endured.{{sfn|Kenworthy|2008|p=173}} | |||
]; late 6th–7th century; gold, an ], a ], ]s and ]s; diameter: {{cvt|23|cm}}; from a ]itan workshop; ] (], Germany)<ref>{{cite book |last1=Fortenberry |first1=Diane |title=The Art Museum |date=2017 |publisher=Phaidon |isbn=978-0-7148-7502-6 |location=New York |page=115 |language=en}}</ref>|thumb]] | |||
== Arts == | |||
In the 720s, the Byzantine Emperor ] banned the pictorial representation of Christ, saints, and biblical scenes. Bishops, the army and the civil service supported the emperors, while monks, sometimes at the cost of their lives, and the western papacy, refused to participate, leading to further separation between the East and West.{{sfn|Matthews|Platt|1997|pp=181, 185}}{{sfn|Halsall|2021}} Lasting for over one hundred years, this ban led to nearly all figurative religious art being destroyed.{{sfn|Matthews|Platt|1997|p=185}} It wasn't until the tenth and early eleventh centuries that Byzantine culture fully recovered and Orthodoxy was again manifested in art.{{sfn|Louth|2008|p=46}}{{sfn|Cameron|2017|at=Icons and Iconoclasm, chapter 5}} | |||
===Art and architecture=== | |||
{{main|Byzantine art|Byzantine architecture}} | |||
{{multiple image|perrow = 2|total_width=340 | |||
| image1 = Spas vsederzhitel sinay.jpg | |||
| image2 = Hosios Loukas Katholikon (nave, South-West squinch) - Baptism - detail 02.jpg | |||
| image3 = Meister von Nerezi 001.jpg | |||
| image4 = Ivoire Barberini - Musée du Louvre Objets d'art OA 9063 ; MND 211.jpg | |||
| image5 = Hagia Sophia in Istanbul (focused on the original Roman building).jpg | |||
| footer = Clockwise, from top left: | |||
* ] icon, 6th-century, ] | |||
* ] mosaics, detail, early 11th century | |||
* ], an early 6th-century ivory diptych{{sfn|Cormack|2018|p=39}} | |||
* The ] exterior | |||
* ''Dead Christ and Mourners'', {{circa|1164}}, ]{{sfn|James|2003|loc=§ para. 3}} | |||
}} | |||
Subjects in ] were primarily ] and typically non-naturalistic in their representation.{{sfn|James|2003|loc=§ paras. 2 and 13}} Emerging from both the ] and ],{{sfnm|1a1=Rodley|1y=1994|1p=2|2a1=Cormack|2y=2018|2pp=11–12}} many early examples were lost amid the ]; the fragmented mosaics of the 3rd-century ] are a unique exception.{{sfn|Rodley|1994|pp=12–14}} Such ], known for their ] style, became a hallmark of the empire, appearing with both secular and sacred themes in diverse places, including churches (]), the circus (]), and the ].{{sfnm|1a1=Rodley|1y=1994|1p=34|2a1=James|2y=2003|2loc=§ paras. 3–4}} The early 6th-century reign of Justinian I saw systemic developments: ] came to dominate and once-popular public marble and bronze ] fell out of favor due to ] associations.{{sfnm|1a1=Rodley|1y=1994|1pp=32–33, 56–57|2a1=Cormack|2y=2018|2p=14}} Justinian commissioned the monumental ] church, influential elements of which became architectural hallmarks for the empire: the immense size, massive ], innovative use of ]s and highly decorative interior was imitated as far north as the ] in ] and the ] in ].{{sfnm|1a1=James|1y=2003|1loc=§ para. 10|2a1=Cormack|2y=2018|2pp=33–40|3a1=Curl|3a2=Wilson|3y=2021|3loc=§ paras. 3 and 5}} The Hagia Sophia's creators, the engineer-architects ] and ], are uniqely esteemed;{{sfnm|1a1=Rodley|1y=1994|1p=67}} most Byzantine artists were unrecorded and typically deemed of little importance.{{sfn|James|2003|loc=§ para. 7}} | |||
Smaller-scale art flourished throughout the entire Byzantine period: costly ]s—often as diptychs (]) or triptychs (])—featured imperial commemorations or religious scenes and were particularly esteemed, as were ] and ]s.{{sfnm|1a1=James|1y=2003|1loc=§ para. 4|2a1=Cormack|2y=2018|2p=39}} Other costly objects included ], which were lavishly illustrated for a wide range of texts, and ]s, often including the prized ], both of which became highly popular in Western Europe.{{sfn|James|2003|loc=§ paras. 4–5}} The rise of small, portable ] paintings, used for both public and private religious worship, grew increasingly controversial.{{sfnm|1a1=Rodley|1y=1994|1pp=101–102|2a1=Cormack|2y=2018|2p=2}} During two periods of ] (726–843), possibly influenced by ],{{sfn|Lowden|1997|pp=147–148}} icons faced severe suppression and enormous amounts of figurative religious art was destroyed.{{sfn|Matthews|Platt|1997|p=185}} ]s condemned their use, likening them to pagan ] and ascribing recent ] as ] for their use, while ] supporters eventually prevailed, maintaining their essential use for ], considered distinct from ], and found precedent in ] references.{{sfnm|1a1=Rodley|1y=1994|1pp=115–116|2a1=Lowden|2y=1997|2pp=147–151}} | |||
] (867–1056) saw a ], from which an unprecedentedly vast amount of artworks survive.{{sfnm|1a1=Rodley|1y=1994|1p=132|2a1=Lowden|2y=1997|2pp=187–188}} Subjects and styles became standardized, particularly ] churches, and already-existing frontality and ] evolved into a dominant artistic aesthetic, observable in the small ] enamel and the large mosaics of ], ], and ] monasteries.{{sfnm|1a1=James|1y=2003|1loc=§ para. 3|2a1=Cormack|2y=2018|2pp=146–147}} The subsequent Komnenos-Angelos periods (1081–1204) saw increased imperial patronage, alongside figurative artwork of increased emotional expression (''Dead Christ and Mourners'', {{circa|1164}}; see right).{{sfn|James|2003|loc=§ para. 3}} Byzantine artistic influence spread widely to ] (the '']'') and Venice (mosaics of ]).{{sfn|James|2003|loc=§ para. 3}} Serbian churches flourished in particular, as three successive ]—] (1170–1282), ] (1282–1355), and ] (1355–1489)—combined a ] aesthetic with increasingly voluminous decorations and domes.{{sfn|Curl|Wilson|2021|loc=§ para. 7}} As smaller ] (1261–1453) gained ] status in Western Europe—many looted in the 1204 Fourth Crusade—they greatly influenced ] style of ], ], and later ], who is traditionally regarded by art historians as the inaugurator of ].{{sfnm|1a1=Rodley|1y=1994|1p=166|2a1=Cormack|2y=2018|2pp=159, 186|3a1=Andronikou|3y=2022|3pp=2–4}} | |||
Surviving ] is mostly religious{{Sfn|Rice|1968|pp=62–64}} and, with exceptions during certain periods, is highly conventional, following traditional models that translate carefully controlled church theology into artistic terms. Painting in ], ]s and on wood panels and mosaics, especially in earlier periods, were the main media, and figurative ] was very rare except for small ]. Manuscript painting preserved some of the classical realist tradition that was missing in larger works till the end of the empire. Byzantine art was highly prestigious and sought-after in Western Europe, where it maintained a continuous influence on ] till the near end of the period. This was especially true in Italy, where Byzantine styles persisted in modified forms through the 12th century, and became formative influences on ] art. However, few incoming influences affected the Byzantine style.{{Sfnm|Rice|1968|Weitzmann|1982|Evans|2004|2loc=Chapters 2–7|1loc=Chapter 17|3pp=389–555}} With the expansion of the Eastern Orthodox Church, Byzantine forms and styles spread throughout the Orthodox world and beyond.<ref>{{Cite web |last=Jones |first=Muffet |date=2020-05-01 |title=9.1: Early Byzantine Art |url=https://human.libretexts.org/Bookshelves/Art/Art_History_(Boundless)/09:_The_Byzantines/9.01:_Early_Byzantine_Art |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240313203244/https://human.libretexts.org/Bookshelves/Art/Art_History_(Boundless)/09%3A_The_Byzantines/9.01%3A_Early_Byzantine_Art |archive-date=13 March 2024 |access-date=2024-09-01 |website=Humanities LibreTexts |language=en}}</ref>{{Sfn|Rice|1968|p=524|ps=See also Chapter 16.}} | |||
=== Literature === | === Literature === | ||
{{main|Byzantine literature |
{{main|Byzantine literature}} | ||
] concerns all ] from the ].{{sfn|Browning|2022|loc=§ para. 1}} Although the Empire was ], the vast majority of extant texts are in ],{{sfn|Papaioannou|2021a|pp=1–2, 5–7}} albeit in two ] variants: a scholarly form based on ], and a ] based on ].{{sfn|Browning|1991a}} Most contemporary scholars consider all medieval Greek texts to be literature,{{sfn|Papaioannou|2021a|p=10}} but some offer varying constraints.{{sfnm|1a1=Kazhdan|1y=1999|1p=1|2a1=van Dieten|2y=1980|2pp=101–105}} The literature's early period ({{circa|330–650}}) was dominated by the competing cultures of ], ] and ].{{sfnm|1a1=Browning|1y=2022|1loc=§ paras. 1–2|2a1=Kaldellis|2y=2021|2pp=162–163}} The ]—educated in an Ancient Greek ] tradition—sought to synthesize these influences.{{sfn|Browning|2022|loc=§ para. 1}} Important early writers include ], ] and ], all of whom aimed to reinvent older forms to fit the empire.{{sfn|Kazhdan|1991b|p=1236}} Theological ] stories were particularly innovative and popular;{{sfn|Kazhdan|1991b|p=1236}} the '']'' (''Apophthegmata Patrum'') were copied in practically every Byzantine monastery.{{sfn|Martín|2021|p=685}} During the ] ({{circa|650–800}}), production of literature mostly stopped, although some important theologians were active, such as ], ] and ].{{sfn|Kazhdan|1991b|p=1236}} | ] concerns all ] from the ].{{sfn|Browning|2022|loc=§ para. 1}} Although the Empire was ], the vast majority of extant texts are in ],{{sfn|Papaioannou|2021a|pp=1–2, 5–7}} albeit in two ] variants: a scholarly form based on ], and a ] based on ].{{sfn|Browning|1991a}} Most contemporary scholars consider all medieval Greek texts to be literature,{{sfn|Papaioannou|2021a|p=10}} but some offer varying constraints.{{sfnm|1a1=Kazhdan|1y=1999|1p=1|2a1=van Dieten|2y=1980|2pp=101–105}} The literature's early period ({{circa|330–650}}) was dominated by the competing cultures of ], ] and ].{{sfnm|1a1=Browning|1y=2022|1loc=§ paras. 1–2|2a1=Kaldellis|2y=2021|2pp=162–163}} The ]—educated in an Ancient Greek ] tradition—sought to synthesize these influences.{{sfn|Browning|2022|loc=§ para. 1}} Important early writers include ], ] and ], all of whom aimed to reinvent older forms to fit the empire.{{sfn|Kazhdan|1991b|p=1236}} Theological ] stories were particularly innovative and popular;{{sfn|Kazhdan|1991b|p=1236}} the '']'' (''Apophthegmata Patrum'') were copied in practically every Byzantine monastery.{{sfn|Martín|2021|p=685}} During the ] ({{circa|650–800}}), production of literature mostly stopped, although some important theologians were active, such as ], ] and ].{{sfn|Kazhdan|1991b|p=1236}} | ||
The subsequent |
The subsequent cultural Macedonian Renaissance ({{circa|800–1000}}; the "Encyclopedism period") saw a renewed proliferation of literature and revived the earlier Hellenic-Christian synthesis.{{sfn|Browning|2022|loc=§ para. 1}} Works by ], ] and ] were translated, while ] was heavily reorganized.{{sfn|Kazhdan|1991b|p=1236}} After this early flowering of monastic literature, there was a dearth until ] in the late 10th-century.{{sfn|Kazhdan|1991b|p=1236}} A new generation ({{circa|1000–1250}}), including Symeon, ] and ], rejected the Encyclopedist emphasis on order, and were interested in individual-focused ideals variously concerning ], ], heroism, humor and love.{{sfn|Kazhdan|1991b|pp=1236–1237}} This included the Hellenistic-inspired ] and ] approaches in rhetoric, historiography and the influential epic '']''.{{sfn|Kazhdan|1991b|p=1236}} The empire's final centuries saw a renewal of hagiography and increased Western influence, leading to mass Greek to Latin translations.{{sfn|Kazhdan|1991b|p=1237}} Authors such as ] and ] exemplified a new focus on human ]s alongside the preservation of classical traditions, which greatly influenced the ].{{sfn|Kazhdan|1991b|p=1237}} | ||
=== |
===Music=== | ||
{{ |
{{main|Byzantine music}} | ||
{{ |
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|alt = A cropped image of a mosaic, which depicts two women playing a church organ like instrument | |||
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|Description = Late 4th century "Mosaic of the Musicians" playing the ], ], and ] from a Byzantine villa in ], Syria.{{sfn|Ring|1994|p=318}} | ||
}} | |||
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|alt=A cropped image of a photograph of a mosaic, which depicts two women playing a church organ like instrument}} | |||
] is eclectically descended from early ], ], and a variety of ], although its exact connections to ] remain uncertain.{{sfnm|1a1=Velimirović|1y=1990|1pp=28–29|2a1=Conomos|2y=1991|2pp=1426}} While it included both ] and ] traditions, the latter is little known, whereas the former remains the central music of ] liturgy into the 21st century.{{sfnm|1a1=Conomos|1y=1991|1pp=1424–1426|2a1=Levy|2a2=Troelsgård|2y=2016|2loc=§ Introduction}} The empire's church music, known as Byzantine ], was exclusively unaccompanied ] vocal music, sung in Greek.{{sfn|Velimirović|1990|pp=26–27, 29}} From the 8th century onwards, chant melodies were governed by the '']'' framework, a set of eight ]—] ({{lang|grc|ἦχος}}; {{lit.|sound}})—each of which provide predetermined ] formulae for composition.{{sfnm|1a1=Velimirović|1y=1990|1pp=45–46|2a1=Conomos|2y=1991|2p=1425|3a1=Levy|3a2=Troelsgård|3y=2016|3loc=§5 "System of eight modes ('oktōēchos')", §7 "Formulaic chants"}} These formulae were chosen for proper ] and occasionally for ], then ]ally collated into a variety of ]s or ]s.{{sfnm|1a1=Velimirović|1y=1990|1p=29|2a1=Levy|2a2=Troelsgård|2y=2016|2loc=§7 "Formulaic chants"}} | |||
The ecclesiastical forms of ] – composed to Greek texts as ceremonial, festival, or church music<ref>{{Cite encyclopedia |title=Byzantine Music |encyclopedia=The Columbia Electronic Encyclopedia |url=https://www.infoplease.com/encyclopedia/arts/performing/music-history/byzantine-music |edition=6th |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240604235234/https://www.infoplease.com/encyclopedia/arts/performing/music-history/byzantine-music |archive-date=4 June 2024}}</ref> – are today the most well-known forms. Ecclesiastical chants were a fundamental part of this genre. Greek and foreign historians agree that the ecclesiastical tones and in general the whole system of Byzantine music is closely related to the ].<ref>{{Cite web |url=http://www.ec-patr.net/en/psaltai/index.htm |last=Ecumenical Patriarchate |title=Byzantine Music |access-date=23 November 2014 |archive-date=16 April 2016 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160416204900/http://www.ec-patr.net/en/psaltai/index.htm |url-status=live }}</ref> It remains the oldest genre of extant music, of which the manner of performance and (with increasing accuracy from the 5th century onwards) the names of the composers, and sometimes the particulars of each musical work's circumstances, are known. | |||
Byzantine chant was central to the ]; however, the earliest music was not ],{{sfn|Velimirović|1990|pp=26–27}} including early mono] short hymns like the ].{{sfn|Levy|Troelsgård|2016|loc=§10 "Syllabic hymn settings"}} While proto-] (9th century onwards) marked simple ] patterns, the ] Palaeo-Byzantine notation system emerged in the 10th century, while the Middle Byzantine "Round Notation" from mid-12th century onwards is the first fully ] scheme.{{sfnm|1a1=Velimirović|1y=1990|pp=48–51|2a1=Levy|2a2=Troelsgård|2y=2016|2loc=§3 "Melodic notation"}} Several major forms developed alongside ]: the long ] (5th century onwards), popularised by ]; the also-extensive ] (late 7th century onwards), developed by ]; and the shorter ] (at least 8th century onwards), championed by ].{{sfnm|1a1=Conomos|1y=1991|1p=1425|2a1=Levy|2a2=Troelsgård|2y=2016|2loc=§3 "Melodic notation"|3a1=Mellas|3y=2020|3p=2}} By the Palaiologan period, the dominance of strict compositional rules lessened and ] led a new school which favoured a more ] "kalophonic" style that deeply informed post-empire Neo-Byzantine music.{{sfn|Conomos|1991|pp=1425–1426}} | |||
], from a Byzantine ivory casket (900–1100) (''], Florence'')|alt=A close up black and white photograph of a carving, which depicts a seated young man playing a stringed instrument with a long bow]] | |||
Secular music, often state-sponsored, was ubiquitous in daily life and featured in a variety of ceremonies, festivals, and theatre.{{sfn|Touliatos|2001|loc=§ Introduction}} Secular vocal music was rarely notated, and extant manuscripts date much later, suggesting the tradition was passed through ] and likely ].{{sfn|Touliatos|2001|loc=§ "Sources"}} Prohibited for liturgical use, a wide variety of Byzantine ]s flourished in secular contexts, although notated instrumental music does not survive.{{sfn|Conomos|Kazhdan|1991|p=1426}} It is uncertain to what extent instrumentalists improvised or if they doubled vocalists monophonically or ].{{sfnm|1a1=Conomos|1a2=Kazhdan|1y=1991|1p=1426|2a1=Touliatos|2y=2001|2loc=§2 "Instruments and performing practice"}} Among the best known instruments are the ], used for both circus and imperial court events; the ]-descended ], a ]; the ], a plucked ]; and mostly popularly, the ].{{sfnm|1a1=Conomos|1a2=Kazhdan|1y=1991|1p=1426|2a1=Touliatos|2y=2001|2loc=§2 "Instruments and performing practice"}} Prominent genres included ] chants of laudation or salutation; the celebratory ]; symposia instrumental ]s, based on ancient ]s; and ].{{sfn|Touliatos|2001|loc=§3 "Genres and composers"}} | |||
The 9th-century Persian geographer ], in his lexicographical discussion of instruments, cited the ] (lūrā) as the typical instrument of the Byzantines along with the ''urghun'' (organ), ''shilyani'' (probably a type of ] or ]) and the ''salandj'' (probably a ]).{{Sfn|Kartomi|1990|p=124}} The first of these, the early bowed stringed instrument known as the Byzantine lyra, came to be called the '']'',<ref>{{Cite encyclopedia |date=2009 |title=lira |encyclopedia=] |url=https://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/343204/lira |access-date=2 June 2022 |archive-date=1 August 2009 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090801000612/https://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/343204/lira |url-status=live }}</ref> in Venice, where it is considered by many to have been the predecessor of the contemporary violin, which later flourished there.<ref name="Arkenberg109">{{Cite web |last=Arkenberg |first=Rebecca |date=October 2002 |title=Renaissance Violins |url=http://www.metmuseum.org/toah/hd/renv/hd_renv.htm |access-date=22 September 2006 |publisher=] |archive-date=7 March 2021 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210307212424/http://www.metmuseum.org/toah/hd/renv/hd_renv.htm |url-status=live }}</ref> The bowed "lyra" is still played in former Byzantine regions, where it is known as the ] ({{Literal translation|lyra of the City}}, i.e. Constantinople) in Greece, the ] in southern Italy, and the ] in Dalmatia. The ] originated in the Hellenistic world and was used in the ] during races.<ref>Journal of Sport History, Vol. 8, No. 3 (Winter, 1981) {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170622090211/http://rbedrosian.com/Byz/Byz_Sports.pdf |date=22 June 2017 }}.</ref><ref name="Bush-Kassel-327">Bush, Douglas Earl; Kassel, Richard (eds.). ''The Organ: An Encyclopedia.'' London and New York: Routledge. 2006. {{ISBN|978-0-415-94174-7}}. {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160530120840/https://books.google.com/books?id=cgDJaeFFUPoC&pg=PA327|date=30 May 2016}}</ref> A ] with "great leaden pipes" was sent by Emperor Constantine V to ], ] in 757. Pepin's son ] requested a similar organ for his chapel in ] in 812, beginning its establishment in Western church music.<ref name="Bush-Kassel-327" /> The ] was a double-reeded woodwind like the modern ] or Armenian ]. Other forms include the ''plagiaulos'' (''πλαγίαυλος'', from ''πλάγιος'' "sideways"), which resembled the ],<ref name="Howard">{{Cite journal |last=Howard |first=Albert A. |date=1893 |title=The Αὐλός or Tibia |journal=Harvard Studies in Classical Philology |volume=4 |pages=1–60 |doi=10.2307/310399 |jstor=310399 |issn = 0073-0688 }}<!-- | access-date = 16 August 2006 --></ref> and the ''askaulos'' (ἀσκός ''askos'' – ]), a bagpipe.<ref name="google15">{{Cite book |last=Flood |first=William Henry Grattan |author-link=W. H. Grattan Flood |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=DOfuAgAAQBAJ&pg=PA15 |title=The story of the bagpipe |publisher=Рипол Классик |isbn=978-1-176-34422-8 |access-date=23 October 2016 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170226140149/https://books.google.com/books?id=DOfuAgAAQBAJ&pg=PA15 |archive-date=26 February 2017 |url-status=live}}</ref> The modern descendant of the aulos is the Greek ].<ref>{{Cite book |last1=Miller |first1=Terry E. |title=World Music: A Global Journey |last2=Shahriari |first2=Andrew |date=2016-12-19 |publisher=Taylor & Francis |isbn=978-1-317-43437-5 |location=Oxford and New York |page=51 |language=en |doi=10.4324/9781315692791}}</ref> Bagpipes, also known as '']'' (from ancient Greek: angion (Τὸ ἀγγεῖον), "the container"), had been played even in Roman times and continue to be played throughout the empire's former realms till the present day. These are namely the Balkan ], Greek ], Pontic ], Cretan ], Armenian ], and Romanian ]. Other instruments used in Byzantine music were the ], ], Semantron, ], Boukina, ], ], Tympana and Cheirokymbala.<ref>{{Cite web |last=Touliatos-Miles |first=Diane H. |title=Byzantine instruments |date=2010-01-01 |work=The Oxford Dictionary of the Middle Ages |url=https://www.oxfordreference.com/display/10.1093/acref/9780198662624.001.0001/acref-9780198662624-e-1082 |access-date=2024-09-01 |publisher=Oxford University Press |language=en |doi=10.1093/acref/9780198662624.001.0001 |isbn=978-0-19-866262-4}}</ref> | |||
== Science and medicine == | |||
===12th-century renaissance=== | |||
{{Further|Byzantine civilisation in the 12th century}} | |||
{{See also|Byzantine army (Komnenian era)}} | |||
] in ], ], considered a superb example of 12th-century ] art|alt=A close up photograph of a mosaic, which depicts a seated veiled woman holding up a dead man, whose left hand is being held up by a bent man. All three people have golden halos around their heads]] | |||
===Science=== | |||
During the 12th century, there was a revival in ], and regional schools of architecture began producing many distinctive styles that drew on a range of cultural influences.{{Sfn|Diehl|1948 |pp=179, 185, 190}} In this period, the Byzantines provided the earliest model of ] through their revival of interest in classical authors. ] is considered the greatest example of Byzantine humanism as he studied both classics and theology.{{Sfn|Tatakes|Moutafakis|2003|p=110}} In philosophy, there was a resurgence of classical learning not seen since the 7th century, characterised by a significant increase in the publication of commentaries on classical works.{{Sfn|Browning|1992|pp=198–208}} Moreover, the first transmission of classical Greek knowledge to the West occurred during the Komnenian period.{{Sfn|Browning|1992|p=218}} In terms of prosperity and cultural life, the Komnenian period was one of the peaks in Byzantine history,{{Sfn|Cameron|2006|p=42}} and Constantinople remained the leading city of the Christian world in size, wealth, and culture.{{Sfn|Cameron|2006|p=47}} There was a renewed interest in ], as well as an increase in literary output in vernacular Greek.{{Sfn|Browning|1992|pp=198–208}} Byzantine art and literature held a pre-eminent place in Europe, and the cultural impact of Byzantine art on the West during this period was enormous and of long-lasting significance.{{Sfn|Browning|1992|p=218}} | |||
== Science and medicine == | |||
{{Main|Byzantine science}} | {{Main|Byzantine science}} | ||
{{See also|List of Byzantine inventions|Byzantine philosophy|List of Byzantine scholars}} | |||
], the patriarchal ] in Constantinople designed 537 by ], who was influenced by ]' principles of solid geometry is evident.|alt=A photograph of the interior of a building built with blue arches and pillars and ornate yellow walls]] | |||
{{See also|Byzantine medicine|4=List of Byzantine inventions|Byzantine philosophy}} | |||
] played an important and crucial role in the ] to the ] and ].{{sfnm|Saliba|2006|Robins|1993|2p=8|Lazaris|2020|3p=17}} Many distinguished scholars held high offices in the ].{{Sfn|Lazaris|2020|p=194}}{{sfn|Tatakes|Moutafakis|2003|p=189}} | |||
], the patriarchal ] in Constantinople designed 537 by ], who was influenced by ]' principles of solid geometry is evident.|alt=A photograph of the interior of a building built with blue arches and pillars and ornate yellow walls]] | |||
] played an important and crucial role in the ] to the ] and to ].<ref>{{cite web |author=Saliba |first=George |author-link=George Saliba |date=27 April 2006 |title=Islamic Science and the Making of Renaissance Europe |url=https://www.loc.gov/today/cyberlc/feature_wdesc.php?rec=3883 |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20060629204411/https://www.loc.gov/today/cyberlc/feature_wdesc.php?rec=3883 |archive-date=29 June 2006 |access-date=1 March 2008 |website=]}}</ref>{{sfn|Robins|1993|p=8}} Many of the most distinguished classical scholars held high offices in the ].{{Sfn|Tatakes|Moutafakis|2003|p=189}} | |||
The |
The manuscripts of ] were studied and preserved in Byzantium.{{Sfn|Lazaris|2020|p=3}} Therefore, Byzantine science was, in every era, closely connected to ] and ].{{Sfn|Anastos|1962|p=409}} In the field of engineering, ], the Greek mathematician and architect of the Hagia Sophia, produced the first compilation of ]' works {{Circa|530}}. It is through this manuscript tradition, sustained by the school of mathematics and engineering established {{Circa|850}} during the "Byzantine Renaissance" by ],{{Sfn|Lazaris|2020|p=66}} that such works are known today, primarily through the school's production, the ].{{sfn|Jones|2005}} | ||
Alexandrian philosopher ] was the first to question ]. Unlike Aristotle, who based his physics on verbal arguments, Philoponus relied on observations. Philoponus' criticism of the Aristotelian principles of physics was an inspiration for ]'s refutation of Aristotelian physics during the ] many centuries later, as Galileo cites Philoponus substantially in his works. |
Alexandrian philosopher ] was the first to question ]. Unlike Aristotle, who based his physics on verbal arguments, Philoponus relied on observations. Philoponus' criticism of the Aristotelian principles of physics was an inspiration for ]'s refutation of Aristotelian physics during the ] many centuries later, as Galileo cites Philoponus substantially in his works.{{sfnm|Lindberg|1992|1p=162|Wildberg|2018}} | ||
], surrounded by ]s, 10th–12th century, ], Athens, Greece|alt=Two pots surrounded by caltrops]] ], an incendiary weapon which could even burn on water, is attributed to the Byzantines. It played a crucial role in the empire's victory over the Umayyad Caliphate during the ].<ref>{{Cite web |title=Greek Fire | Weaponry |url=https://www.britannica.com/technology/Greek-fire |website=Encyclopedia Britannica |access-date=1 March 2018 |archive-date=10 March 2018 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180310022524/https://www.britannica.com/technology/Greek-fire |url-status=live}}</ref> The discovery is attributed to ], who had fled to the city after the Arab conquest of Syria.{{Sf|Lazaris|2020|p=446}} However, it has also been argued that no single person invented Greek fire, and that it was instead "invented by the chemists in Constantinople who had inherited the discoveries of the Alexandrian chemical school...".{{sfn|Partington|1999|page=13}} | |||
The Byzantines pioneered the concept of the hospital as an institution offering medical care and the possibility of a cure for the patients, as a reflection of the ideals of Christian charity, rather than merely being a place to die.<ref>{{Cite book |last=Lindberg |first=David |author-link=David C. Lindberg |title=The Beginnings of Western Science |title-link=The Beginnings of Western Science |publisher=University of Chicago Press |year=1992 |isbn=9780226482057 |location=Chicago |page=349}}</ref> | |||
During the last century of the empire, ] and other ] were taught in Trebizond; medicine attracted the interest of almost all scholars.{{Sfn|Tatakes|Moutafakis|2003|p=189}} The Fall of Constantinople in 1453 fuelled the era later commonly known as the "]". During this period, ] were principally responsible for transmitting ancient Greek grammatical, literary, mathematical, and astronomical works to early Renaissance Italy, whether personally or through their written works.{{Sfn|Robins|1993|p=8}} They also brought classical knowledge and texts on botany, medicine and zoology, as well as the works of ] and John Philoponus' criticism of Aristotelian physics.{{sfn|Lindberg|1992|p=162}} | |||
], surrounded by ]s, 10th–12th century, ], Athens, Greece|alt=Two pots surrounded by caltrops]] ], an incendiary weapon which could even burn on water, is attributed to the Byzantines. It played a crucial role in the empire's victory over the Umayyad Caliphate during the siege of Constantinople (717–718).<ref>{{Cite web |title=Greek fire | weaponry |url=https://www.britannica.com/technology/Greek-fire |website=Encyclopedia Britannica |access-date=1 March 2018 |archive-date=10 March 2018 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180310022524/https://www.britannica.com/technology/Greek-fire |url-status=live }}</ref> The discovery is attributed to ] from Syria who fled during the Arab conquest of Syria. However, it has also been argued that no single person invented Greek fire, but rather, that it was "invented by the chemists in Constantinople who had inherited the discoveries of the Alexandrian chemical school...".<ref name="auto">{{Cite book |last=Partington |first=J. R. |author-link=J. R. Partington |title=A History of Greek Fire and Gunpowder |publisher=The Johns Hopkins University Press |year=1999 |isbn=9780801859540 |location=Baltimore and London |page=13}}</ref> | |||
===Medicine=== | |||
In the final century of the empire, ] and other ] were taught in Trebizond; medicine attracted the interest of almost all scholars.{{Sfn|Tatakes|Moutafakis|2003|p=189}} The Fall of Constantinople in 1453 fuelled the era later commonly known as the "]". During this period, ] were principally responsible for carrying, in person and writing, ancient Greek grammatical, literary, mathematical, and astronomical knowledge to early Renaissance Italy.{{Sfn|Robins|1993|p=8}} They also brought with them classical learning and texts on botany, medicine and zoology, as well as the works of ] and John Philoponus' criticism of Aristotelian physics.<ref name="lindberg162" /> | |||
{{Main|Byzantine medicine}} | |||
The Byzantines pioneered the concept of the hospital as an institution offering medical care and the possibility of a cure for the patients as a reflection of the ideals of Christian charity, rather than merely being a place to die.{{sfnm|Lindberg|1992|1p=349|Nutton|1984|2p=9|Miller|1997|3pp=ix, 3–4}} The historian David Bennett estimates that there were approximately 115 hospitals in Constantinople during the mid-ninth century.{{sfn|Bennett|2016|p=24}} | |||
== Religion == | |||
=== Christianity === | |||
{{Main|History of Christianity|Christianity as the Roman state religion|History of the Eastern Orthodox Church#Byzantine period}} | |||
] | |||
The first Christian communities began in Judea, in the Roman Empire, in the second quarter of the first century. They swiftly spread into the ],{{sfn|Humfress|2013|pp=3, 76, 83–88;,91}}{{sfn|Bokenkotter|2007|p=18}} along the trade and travel routes followed by merchants, soldiers and migrating tribes, moving from fewer than 50,000 adherents to over a million in the hundred years between 150 and 250.{{sfn|Bundy|2007|p=118}}{{sfn|Harnett|2017|pp=200, 217}}{{sfn|Hopkins|1998|pp=192–193}} Driven by a universalist logic, Christianity has been, from its beginnings, a missionary faith with global aspirations, leading it to become a part of the history of a great many civilizations.{{sfn|Casiday|Norris|2007a|p=4}}{{sfn|Robert|2009|p=1}} | |||
], Italy (Retouched)|alt=A close up photograph of a sculpture of a standing crowned man, his left hand is on his sword hilt while his shield is at his left leg]] | |||
] became the Roman emperor in 306 and issued the ] expressing tolerance for all religions in 313.{{sfn|Cameron|2006b|p=542}} The Edict was a pluralist policy, and throughout the Roman Empire of the fourth to sixth centuries, people chose between a variety of religious groups in a kind of "religious marketplace".{{sfn|Papaconstantinou|2016|p=xxix}} | |||
Constantine did not make Christianity the state religion.{{sfn|Cameron|2006b|pp=538; 544}} Law, literature, rituals, and institutions indicate that converting the empire to Christianity was a complex, long-term, slow-paced, and uneven process with no single moment or event to mark Christianity becoming the Roman Empire's state religion.{{sfn|Papaconstantinou|2016|pp=xxx, xxxii}}{{sfn|Cameron|2016|pp=6, 7}} Constantine wrote laws against sacrifice and magic, and laws that favored Christianity, but there was no legislation forcing the conversion of polytheists until the reign of the ] in A.D. 529.{{sfn|Salzman|1993|p=364}}{{sfn|Drake|2007|pp=418, 421}} | |||
], Istanbul|alt=A close up photograph of a mosaic painted golden yellow, which depicts a bearded man with long hair holding a book in his left hand]] | |||
In the fourth century, the diverse network of separate churches became an organization that mirrored the structure of the Roman Empire.{{sfn|Johnson|2015|p=xx}}{{sfn|Sághy|Schoolman|2017|pp=1–3}}{{sfn|Hall|2007|loc=abstract}} Often referred to as the "golden age" of ], Christians of this era compiled many of Christianity's greatest works as they transformed and defined its art, culture, literature, philosophy and politics, its internal and external relationships, and its theology.{{sfn|Casiday|Norris|2007a|pp=1–3}} | |||
The Church of this age was seen by its supporters as a universal all-embracing union of separate individual churches.{{sfn|Cameron|2017|at=A United Church, chapter 1}} Yet, the tendency for East and West to grow apart was already evident. {{sfn|Brown|1976|p=2}} The western church spoke Latin, while the East spoke, and wrote, in Greek and at least five other languages.{{sfn|Matthews|Platt|1997|p=181}} The ancient state was a religious institution, yet East and West related to that State differently: the Catholic church condemned Roman culture as sinful, kept itself as separate as possible, and struggled to resist State control. This is in pointed contrast with Eastern Christianity which acclaimed harmony with Greek culture, and whose emperors and ] upheld unanimity between church and state.{{sfn|Brown|1976|p=8}}{{sfn|Drake|2007|p=418}} | |||
Regional variations led to competing orthodoxies, and conflicts over defining heresy and orthodoxy dominated fourth century Christianity.{{sfn|Olson|1999|p=14}}{{sfn|Lieu|2007|pp=293–294}} These ongoing controversies were a large part of what led the Armenian, Assyrian, and Egyptian churches to combine into what is today known as ], one of three major branches of Eastern Christianity, along with the ] in Persia and ] in Byzantium.{{sfn|Adams|2021|pp=366–367}}{{sfn|Micheau|2006|p=375}}{{sfn|Bussell|1910|p=346}}{{efn|The first great controversy concerned ] and whether Christ's divinity was equal to the Father's. It produced the ] as a resolution, yet more problems continued to develop.{{sfn|Goodman|2007|pp=30–32}} {{sfn|Berndt|Steinacher|2014|p=9}}{{sfn|Sabo|2018|p=vii}} Schisms broke out after the Council of Chalcedon in 451 wrote the ] on the human and divine natures of Christ as one ] entity.{{sfn|Löhr|2007|loc=abstract}}{{sfn|Cross|2001|p=363}}}} | |||
The patriarchs in the East frequently looked to the Pope, the bishop of Rome, to resolve disagreements for them, thereby establishing what would later become important features of papal power and influence.{{sfn|Casiday|Norris|2007a|pp=1–3}} Still, by the end of the sixth century, large sections of both the Western and Eastern church remained unconvinced they should be submissive to the Roman See.{{sfn|Nicholson|1960|pp=54, 60}} The vision of a universal and united Christendom was slowly coming undone.{{Sfn|Louth|2008|p=47}} | |||
According to the early Christian expert Tia Kolbaba, the Arab, Lombard, and Slavic invasions contributed to the alienation between the churches of Rome and Constantinople despite their shared past.{{Sfn|Kolbaba|2008|pp=213–215}} Disagreement about Constantinople's jurisdiction compared to Rome's intensified as a result.{{Sfn|Kolbaba|2008|pp=214}}{{sfn|Matthews|Platt|1997|p=181}} Misunderstandings and conflicts over ritual, such as the use of unleavened bread in the Eucharist, and differences in points of doctrine (such as the ] and ]), as well as differences in religious practices (such as celibacy, and even the growing of beards), underline the increasing separation of their unique social structures and cultures.{{sfn|Brown|1976|p=2}}{{sfn|Kolbaba|2008|pp=214, 223}}{{sfn|Meyendorff|1979|p=intro.}}{{sfn|Lorenzetti|2023}} Theological differences became more pronounced.{{sfn|Rahner|2013|pp=xiii, xiv}}{{sfn|Brown|2008|pp=6–8}} There was a general lack of charity and respect on both sides. In 1054, the Patriarch of Constantinople refused to submit to the supremacy of the Roman Pope. Eventually, this all led to the ], also known as the "Great Schism", which officially separated Christianity into Western Catholicism and Eastern Orthodoxy.{{Sfnm|Kolbaba|2008|Meyendorff|1979|Lorenzetti|2023|1pp=214, 223|2p=intro.}}{{Sfn|Matthews|Platt|1997|p=181}} | |||
In 1439, a reunion agreement between the Eastern and Western church was proposed. Popular resistance in the East interfered, so it wasn't until 1452 that the decree of union was officially published in Constantinople. The agreement was overthrown the very next year by the ] to the Ottoman Turks in 1453.{{sfn|Dowley|2018|pp=342–343}}{{sfn|Kitromilides|2006|p=187}} The conquest of 1453 destroyed the Orthodox Church as an institution of the Christian empire inaugurated by Constantine, sealing off Greek-speaking Orthodoxy from the West for almost a century and a half.{{sfn|Kitromilides|2006|pp=187, 191}}{{sfn|Kenworthy|2008|p=173}} However, the church survived in altered form, and the spiritual and cultural influence of the Eastern church, Constantinople, and ] has continued.{{sfn|Kenworthy|2008|p=173}} | |||
=== Judaism === | |||
{{Main|History of the Jews in the Byzantine Empire}} | |||
Byzantine Jewry played a prominent role in the medieval Jewish world. The ] schism and the Venetian and Genoese conquests during the Fourth Crusade introduced divisions, but these did not significantly impact the commercial or cultural life of the Jewish or Christian communities.<ref>{{Cite book |last=De Lange |first=Nicholas |author-link=Nicholas de Lange |url=https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/abs/cambridge-history-of-judaism/byzantium/4C101463C3F13E10EF20652B7FE13DD0 |title=The Cambridge History of Judaism |date=2018 |publisher=Cambridge University Press |isbn=978-0-521-51724-9 |editor-last=Chazan |editor-first=Robert |editor1-link=Robert Chazan |volume=6: The Middle Ages: The Christian World |place=Cambridge and New York |pages=76–97 |chapter=Byzantium |doi=10.1017/9781139048880.005 |access-date=2024-09-02}}</ref> | |||
== Legacy == | == Legacy == | ||
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{{Main|Succession to the Byzantine Empire}} | {{Main|Succession to the Byzantine Empire}} | ||
]|alt=A map centered on Greece and Turkey in 1450 AD. The Byzantine Empire holds only Southern Greece and northwestern Turkey]] | ]|alt=A map centered on Greece and Turkey in 1450 AD. The Byzantine Empire holds only Southern Greece and northwestern Turkey]] | ||
By the time of the fall of Constantinople, the Byzantine Empire, already an empire in name only since the Fourth Crusade, had been reduced to three ]s: the ], the Empire of Trebizond and the ]. The Morea was ruled by the brothers of Constantine XI, ] and ]. The despotate continued as an independent state by paying an annual tribute to the Ottomans. Incompetent rule, failure to pay the annual tribute, and a revolt against the Ottomans finally led to Mehmed II's invasion of Morea in May 1460. |
By the time of the fall of Constantinople, the Byzantine Empire, already an empire in name only since the Fourth Crusade, had been reduced to three ]s: the ], the Empire of Trebizond and the ]. The Morea was ruled by the brothers of Constantine XI, ] and ]. The despotate continued as an independent state by paying an annual tribute to the Ottomans. Incompetent rule, failure to pay the annual tribute, and a revolt against the Ottomans finally led to ] in May 1460.{{sfnm|Nicol|1993|1pp=396, 401|Reinert|2002|2p=283}} | ||
A few holdouts remained for |
A few holdouts remained for some time. In the ], the island of ] came under the protection of ] before the end of 1460.{{sfn|Kalligas|2002|pp=886, 888}} The Empire of Trebizond, which had split away from the Byzantine Empire just weeks before Constantinople was taken by the Crusaders in 1204, became the last remnant of and de facto successor state to the Byzantine Empire. Efforts by Emperor ] to recruit European powers for an anti-Ottoman crusade provoked war between the Ottomans and Trebizond in the summer of 1461. After a ], David surrendered the city of Trebizond on 14 August 1461. Trebizond's Crimean principality, the Principality of Theodoro (part of the ]), lasted another 14 years, falling to the Ottomans in December 1475.{{sfn|Nicol|1993|pages=407–408}} | ||
Mehmed II and his successors continued to ] to the Roman Empire. They considered that they had shifted their religious basis as Constantine had done before, and they continued to refer to their conquered Eastern Roman inhabitants (]) as ]. This claim gradually faded away as the Ottoman Empire assumed a more Islamic political identity. |
Mehmed II and his successors continued to ] to the Roman Empire. They considered that they had shifted their religious basis as Constantine had done before, and they continued to refer to their conquered Eastern Roman inhabitants (]) as ]. This claim gradually faded away as the Ottoman Empire assumed a more Islamic political identity.{{sfn|Üre|2020|p=46}} Meanwhile, the ], whose rulers also considered themselves the heirs of the Eastern Roman Emperors,{{Sfn|Clark|2000|p=213}} harboured Orthodox refugees, including some Byzantine nobles. | ||
After Constantine's death, the role of the emperor as a patron of Eastern Orthodoxy was claimed by ], Grand Prince of ]. He had married Andreas' sister, ], whose grandson, ], became the first tsar of Russia (''tsar'', or ''czar'', meaning ''caesar'', is a term traditionally applied by Slavs to the Byzantine emperors). Their successors supported the idea that Moscow was the proper heir to Rome and Constantinople. The idea of the ] as the successive ] was very much alive in Imperial Russia, but it lost state support after the ].{{Sfn|Seton-Watson|1967|p=31}} | |||
=== Cultural aftermath === | === Cultural aftermath === | ||
{{See also|Succession of the Roman Empire|Greek scholars in the Renaissance}} | {{See also|Succession of the Roman Empire|Greek scholars in the Renaissance}} | ||
] mosaic in the ], painted {{circa|1261}}|alt=A close up photograph of a mosaic painted golden yellow, which depicts a bearded man with long hair holding a book in his left hand]] | |||
Byzantium has been often identified with absolutism, orthodox spirituality, orientalism and exoticism, while the terms "Byzantine" and "Byzantinism" have been used as bywords for decadence, complex bureaucracy, and repression. Both Eastern and Western European authors have often perceived Byzantium as a body of religious, political, and philosophical ideas contrary to those of the West. Even in ], the focus was mainly on the classical past, while Byzantine tradition had been associated with negative connotations.{{Sfn|Cameron|2009|pp=277–281}} | |||
This traditional approach towards Byzantium has been partially or wholly disputed and revised by modern studies, which focus on the positive aspects of Byzantine culture and legacy. From the ninth to the twelfth centuries, Byzantine Christianity converted and helped establish multiple nations in what is now Eastern Europe.{{sfn|Shepard|2006|pp=4–5, 7–8}}{{sfn|Harris|2014|p=7}} The historian ] regards this as undeniable, and both Cameron and Obolensky recognize the major role of Byzantium in shaping Orthodoxy, which in turn occupies a central position in the history, societies and culture of Greece, Romania, Bulgaria, Russia, Georgia, Serbia and other countries.{{Sfn|Cameron|2009|pp=186–277}} | |||
], Byzantine missionaries to the Slavs, on ] in the ]|alt=A photograph of statue, which depicts two bearded and hooded men, the one on the left is holding up a cross while the one on the right is holding up a book]] | ], Byzantine missionaries to the Slavs, on ] in the ]|alt=A photograph of statue, which depicts two bearded and hooded men, the one on the left is holding up a cross while the one on the right is holding up a book]] | ||
]|alt=A painting which shows a Christian priest standing on a pier officiating the baptism of multiple people who are standing in a water body while other people watch on]] | ]|alt=A painting which shows a Christian priest standing on a pier officiating the baptism of multiple people who are standing in a water body while other people watch on]] | ||
Its use of vernacular language, and the development of the first Slavic written script, increased education and literacy and influenced the direction of the spiritual, religious, and cultural development of the entire region.{{sfn|Poppe|1991|p=25}}{{sfn|Ivanič|2016|p=127}}{{sfn|Schaff|1953|pp=161–162}} The Byzantines also preserved and copied classical manuscripts, and they are thus regarded as transmitters of classical knowledge, as important contributors to modern European civilization, and as precursors of both ] and Slavic-Orthodox culture.{{Sfn|Cameron|2009|p=261}} | |||
The historian ] notes how Byzantium has often been identified with absolutism, orthodox spirituality, orientalism and exoticism, while the terms "Byzantine" and "Byzantinism" have been used as bywords for decadence, complex bureaucracy, and repression. Both Eastern and Western European authors have often perceived Byzantium as a body of religious, political, and philosophical ideas contrary to those of the West. Even in ], the focus was mainly on the classical past, while Byzantine tradition was associated with negative connotations.{{Sfn|Cameron|2009|pp=277–281}} | |||
As the only stable long-term state in Europe during the Middle Ages, Byzantium isolated Western Europe from newly emerging forces to the East. Constantly under attack, it distanced Western Europe from Persians, Arabs, Seljuk Turks, and for a time, the Ottomans. From a different perspective, since the 7th century, the evolution and constant reshaping of the Byzantine state were directly related to the respective progress of Islam.{{Sfn|Cameron|2009|p=261}} Following the conquest of Constantinople by the Ottoman Turks in 1453, Sultan Mehmed II took the title "''Kaysar-i Rûm''" (the Ottoman Turkish equivalent of ] of Rome), since he was determined to make the Ottoman Empire the heir of the Eastern Roman Empire.{{Sfnm|Béhar|1999|1a1=Bideleux|1a2=Jeffries|1y=1998|1p=71|2p=38}} | |||
This traditional approach towards Byzantium has been partially or wholly disputed and revised by modern studies, which focus on the positive aspects of Byzantine culture and legacy. From the ninth to the twelfth centuries, Byzantine Christianity converted and helped establish multiple nations in what is now Eastern Europe.{{sfn|Shepard|2006|pp=4–5, 7–8}}{{sfn|Harris|2014|p=7}} Cameron regards this as undeniable, and she and Obolensky both recognize the major role of Byzantium in shaping Orthodoxy, which in turn occupies a central position in the history, societies and culture of Greece, Romania, Bulgaria, Russia, Georgia, Serbia and other countries.{{Sfn|Cameron|2009|pp=186–277}} | |||
Its use of vernacular language, and the development of the first Slavic written script, increased education and literacy and influenced the direction of the spiritual, religious, and cultural development of the entire region.{{sfn|Poppe|1991|p=25}}{{sfn|Ivanič|2016|p=127}} The Byzantines also preserved and copied classical manuscripts, and they are thus regarded as transmitters of classical knowledge, as important contributors to modern European civilization, and as precursors of both ] and Slavic-Orthodox culture.{{Sfn|Cameron|2009|p=261}} The Byzantine law codes form the basis of civil law traditions in much of Europe, Latin America, Ethiopia, other countries that follow ], and possibly even Islamic countries.{{sfnm|Stolte|2015|2a1=Merryman|2a2=Pérez-Perdomo|2y=2007|Stein|1999|1pp=10–11|2pp=367–368|3p=36}}{{sfn|Salogubova|Zenkov|2018}} | |||
As the only stable long-term state in Europe during the Middle Ages, Byzantium isolated Western Europe from newly emerging forces to the East. Constantly under attack, it shielded Western Europe from the Persians, Arabs, Seljuk Turks, and for some time, the Ottomans. From another perspective, since the 7th century, the evolution and constant reshaping of the Byzantine state was directly corelated to the progress of Islamic conquests.{{Sfn|Cameron|2009|p=261}} Following the conquest of Constantinople by the Ottoman Turks in 1453, Sultan Mehmed II took the title "''Kaysar-i Rûm''" (the Ottoman Turkish equivalent of ] of Rome), since he was determined to make the Ottoman Empire the heir of the Eastern Roman Empire.{{Sfnm|Béhar|1999|1a1=Bideleux|1a2=Jeffries|1y=1998|1p=71|2p=38}} | |||
== See also == | == See also == | ||
Line 565: | Line 466: | ||
=== Sources === | === Sources === | ||
==== Primary sources ==== | |||
{{Refbegin|30em|indent=yes}} | |||
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{{Refend}} | |||
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* {{cite journal |last=Cameron |first=Averil |title= Late |
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* {{ |
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** {{harvc |last=Bundy |first=David |c=Early Asian and East African Christianities |pp=118–148 |in1=Casiday |in2=Norris |year=2007}} | |||
** {{harvc |last=Drake |first=Harold A. |author-link=Harold A. Drake |c=The church, society and political power |pp=403–428 |in1=Casiday |in2=Norris |year=2007}} | |||
** {{harvc |last=Hall |first=Stuart |c=Institutions in the pre-Constantinian ecclēsia |in1=Casiday |in2=Norris |year=2007 |pp=413–433}} | |||
** {{harvc |last=Lieu |first=Samuel N. C. |author-link=Samuel N. C. Lieu |c=Christianity and Manichaeism |pp=279–295 |in1=Casiday |in2=Norris |year=2007}} | |||
** {{harvc |last=Löhr |first=Winrich |c=Western Christianities |pp=7–51 |in1=Casiday |in2=Norris |year=2007}} | ** {{harvc |last=Löhr |first=Winrich |c=Western Christianities |pp=7–51 |in1=Casiday |in2=Norris |year=2007}} | ||
* {{Cite book |last=Chitwood |first=Zachary |url=https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/byzantine-legal-culture-and-the-roman-legal-tradition-8671056/EDF3AD1A74C4461805235605257DF9D6 |title=Byzantine Legal Culture and the Roman Legal Tradition, 867–1056 |date=2017 |publisher=Cambridge University Press |isbn=978-1-107-18256-1 |location=Cambridge |doi=10.1017/9781316861547}} | * {{Cite book |last=Chitwood |first=Zachary |url=https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/byzantine-legal-culture-and-the-roman-legal-tradition-8671056/EDF3AD1A74C4461805235605257DF9D6 |title=Byzantine Legal Culture and the Roman Legal Tradition, 867–1056 |date=2017 |publisher=Cambridge University Press |isbn=978-1-107-18256-1 |location=Cambridge |doi=10.1017/9781316861547}} | ||
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** {{harvc |last= |
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** {{harvc |last= |
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** {{harvc |last= |
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** {{harvc |last= |
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** {{harvc |last= |
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** {{harvc |last= |
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** {{harvc |last= |
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** {{harvc |last=Jeffreys |first=Elizabeth |in=Cormack |year=2008 |anchor-year=2008a |c=Entertainments, Theatre, And Hippodrome |pages=677–684 |author-link=Elizabeth Jeffreys |in2=Haldon |in3=Jeffreys}} | |||
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** {{harvc |last=Markopoulos |first=Athanasios |c=Education |in=Cormack |year=2008 |pages=785–795 |in2=Haldon |in3=Jeffreys}} | |||
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** {{harvc |last=Pryor |first=John |c=Shipping and Seafaring |in=Cormack |year=2008 |pages=482–491 |in2=Haldon |in3=Jeffreys}} | |||
* {{Cite journal |last=Day |first=Gerald W. |date=1977 |title=Manuel and the Genoese: A Reappraisal of Byzantine Commercial Policy in the Late Twelfth Century |journal=The Journal of Economic History |volume=37 |issue=2 |pages=289–301 |doi=10.1017/S0022050700096947 |jstor=2118759 |s2cid=155065665}} | |||
** {{harvc |last=Stathakopoulos |first=Dionysios Ch. |c=Population, Demography, and Disease |in=Cormack |year=2008 |pages=309–316 |in2=Haldon |in3=Jeffreys}} | |||
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* {{ |
* {{Cite journal |last=Howard-Johnston |first=James |date=2008b |title=John H. Pryor and Elizabeth M. Jeffreys, The Age of the ΔPOMΩN: the Byzantine Navy ca. 500–1204. Leiden-Boston: Brill, 2006. Pp. lxxvii, 754. |url=https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/identifier/S030701310000536X/type/journal_article |journal=Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies |language=en |volume=32 |issue=2 |pages=239–241 |doi=10.1017/S030701310000536X |issn=0307-0131 |author-link=James Howard-Johnston}} | ||
* {{Cite book |last=Howard-Johnston |first=James |title=Byzantium: Economy, Society, Institutions 600–1100 |date=2024 |publisher=Oxford University Press |isbn=9780198897880 |
* {{Cite book |last=Howard-Johnston |first=James |title=Byzantium: Economy, Society, Institutions 600–1100 |date=2024 |publisher=Oxford University Press |isbn=9780198897880 |location=Oxford and New York}} | ||
* {{cite journal |last=Ivanič |first=Peter |title=The Origins of Christianity in the Territory of Czech and Slovak Republics Within the Contexts of Written Sources |url=https://www.academia.edu/70908086 |journal=European Journal of Science and Theology |volume=12 |issue=6 |date=2016 |pages=123–130 |access-date=9 June 2023 |archive-date=6 June 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230606030707/https://www.academia.edu/70908086 |url-status=live}} | |||
* {{cite book |last=Humfress |first=Caroline |authorlink=Caroline Humfress |year=2013 |title=New Frontiers: Law and Society in the Roman World |publisher=Edinburgh University Press |isbn=978-0-7486-6817-5 |chapter=5: Laws' Empire: Roman Universalism and Legal Practice |pages=73–101 |editor1-last=du Plessis |editor1-first=Paul J. |editor1-link=Paul du Plessis |location=Edinburgh |jstor=10.3366/j.ctt3fgt2d.9}} | |||
* {{cite encyclopedia |last=James |first=Liz |author-link=Liz James |editor-last=Brigstocke |editor-first=Hugh |year=2003 |orig-year=2001 |encyclopedia=The Oxford Companion to Western Art |title=Byzantine Art |publisher=Oxford University Press |location=Oxford and New York |isbn=978-0-19-866203-7 |url-access=subscription |url=https://www.oxfordreference.com/view/10.1093/acref/9780198662037.001.0001/acref-9780198662037-e-423}} | |||
* {{cite journal |last=Ivanič |first=Peter |title=The origins of Christianity in the territory of Czech and Slovak republics within the contexts of written sources |url=https://www.academia.edu/70908086 |journal=European Journal of Science and Theology |volume=12 |issue=6 |date=2016 |pages=123–130 |access-date=9 June 2023 |archive-date=6 June 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230606030707/https://www.academia.edu/70908086 |url-status=live }} | |||
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** {{harvc |last=Kaiser |first=Wolfgang. |c=Justinian and the Corpus Iuris Civilis |in=Johnson |year=2015 |pp=119–148}} | |||
** {{harvc |last=Stolte |first=Bernard H. |c=The Law of New Rome: Byzantine Law |in=Johnson |year=2015 |pp=355–373}} | |||
* {{cite book |editor1-last=Johnson |editor1-first=Scott Fitzgerald |title=The Oxford Handbook of Late Antiquity |date=2015 |publisher=Oxford University Press |isbn=978-0-19-027753-6 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=KEYSDAAAQBAJ |location=Oxford and New York}} | * {{cite book |editor1-last=Johnson |editor1-first=Scott Fitzgerald |title=The Oxford Handbook of Late Antiquity |date=2015 |publisher=Oxford University Press |isbn=978-0-19-027753-6 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=KEYSDAAAQBAJ |location=Oxford and New York}} | ||
** {{harvc |last=Kaiser |first=Wolfgang |c=Justinian and the Corpus Iuris Civilis |in=Johnson |year=2015 |pp=119–148}} | |||
** {{harvc |last=Stolte |first=Bernard H. |c=The Law of New Rome: Byzantine Law |in=Johnson |year=2015 |pp=355–373}} | |||
* {{Cite book |last=Jones |first=A. H. M. |author-link=A. H. M. Jones |location=Oxford |publisher=Basil Blackwell |url=http://archive.org/details/JonesLaterRomanEmpire02 |title=The Later Roman Empire 284–602 |volume=II |language=English |date=1986}} | * {{Cite book |last=Jones |first=A. H. M. |author-link=A. H. M. Jones |location=Oxford |publisher=Basil Blackwell |url=http://archive.org/details/JonesLaterRomanEmpire02 |title=The Later Roman Empire 284–602 |volume=II |language=English |date=1986}} | ||
* {{cite journal |first=Alexander |last=Jones |title=The Works of Archimedes: Translation and Commentary. Volume 1: The Two Books On the Sphere and the Cylinder |journal=Notices of the AMS |volume=52 |issue=5 |url=https://www.ams.org/notices/200505/rev-jones.pdf |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220302190047/https://www.ams.org/notices/200505/rev-jones.pdf |archive-date=2 March 2022 |year=2005 |pages=520–525}} | |||
* {{Cite book |last=Kaldellis |first=Anthony |author-link=Anthony Kaldellis |title=Hellenism in Byzantium: The Transformations of Greek Identity and the Reception of the Classical Tradition |publisher=Cambridge University Press |date=2007 |isbn=978-0-521-87688-9 |location=Cambridge and New York}} | * {{Cite book |last=Kaldellis |first=Anthony |author-link=Anthony Kaldellis |title=Hellenism in Byzantium: The Transformations of Greek Identity and the Reception of the Classical Tradition |publisher=Cambridge University Press |date=2007 |isbn=978-0-521-87688-9 |location=Cambridge and New York}} | ||
* {{Cite book |last=Kaldellis |first=Anthony |title=The Invention of Byzantium in Early Modern Europe |publisher=Harvard University Press |year=2022 |isbn=978-0-88402-484-2 |editor-last=Ransohoff |editor-first=Jake |pages=349–367 |language=English |chapter=From "Empire of the Greeks" to "Byzantium" |editor-last2=Aschenbrenner |editor-first2=Nathanael |author-mask=3 |location=Washington, D.C.}} | |||
* {{cite web |last=Kaldellis |first=Anthony |title=Late Antiquity Dissolves |date=18 September 2015 |website=Marginalia: Forum on Late Antiquity and the Humanities |access-date=12 December 2023 |url=https://themarginaliareview.com/late-antiquity-dissolves-by-anthony-kaldellis/ |archive-date=13 December 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20231213011114/https://themarginaliareview.com/late-antiquity-dissolves-by-anthony-kaldellis/ |url-status=live |author-mask=3}} | * {{cite web |last=Kaldellis |first=Anthony |title=Late Antiquity Dissolves |date=18 September 2015 |website=Marginalia: Forum on Late Antiquity and the Humanities |access-date=12 December 2023 |url=https://themarginaliareview.com/late-antiquity-dissolves-by-anthony-kaldellis/ |archive-date=13 December 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20231213011114/https://themarginaliareview.com/late-antiquity-dissolves-by-anthony-kaldellis/ |url-status=live |author-mask=3}} | ||
* {{Cite book |last=Kaldellis |first=Anthony |title=The Oxford World History of Empire: Volume Two: The History of Empires |publisher=Oxford University Press |year=2021a |editor-last=Fibiger Bang |editor-first=Peter |editor1-link=Peter Fibiger Bang |chapter=The Byzantine Empire (641–1453 |
* {{Cite book |last=Kaldellis |first=Anthony |title=The Oxford World History of Empire: Volume Two: The History of Empires |publisher=Oxford University Press |year=2021a |editor-last=Fibiger Bang |editor-first=Peter |editor1-link=Peter Fibiger Bang |chapter=The Byzantine Empire (641–1453 CE) |pages=450–467 |editor-last2=Bayly |editor-first2=C. A. |editor2-link=Christopher Bayly |editor-last3=Scheidel |editor-first3=Walter |editor3-link=Walter Scheidel |isbn=9780197532768 |location=New York |author-mask=3}} | ||
* {{cite book |last=Kaldellis |first=Anthony |title=The New Roman Empire: A History of Byzantium |date=2023 |location=New York |publisher=Oxford University Press |author-mask=3 |isbn=978-0197549322}} | * {{cite book |last=Kaldellis |first=Anthony |title=The New Roman Empire: A History of Byzantium |date=2023 |location=New York |publisher=Oxford University Press |author-mask=3 |isbn=978-0197549322}} | ||
* {{Cite journal |last=Karras |first=Valerie A. |date=2004 |title=Female Deacons in the Byzantine Church |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/4146526 |journal=Church History |volume=73 |issue=2 |pages=272–316 |doi=10.1017/S000964070010928X |jstor=4146526 |s2cid=161817885 |issn=0009-6407 |access-date=2 February 2024 |archive-date=5 March 2016 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160305131943/http://www.jstor.org/stable/4146526 |url-status=live}} | * {{Cite journal |last=Karras |first=Valerie A. |date=2004 |title=Female Deacons in the Byzantine Church |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/4146526 |journal=Church History |volume=73 |issue=2 |pages=272–316 |doi=10.1017/S000964070010928X |jstor=4146526 |s2cid=161817885 |issn=0009-6407 |access-date=2 February 2024 |archive-date=5 March 2016 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160305131943/http://www.jstor.org/stable/4146526 |url-status=live}} | ||
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* {{Cite book |title=Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium |publisher=Oxford University Press |date=1991a |isbn=978-0-19-504652-6 |editor-last=Kazhdan |editor-first=Alexander Petrovich |location=Oxford and New York |volume=2 |url=https://archive.org/details/the-oxfrod-dictionary-of-byzantium-vol.-1-oup-1991/The%20Oxfrod%20Dictionary%20of%20Byzantium_Vol.%202_OUP_1991/mode/2up}} | |||
* {{Cite book |last=Kazanaki-Lappa |first=Maria |title=The Economic History of Byzantium |publisher=Dumbarton Oaks |date=2002 |editor-last=Laiou |editor-first=Angeliki E. |editor1-link=Angeliki E. Laiou |location=Washington, DC |pages=639–646 |chapter=Medieval Athens |chapter-url=http://www.doaks.org/publications/doaks_online_publications/EconHist/EHB29.pdf |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120218231247/http://www.doaks.org/publications/doaks_online_publications/EconHist/EHB29.pdf |archive-date=18 February 2012 |url-status=dead |isbn=978-0884022886}} | |||
** {{harvc |last=Browning |first=Robert |author-link=Robert Browning (Byzantinist) |url-access=subscription |in=Kazhdan |year=1991a |url=https://www.oxfordreference.com/view/10.1093/acref/9780195046526.001.0001/acref-9780195046526-e-3001 |c=Language |pages=1175–1177}} | |||
* {{Cite book |last=Kazhdan |first=Alexander Petrovich |year=1991b |chapter-url=https://archive.org/details/the-oxfrod-dictionary-of-byzantium-vol.-1-oup-1991/The%20Oxfrod%20Dictionary%20of%20Byzantium_Vol.%202_OUP_1991/page/1228/mode/2up |pages=1234–1237 |chapter=Literature |volume=2 |isbn=978-0-19-504652-6 |title=Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium |title-link=Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium |publisher=Oxford University Press |location=Oxford and New York }} | |||
** {{harvc |last=Conomos |first=Dimitri E. |year=1991a |anchor-year=1991 |chapter-url=https://archive.org/details/the-oxfrod-dictionary-of-byzantium-vol.-1-oup-1991/The%20Oxfrod%20Dictionary%20of%20Byzantium_Vol.%202_OUP_1991/page/1419/mode/2up |pages=1424–1426 |c=Music |in=Kazhdan}} | |||
* {{Cite book |title=Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium |title-link=Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium |publisher=Oxford University Press |date=1991a |isbn=978-0-19-504652-6 |editor-last=Kazhdan |editor-first=Alexander Petrovich |editor-link=Alexander Kazhdan |location=Oxford and New York}} | |||
** {{harvc |last1=Conomos |first1=Dimitri E. |last2=Kazhdan |first2=Alexander |year=1991a |chapter-url=https://archive.org/details/the-oxfrod-dictionary-of-byzantium-vol.-1-oup-1991/The%20Oxfrod%20Dictionary%20of%20Byzantium_Vol.%202_OUP_1991/page/1421/mode/2up |pages=1426–1427 |c=Musical Instruments |in=Kazhdan |anchor-year=1991}} | |||
** {{harvc |last=Browning |first=Robert |author-link=Robert Browning (Byzantinist) |url-access=subscription |in=Kazhdan |year=1991a |url=https://www.oxfordreference.com/view/10.1093/acref/9780195046526.001.0001/acref-9780195046526-e-3001 |c=Language}} | |||
** {{harvc |last=Kazhdan |first=Alexander Petrovich |year=1991a |chapter-url=https://archive.org/details/the-oxfrod-dictionary-of-byzantium-vol.-1-oup-1991/The%20Oxfrod%20Dictionary%20of%20Byzantium_Vol.%202_OUP_1991/page/1228/mode/2up |pages=1234–1237 |c=Literature |in=Kazhdan |anchor-year=1991b}} | |||
* {{Cite journal |last=Kazhdan |first=Alexander |date=1990a |title=Byzantine Hagiography and Sex in the Fifth to Twelfth Centuries |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/1291623 |journal=Dumbarton Oaks Papers |volume=44 |pages=131–143 |doi=10.2307/1291623 |jstor=1291623 |issn=0070-7546 |access-date=30 January 2024 |author-mask=3}} | |||
* {{Cite journal |last=Kazhdan |first=Alexander |date=1990a |title=Byzantine Hagiography and Sex in the Fifth to Twelfth Centuries |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/1291623 |journal=Dumbarton Oaks Papers |volume=44 |pages=131–143 |doi=10.2307/1291623 |jstor=1291623 |issn=0070-7546 |access-date=30 January 2024}} | |||
* {{cite book |last=Kazhdan |first=Alexander |year=1999 |title=A History of Byzantine Literature (650–850) |publisher=Institute for Byzantine Research |location=Athens |url=https://archive.org/details/Kazhdan1999ByzLit01/mode/2up |url-access=registration |isbn=978-960-371-010-3 |author-mask=3}} | * {{cite book |last=Kazhdan |first=Alexander |year=1999 |title=A History of Byzantine Literature (650–850) |publisher=Institute for Byzantine Research |location=Athens |url=https://archive.org/details/Kazhdan1999ByzLit01/mode/2up |url-access=registration |isbn=978-960-371-010-3 |author-mask=3}} | ||
* {{ |
* {{cite journal |last=Kenworthy |first=Scott M. |title=Beyond Schism: Restoring Eastern Orthodoxy to the History of Christianity |journal=Reviews in Religion and Theology |volume= 15 |issue=2 |year=2008 |pages=171–178 |doi=10.1111/j.1467-9418.2007.00377_1.x}} | ||
* {{cite journal |title=Review of: Law, Language, and Empire in the Roman Tradition. Empire and After |url=https://bmcr.brynmawr.edu/2012/2012.06.10/ |journal=Bryn Mawr Classical Review |issn=1055-7660 |date=2012-06-10 |first=Christina |last=Kokkinia}} | |||
* {{cite journal|last=Kenworthy|first=Scott M.|title=Beyond Schism: Restoring Eastern Orthodoxy to the History of Christianity|journal=Reviews in Religion and Theology|volume= 15|issue=2|year=2008|pages= 171–178|doi=10.1111/j.1467-9418.2007.00377_1.x }} | |||
* {{Cite book |title=The Economic History of Byzantium. From the Seventh Through the Fifteenth Century |volume=1 |publisher=Dumbarton Oaks |year=2002a |editor-last=Laiou |editor-first=Angeliki E. |location=Washington, DC |url=https://archive.org/details/economicbizant/mode/2up |isbn=9780884022886 |editor-link=Angeliki Laiou}} | |||
* {{Cite book |last=Köprülü |first=Mehmet Fuat |author-link=Fuat Köprülü |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=D-WaKed2iNgC |title=The Origins of the Ottoman Empire |publisher=State University of New York Press |others=Translated and edited by Gary Leiser |date=1992 |isbn=978-0-7914-0819-3 |location=Albany, NY |access-date=25 June 2016 |archive-date=9 September 2017 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170909094240/https://books.google.com/books?id=D-WaKed2iNgC |url-status=live}} | |||
** {{harvc |last=Markis |first=George |c=Ships |in=Laiou |year=2002a |pages=89–98}} | |||
* {{Cite book |last=Laiou |first=Angeliki E. |title=The Economic History of Byzantium (Volume 1) |publisher=Dumbarton Oaks |date=2002a |editor-last=Laiou |editor-first=Angeliki E. |location=Washington, DC |pages=3–8 |chapter=Writing the Economic History of Byzantium |author-link=Angeliki Laiou |chapter-url=http://www.doaks.org/resources/publications/doaks-online-publications/byzantine-studies/the-economic-history-of-byzantium/EHB01-Writing%20the%20economic%20history%20of%20Byzantium.pdf |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130930114212/http://www.doaks.org/resources/publications/doaks-online-publications/byzantine-studies/the-economic-history-of-byzantium/EHB01-Writing%20the%20economic%20history%20of%20Byzantium.pdf |archive-date=30 September 2013 |url-status=dead |isbn=978-0884022886}} | |||
* {{Cite book |title=The Economic History of Byzantium. From the Seventh Through the Fifteenth Century |volume=2 |publisher=Dumbarton Oaks |year=2002b |editor-first=Angeliki E. |editor-last=Laiou |location=Washington, DC |isbn=978-0884022886}} | |||
** {{harvc |last=Markis |first=George |c=Ships |in=Laiou |year=2002a |author-link=}} | |||
** {{harvc |pages=878–897 |last=Kalligas |first=Haris |c=Monemvasia, Seventh–Fifteenth Centuries |in=Laiou |year=2002b |anchor-year=2002}} | |||
* {{Cite book |last=Laiou |first=Angeliki E. |title=The Economic History of Byzantium (Volume 2) |publisher=Dumbarton Oaks |date=2002b |editor-last=Angeliki E. Laiou |location=Washington, DC |pages=697–770 |chapter=Exchange and Trade, Seventh-Twelfth Centuries |chapter-url=http://www.doaks.org/resources/publications/doaks-online-publications/byzantine-studies/the-economic-history-of-byzantium/ehb36-trade |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130930114425/http://www.doaks.org/resources/publications/doaks-online-publications/byzantine-studies/the-economic-history-of-byzantium/ehb36-trade |archive-date=30 September 2013 |url-status=dead |author-mask=3 |isbn=978-0884022886}} | |||
** {{harvc |pages=625–632|c=Medieval Athens |chapter-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120218231247/http://www.doaks.org/publications/doaks_online_publications/EconHist/EHB29.pdf |last=Kazanaki-Lappa |first=Maria |in=Laiou |year=2002b |anchor-year=2002}} | |||
* {{Cite book |last1=Laiou |first1=Angeliki E. |title=The Byzantine Economy |last2=Morrisson |first2=Cécile |author2-link=Cécile Morrisson |url=https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/byzantine-economy/59786C4CA132FDEAA9F7F31472FAC2CB |publisher=Cambridge University Press |location=Cambridge |date=2007 |isbn=978-0-521-84978-4 |author-mask=3}} | |||
** {{harvc |last=Laiou |first=Angeliki E. |c=Exchange and Trade, Seventh-Twelfth Centuries |pages=681–754 |in=Laiou |year=2002b |anchor-year=2002c |chapter-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130930114425/http://www.doaks.org/resources/publications/doaks-online-publications/byzantine-studies/the-economic-history-of-byzantium/ehb36-trade}} | |||
* {{Cite journal |last=Lavan |first=Myles |date=2016 |title=The Spread of Roman Citizenship, 14–212 ce: Quantification in the Face of High Uncertainty |url=https://academic.oup.com/past/article-abstract/230/1/3/2460651?redirectedFrom=fulltext |journal=Past & Present |issue=230 |pages=3–46 |doi=10.1093/pastj/gtv043 |issn=0031-2746|hdl=10023/12646 |hdl-access=free }} | |||
** {{harvc |pages=519–527 |chapter=Medieval Constantinople: Built Environment and Urban Development |chapter-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130930114407/http://www.doaks.org/resources/publications/doaks-online-publications/byzantine-studies/the-economic-history-of-byzantium/ehb20-cp |last=Magdalino |first=Paul |author-link=Paul Magdalino |in=Laiou |year=2002b |anchor-year=2002b}} | |||
** {{harvc |pages=771–806 |chapter=Commerce, Trade, Markets, and Money: Thirteenth-Fifteenth Centuries |chapter-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130930114138/http://www.doaks.org/resources/publications/doaks-online-publications/byzantine-studies/the-economic-history-of-byzantium/ehb37-trade-late |last=Matschke |first=Klaus-Peter |in=Laiou |year=2002b |anchor-year=2002}} | |||
* {{Cite book |last1=Laiou |first1=Angeliki E. |title=The Byzantine Economy |url=https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/byzantine-economy/59786C4CA132FDEAA9F7F31472FAC2CB |publisher=Cambridge University Press |location=Cambridge |date=2007 |isbn=978-0-521-84978-4 |last2=Morrisson |first2=Cécile}} | |||
* {{Cite journal |last=Lavan |first=Myles |date=2016 |title=The Spread of Roman Citizenship, 14–212 ce: Quantification in the Face of High Uncertainty |url=https://academic.oup.com/past/article-abstract/230/1/3/2460651?redirectedFrom=fulltext |journal=Past & Present |issue=230 |pages=3–46 |doi=10.1093/pastj/gtv043 |issn=0031-2746 |hdl=10023/12646 |hdl-access=free}} | |||
* {{cite book |last=Lazaris |first=Stavros |title=A Companion to Byzantine Science |series=Brill's Companions to the Byzantine World |volume=6 |publisher=Brill |location=Leiden and Boston |year=2020 |doi=10.1163/9789004414617 |isbn=978-90-04-41461-7}} | |||
* {{Cite book |last=Lenski |first=Noel |chapter=Slavery in the Byzantine Empire |date=2021-08-12 |title=The Cambridge World History of Slavery |pages=453–481 |publisher=Cambridge University Press |isbn=978-1-139-02472-3 |volume=2: AD 500–AD 1420 |location=Cambridge and New York}} | * {{Cite book |last=Lenski |first=Noel |chapter=Slavery in the Byzantine Empire |date=2021-08-12 |title=The Cambridge World History of Slavery |pages=453–481 |publisher=Cambridge University Press |isbn=978-1-139-02472-3 |volume=2: AD 500–AD 1420 |location=Cambridge and New York}} | ||
* {{cite encyclopedia |last=Levy |first=Kenneth |others=Revised by Christian Troelsgård |editor-first1=Christian |editor-last1=Troelsgård |year=2016 |orig-year=2001 |encyclopedia=] |title=Byzantine Chant |publisher=Oxford University Press |location=Oxford |doi=10.1093/gmo/9781561592630.article.04494 |isbn=978-1-56159-263-0 |url-access=subscription |url=https://www.oxfordmusiconline.com/grovemusic/view/10.1093/gmo/9781561592630.001.0001/omo-9781561592630-e-0000004494 |ref={{sfnRef|Levy|Troelsgård|2016}} |author-link=Kenneth Levy}} {{Grove Music subscription}} | |||
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* {{cite book |last=Miller |first=Timothy S. |title=The Birth of the Hospital in the Byzantine Empire |isbn=9780801856570 |location=Baltimore and London |doi=10.56021/9780801826764 |publisher=Johns Hopkins University Press |year=1997}} | |||
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** {{harvc |last=Martín |first=Inmaculada Pérez |year=2021 |chapter=Modes of Manuscript Transmission (Ninth–Fifteenth Centuries) |in=Papaioannou |pages=682–706}} | |||
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* {{cite book |editor-last=Shepard |editor-first=Jonathan |year=1990 |title=Byzantine Diplomacy: Papers of the Twenty-fourth Spring Symposium of Byzantine Studies |isbn=9780860783381 |publisher=Variorum |location=Cambridge}} | * {{cite book |editor-last=Shepard |editor-first=Jonathan |year=1990 |title=Byzantine Diplomacy: Papers of the Twenty-fourth Spring Symposium of Byzantine Studies |isbn=9780860783381 |publisher=Variorum |location=Cambridge |editor-link=Jonathan Shepard}} | ||
** {{harvc |last=Kazhdan |first=Alexander |c=1: The Notion of Byzantine Diplomacy |in=Shepard |year=1990 |author-link=Alexander Kazhdan}} | ** {{harvc |last=Kazhdan |first=Alexander |c=1: The Notion of Byzantine Diplomacy |in=Shepard |year=1990 |author-link=Alexander Kazhdan |pages=3–24}} | ||
** {{harvc |last=Chrysos |first=Evangelos |c=2: Byzantine Diplomacy, AD 300–800 |in=Shepard |year=1990}} | ** {{harvc |last=Chrysos |first=Evangelos |c=2: Byzantine Diplomacy, AD 300–800 |in=Shepard |year=1990 |pages=25–40}} | ||
** {{harvc |last= |
** {{harvc |last=Shepard |first=Jonathan |c=3: Byzantine Diplomacy, AD 800–1204 |in=Shepard |year=1990 |pages=41–72 |anchor-year=1990a}} | ||
** {{harvc |last=Oikonomides |first=Nikolaos |c=4: Byzantine Diplomacy, AD 1204–1453 |in=Shepard |year=1990 |author-link=Nikolaos Oikonomides}} | ** {{harvc |last=Oikonomides |first=Nikolaos |c=4: Byzantine Diplomacy, AD 1204–1453 |in=Shepard |year=1990 |author-link=Nikolaos Oikonomides |pages=73–90}} | ||
** {{harvc |last=Kennedy |first=Hugh |c=7: Byzantine-Arab |
** {{harvc |last=Kennedy |first=Hugh |c=7: Byzantine-Arab Diplomacy in the Near East from the Islamic Conquests to the Mid-Eleventh Century |in=Shepard |year=1990 |author-link=Hugh N. Kennedy |pages=133–144}} | ||
** {{harvc |last=Haldon |first=John |c=18: Blood and |
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** {{harvc |last=Auzépy |first=Marie-France |c=State of Emergency (700–850) |in=Shepard |year=2009 |pp=251–291}} | ** {{harvc |last=Auzépy |first=Marie-France |c=State of Emergency (700–850) |in=Shepard |year=2009 |pp=251–291}} | ||
** {{harvc |last=Kaegi |first=Walter Emil |author-link=Walter Kaegi |c=Confronting Islam: Emperors Versus Caliphs (641 – c. 850) |in=Shepard |year=2009 |pp=365–394 |
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** {{harvc |last=Louth |first=Andrew |author-link=Andrew Louth |c=Justinian and his legacy (500–600) |in=Shepard |year=2009 |anchor-year=2009a |pp=97–129 |
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** {{harvc |last=Moorhead |first=John |author-link=John Moorhead |c=Western Approaches (500–600) |in=Shepard |year=2009}} | |||
** {{harvc |last=Shepard |first=Jonathan |author-link=Jonathan Shepard |c=Equilibrium to Expansion (886–1025) |in=Shepard |year=2009 |anchor-year=2009b |pp=493–536}} | ** {{harvc |last=Shepard |first=Jonathan |author-link=Jonathan Shepard |c=Equilibrium to Expansion (886–1025) |in=Shepard |year=2009 |anchor-year=2009b |pp=493–536}} | ||
** {{harvc |last=Tougher |first=Shaun |c=After Iconoclasm (850–886) |in=Shepard |year=2009 |pp=292–304}} | ** {{harvc |last=Tougher |first=Shaun |c=After Iconoclasm (850–886) |in=Shepard |year=2009 |pp=292–304}} | ||
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* {{A History of the Byzantine State and Society}} | * {{A History of the Byzantine State and Society}} | ||
* {{cite encyclopedia |last=Touliatos |first=Diane |year=2001 |encyclopedia=] |title=Byzantine Secular Music |publisher=Oxford University Press |location=Oxford |doi=10.1093/gmo/9781561592630.article.48192 |isbn=978-1-56159-263-0 |url-access=subscription |url=https://www.oxfordmusiconline.com/grovemusic/view/10.1093/gmo/9781561592630.001.0001/omo-9781561592630-e-0000048192}} {{Grove Music subscription}} | |||
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* {{Cite book |last=Unwin |first=P. T. H. |title=Wine and the Vine: An Historical Geography of Viticulture and the Wine Trade |date=2010 |publisher=Routledge |isbn=978-0-415-14416-2 |location=London}} | |||
* {{cite thesis|last=Tussay |first=Ákos |date=2022 |others=Miklós Könczöl, Szilárd Tattay |title=A History of the nomos empsychos idea |url=http://real-phd.mtak.hu/1749/1/Tussay_Akos_dolgozatv.pdf |doi=10.15774/PPKE.JAK.2022.010 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230523033443/http://real-phd.mtak.hu/1749/1/Tussay_Akos_dolgozatv.pdf |archive-date=23 May 2023}} | |||
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* {{cite journal |last=van Dieten |first=Jan Louis |year=1980 |title=Die Byzantinische Literatur – Eine Literatur Ohne Geschichte? |trans-title=Byzantine Literature – A Literature Without History? |language=de |journal=] |volume=231 |issue=H 1 |pages=101–109 |doi=10.1524/hzhz.1980.231.jg.101 |jstor=27621785}} | |||
* {{Cite book |last=Vasiliev |first=Aleksandr Aleksandrovich |author-link=Alexander Vasiliev (historian) |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=EXiWAwAAQBAJ |title=History of the Byzantine Empire, 324–1453 |date=1964 |publisher=University of Wisconsin Press |isbn=978-0-299-80925-6 |location=Madison, Wisconsin and London |access-date=19 July 2021 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210808183933/https://books.google.com/books?id=EXiWAwAAQBAJ |archive-date=8 August 2021 |url-status=live}} | |||
* {{cite book |last=Velimirović |first=Miloš |author-link=Miloš Velimirović |editor-first1=Richard |editor-last1=Crocker |editor-first2=David |editor-last2=Hiley |editor-link2=David Hiley |year=1990 |title=The New Oxford History of Music |volume=II: The Early Middle Ages To 1300 |chapter=Byzantine Chant |pages=26–68 |edition=2nd |publisher=Oxford University Press |location=Oxford and New York |isbn=978-0-19-316329-4 |url=https://archive.org/details/new-oxford-history-of-music/New%20Oxford%20History%20of%20Music%202a%20The%20Early%20Middle%20Ages%20to%201300%20II/mode/2up}} | |||
* {{Cite book |last=Versteegh |first=Cornelis H. M. |title=Greek Elements in Arabic Linguistic Thinking |publisher=Brill |date=1977 |isbn=978-9-0040-4855-3 |location=Leiden}} | * {{Cite book |last=Versteegh |first=Cornelis H. M. |title=Greek Elements in Arabic Linguistic Thinking |publisher=Brill |date=1977 |isbn=978-9-0040-4855-3 |location=Leiden}} | ||
* {{Cite book |last=Vryonis |first=Speros |author-link=Speros Vryonis |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=wBpIAAAAMAAJ |title=The Decline of Medieval Hellenism in Asia Minor and the Process of Islamization from the Eleventh through the Fifteenth Century |publisher=University of California Press |date=1971 |isbn=978-0-520-01597-5 |location=Berkeley |access-date=25 June 2016 |archive-date=26 June 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200626102729/https://books.google.com/books?id=wBpIAAAAMAAJ |url-status=live}} | * {{Cite book |last=Vryonis |first=Speros |author-link=Speros Vryonis |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=wBpIAAAAMAAJ |title=The Decline of Medieval Hellenism in Asia Minor and the Process of Islamization from the Eleventh through the Fifteenth Century |publisher=University of California Press |date=1971 |isbn=978-0-520-01597-5 |location=Berkeley |access-date=25 June 2016 |archive-date=26 June 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200626102729/https://books.google.com/books?id=wBpIAAAAMAAJ |url-status=live}} | ||
* {{Cite journal |last=Wallace-Hadrill |first=Andrew |date=1998 |title=To Be Roman, Go Greek Thoughts on Hellenization at Rome |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/43767621 |journal=Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies. Supplement |issue=71 |pages=79–91 |jstor=43767621 |issn=2398-3264 |access-date=1 January 2024 |archive-date=28 December 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20231228235559/https://www.jstor.org/stable/43767621 |url-status=live |author-link=Andrew Wallace-Hadrill}} | * {{Cite journal |last=Wallace-Hadrill |first=Andrew |date=1998 |title=To Be Roman, Go Greek Thoughts on Hellenization at Rome |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/43767621 |journal=Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies. Supplement |issue=71 |pages=79–91 |jstor=43767621 |issn=2398-3264 |access-date=1 January 2024 |archive-date=28 December 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20231228235559/https://www.jstor.org/stable/43767621 |url-status=live |author-link=Andrew Wallace-Hadrill}} | ||
* {{Cite book |last=Whitby |first=Michael |chapter=Byzantine Diplomacy: Good Faith, Trust and Co-operation in International Relations in Late Antiquity |date=2008 |title=War and Peace in Ancient and Medieval History |pages=120–140 |url=http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9780511496301.008 |access-date=2024-07-26 |publisher=Cambridge University Press |author-link=Michael Whitby |location=Cambridge |doi=10.1017/cbo9780511496301.008 |isbn=978-0-521-81703-5 |editor1-last=de Souza |editor1-first=Philip |editor2-last=France |editor2-first=John}} | |||
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* {{Cite book |last=Zhang |first=Yongjin |chapter=Barbarism and Civilization |date=2023 |title=The Oxford Handbook of History and International Relations |pages=218–232 |url=http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198873457.013.15 |access-date=2024-07-26 |publisher=Oxford University Press |isbn=978-0-19-887345-7 |location=Oxford and New York|doi=10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198873457.013.15 }} | |||
{{Refend}} | {{Refend}} | ||
== External links == | == External links == | ||
{{Library resources box |onlinebooks = yes |
{{Library resources box |onlinebooks = yes}} | ||
* {{In Our Time|Byzantine Empire|p00547j9|Byzantine_Empire}} | * {{In Our Time|Byzantine Empire|p00547j9|Byzantine_Empire}} | ||
* {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160718092221/http://www.anders.com/lectures/lars_brownworth/12_byzantine_rulers/ |date=18 July 2016}} by Lars Brownworth of ]; audio lectures. | |||
* . Scholarly biographies of many Byzantine emperors. | |||
* {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160718092221/http://www.anders.com/lectures/lars_brownworth/12_byzantine_rulers/ |date=18 July 2016 }} by Lars Brownworth of ]; audio lectures. | |||
* (Maps of the Roman/Byzantine Empire throughout its lifetime). | * (Maps of the Roman/Byzantine Empire throughout its lifetime). | ||
* | |||
; Byzantine studies, resources and bibliography | |||
* at ]. Includes links to numerous electronic texts. | * at ]. Includes links to numerous electronic texts. | ||
* {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20141008060507/http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/byzantium/ |date=8 October 2014 |
* {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20141008060507/http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/byzantium/ |date=8 October 2014}}. Links to various online resources. | ||
* . Online sourcebook. | * . Online sourcebook. | ||
* . Resources for medieval history, including numerous translated sources on the Byzantine wars. | * . Resources for medieval history, including numerous translated sources on the Byzantine wars. | ||
* {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140814170022/http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/sbook1c.html |date=14 August 2014 |
* {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140814170022/http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/sbook1c.html |date=14 August 2014}}. Numerous primary sources on Byzantine history. | ||
* . Hosted by the ]; in English. | * . Hosted by the ]; in English. | ||
* . Links to texts, images and videos on Byzantium. | * . Links to texts, images and videos on Byzantium. | ||
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Latest revision as of 18:12, 21 January 2025
Continuation of the Roman Empire (330–1453) "Byzantine" redirects here. For other uses, see Byzantine (disambiguation).
Byzantine Empire | |
---|---|
330–1453 | |
The empire in 555 under Justinian I, its greatest extent since the fall of the Western Roman Empire, with vassals in pink | |
Capital | Constantinople (modern-day Istanbul) |
Common languages | |
Religion | Christianity (official) |
Demonym(s) |
|
Government | Autocracy |
Notable emperors | |
• 306–337 | Constantine I |
• 379–395 | Theodosius I |
• 408–450 | Theodosius II |
• 527–565 | Justinian I |
• 610–641 | Heraclius |
• 717–741 | Leo III |
• 976–1025 | Basil II |
• 1081–1118 | Alexios I |
• 1143–1180 | Manuel I |
• 1261–1282 | Michael VIII |
• 1449–1453 | Constantine XI |
Historical era | Late antiquity to Late Middle Ages |
Population | |
• 457 | 16,000,000 |
• 565 | 26,000,000 |
• 775 | 7,000,000 |
• 1025 | 12,000,000 |
• 1320 | 2,000,000 |
Currency | Solidus, denarius, and hyperpyron |
The Byzantine Empire, also referred to as the Eastern Roman Empire, was the continuation of the Roman Empire centred in Constantinople during late antiquity and the Middle Ages. The eastern half of the Empire survived the conditions that caused the fall of the West in the 5th century AD, and continued to exist until the fall of Constantinople to the Ottoman Empire in 1453. During most of its existence, the empire remained the most powerful economic, cultural, and military force in the Mediterranean world. The term "Byzantine Empire" was only coined following the empire's demise; its citizens referred to the polity as the "Roman Empire" and to themselves as "Romans". Due to the imperial seat's move from Rome to Byzantium, the adoption of state Christianity, and the predominance of Greek instead of Latin, modern historians continue to make a distinction between the earlier Roman Empire and the later Byzantine Empire.
During the earlier Pax Romana period, the western parts of the empire became increasingly Latinised, while the eastern parts largely retained their preexisting Hellenistic culture. This created a dichotomy between the Greek East and Latin West. These cultural spheres continued to diverge after Constantine I (r. 324–337) moved the capital to Constantinople and legalised Christianity. Under Theodosius I (r. 379–395), Christianity became the state religion, and other religious practices were proscribed. Greek gradually replaced Latin for official use as Latin fell into disuse.
The empire experienced several cycles of decline and recovery throughout its history, reaching its greatest extent after the fall of the west during the reign of Justinian I (r. 527–565), who briefly reconquered much of Italy and the western Mediterranean coast. The appearance of plague and a devastating war with Persia exhausted the empire's resources; the early Muslim conquests that followed saw the loss of the empire's richest provinces—Egypt and Syria—to the Rashidun Caliphate. In 698, Africa was lost to the Umayyad Caliphate, but the empire subsequently stabilised under the Isaurian dynasty. The empire was able to expand once more under the Macedonian dynasty, experiencing a two-century-long renaissance. This growth came to an end in 1071 after the defeat by the Seljuk Turks at the Battle of Manzikert. Thereafter, periods of civil war and Seljuk incursion resulted in the loss of most of Asia Minor. The empire recovered during the Komnenian restoration, and Constantinople remained the largest and wealthiest city in Europe until the 13th century.
The empire was largely dismantled in 1204, following the Sack of Constantinople by Latin armies at the end of the Fourth Crusade; its former territories were then divided into competing Greek rump states and Latin realms. Despite the eventual recovery of Constantinople in 1261, the reconstituted empire wielded only regional power during its final two centuries of existence. Its remaining territories were progressively annexed by the Ottomans in perennial wars fought throughout the 14th and 15th centuries. The fall of Constantinople to the Ottomans in 1453 ultimately brought the empire to an end. Many refugees who had fled the city after its capture settled in Italy and throughout Europe, helping to ignite the Renaissance. The fall of Constantinople is sometimes used to mark the dividing line between the Middle Ages and the early modern period.
Nomenclature
See also: Names of the GreeksThe inhabitants of the empire, now generally termed Byzantines, thought of themselves as Romans (Romaioi). Their Islamic neighbours similarly called their empire the "land of the Romans" (Bilād al-Rūm), but the people of medieval Western Europe preferred to call them "Greeks" (Graeci), due to having a contested legacy to Roman identity and to associate negative connotations from ancient Latin literature. The adjective "Byzantine", which derived from Byzantion (Latinised as Byzantium), the name of the Greek settlement Constantinople was established on, was only used to describe the inhabitants of that city; it did not refer to the empire, which they called Romanía—"Romanland".
After the empire's fall, early modern scholars referred to the empire by many names, including the "Empire of Constantinople", the "Empire of the Greeks", the "Eastern Empire", the "Late Empire", the "Low Empire", and the "Roman Empire". The increasing use of "Byzantine" and "Byzantine Empire" likely started with the 15th-century historian Laonikos Chalkokondyles, whose works were widely propagated, notably by Hieronymus Wolf. "Byzantine" was used adjectivally alongside terms such as "Empire of the Greeks" until the 19th century. It is now the primary term, used to refer to all aspects of the empire; however, some modern historians believe that, as an originally prejudicial and inaccurate term, it should not be used.
History
Main article: History of the Byzantine EmpireAs the historiographical periodizations of "Roman history", "late antiquity", and "Byzantine history" significantly overlap, there is no consensus on a "foundation date" for the Byzantine Empire, if there was one at all. The growth of the study of "late antiquity" has led to some historians setting a start date in the seventh or eighth centuries. Others believe a "new empire" began during changes in c. 300 AD. Still others hold that these starting points are too early or too late, and instead begin c. 500. Geoffrey Greatrex believes that it is impossible to precisely date the foundation of the Byzantine Empire.
Early history (pre-518)
Further information: Byzantine Empire under the Constantinian and Valentinianic dynasties, Byzantine Empire under the Theodosian dynasty, and Byzantine Empire under the Leonid dynastyIn a series of conflicts between the third and first centuries BC, the Roman Republic gradually established hegemony over the eastern Mediterranean, while its government ultimately transformed into the one-person rule of an emperor. The Roman Empire enjoyed a period of relative stability until the third century AD, when a combination of external threats and internal instabilities caused the Roman state to splinter as regional armies acclaimed their generals as "soldier-emperors". One of these, Diocletian (r. 284–305), seeing that the state was too big to be ruled by one man, attempted to fix the problem by instituting a Tetrarchy, or rule of four, and dividing the empire into eastern and western halves. Although the Tetrarchy system quickly failed, the division of the empire proved an enduring concept.
Diocletian's reforms significantly altered governmental structure, reach and taxation, and these reforms also had the effect of downgrading the first capital, Rome. Constantine I (r. 306–337) secured sole power in 324. Over the following six years, he rebuilt the city of Byzantium as a capital city, which was renamed Constantinople. Rome was further from the important eastern provinces and in a less strategically important location; it was not esteemed by the "soldier-emperors" who ruled from the frontiers or by the empire's population who, having been granted citizenship, considered themselves "Roman". Constantine extensively reformed the empire's military and civil administration and instituted the gold solidus as a stable currency. He favoured Christianity, which he had converted to in 312.
Constantine's dynasty fought a lengthy conflict against Sasanid Persia and ended in 363 after the death of his son-in-law Julian. The short Valentinianic dynasty, occupied with wars against barbarians, religious debates, and anti-corruption campaigns, ended in the East after the death of Valens at the Battle of Adrianople in 378.
Valens's successor, Theodosius I (r. 379–395), restored political stability in the east by allowing the Goths to settle in Roman territory; he also twice intervened in the western half, defeating the usurpers Magnus Maximus and Eugenius in 388 and 394 respectively. He actively condemned paganism, confirmed the primacy of Nicene Christianity over Arianism, and established Christianity as the Roman state religion. He was the last emperor to rule both the western and eastern halves of the empire; after his death, the West was destabilised by a succession of "soldier-emperors", unlike the East, where administrators continued to hold power. Theodosius II (r. 408–450) largely left the rule of the east to officials such as Anthemius, who constructed the Theodosian Walls to defend Constantinople, now firmly entrenched as Rome's capital.
Theodosius' reign was marked by the theological dispute over Nestorianism, which was eventually deemed heretical, and by the formulation of the Codex Theodosianus law code. It also saw the arrival of Attila's Huns, who ravaged the Balkans and exacted a massive tribute from the empire; Attila however switched his attention to the rapidly-deteriorating western empire, and his people fractured after his death in 453. After Leo I (r. 457–474) failed in his 468 attempt to reconquer the west, the warlord Odoacer deposed Romulus Augustulus in 476, killed his titular successor Julius Nepos in 480, and the office of western emperor was formally abolished.
Through a combination of luck, cultural factors, and political decisions, the Eastern empire never suffered from rebellious barbarian vassals and was never ruled by barbarian warlords—the problems which ensured the downfall of the West. Zeno (r. 474–491) convinced the problematic Ostrogoth king Theodoric to take control of Italy from Odoacer, which he did; dying when the empire was at peace, Zeno was succeeded by Anastasius I (r. 491–518). Although his Monophysitism brought occasional issues, Anastasius was a capable administrator and instituted several successful financial reforms including the abolition of the chrysargyron tax. He was the first emperor, since Diocletian, who did not face any serious problems affecting his empire.
518–717
Further information: Byzantine Empire under the Justinian dynasty and Byzantine Empire under the Heraclian dynasty Emperor Justinian (left), and the general Belisarius (right). Mosaics, 6th century, from the Basilica of San Vitale, Ravenna, ItalyThe reign of Justinian I was a watershed in Byzantine history. Following his accession in 527, the law-code was rewritten as the influential Corpus Juris Civilis and Justinian produced extensive legislation on provincial administration; he reasserted imperial control over religion and morality through purges of non-Christians and "deviants"; and having ruthlessly subdued the 532 Nika revolt he rebuilt much of Constantinople, including the original Hagia Sophia. Justinian took advantage of political instability in Italy to attempt the reconquest of lost western territories. The Vandal Kingdom in North Africa was subjugated in 534 by the general Belisarius, who then invaded Italy; the Ostrogothic Kingdom was destroyed in 554.
In the 540s, however, Justinian began to suffer reversals on multiple fronts. Taking advantage of Constantinople's preoccupation with the West, Khosrow I of the Sasanian Empire invaded Byzantine territory and sacked Antioch in 540. Meanwhile, the emperor's internal reforms and policies began to falter, not helped by a devastating plague that killed a large proportion of the population and severely weakened the empire's social and financial stability. The most difficult period of the Ostrogothic war, against their king Totila, came during this decade, while divisions among Justinian's advisors undercut the administration's response. He also did not fully heal the divisions in Chalcedonian Christianity, as the Second Council of Constantinople failed to make a real difference. Justinian died in 565; his reign saw more success than that of any other Byzantine emperor, yet he left his empire under massive strain.
Financially and territorially overextended, Justin II (r. 565–578) was soon at war on many fronts. The Lombards, fearing the aggressive Avars, conquered much of northern Italy by 572. The Sasanian wars restarted that year, and continued until the emperor Maurice finally emerged victorious in 591; by that time, the Avars and Slavs had repeatedly invaded the Balkans, causing great instability. Maurice campaigned extensively in the region during the 590s, but although he managed to re-establish Byzantine control up to the Danube, he pushed his troops too far in 602—they mutinied, proclaimed an officer named Phocas as emperor, and executed Maurice. The Sasanians seized their moment and reopened hostilities; Phocas was unable to cope and soon faced a major rebellion led by Heraclius. Phocas lost Constantinople in 610 and was soon executed, but the destructive civil war accelerated the empire's decline.
Top: the Sasanian Empire at its territorial apex under Khosrow IIBottom: the Theodosian Walls of Constantinople, critically important during the 717–718 siege.
Under Khosrow II, the Sassanids occupied the Levant and Egypt and pushed into Asia Minor, while Byzantine control of Italy slipped and the Avars and Slavs ran riot in the Balkans. Although Heraclius repelled a siege of Constantinople in 626 and defeated the Sassanids in 627, this was a pyrrhic victory. The early Muslim conquests soon saw the conquest of the Levant, Egypt, and the Sassanid Empire by the newly-formed Arabic Rashidun Caliphate. By Heraclius' death in 641, the empire had been severely reduced economically as well as territorially—the loss of the wealthy eastern provinces had deprived Constantinople of three-quarters of its revenue.
The next seventy-five years are poorly documented. Arab raids into Asia Minor began almost immediately, and the Byzantines resorted to holding fortified centres and avoiding battle at all costs; although it was invaded annually, Anatolia avoided permanent Arab occupation. The outbreak of the First Fitna in 656 gave Byzantium breathing space, which it used wisely: some order was restored in the Balkans by Constans II (r. 641–668), who began the administrative reorganisation known as the "theme system", in which troops were allocated to defend specific provinces. With the help of the recently rediscovered Greek fire, Constantine IV (r. 668–685) repelled the Arab efforts to capture Constantinople in the 670s, but suffered a reversal against the Bulgars, who soon established an empire in the northern Balkans. Nevertheless, he and Constans had done enough to secure the empire's position, especially as the Umayyad Caliphate was undergoing another civil war.
Justinian II sought to build on the stability secured by his father Constantine but was overthrown in 695 after attempting to exact too much from his subjects; over the next twenty-two years, six more rebellions followed in an era of political instability. The reconstituted caliphate sought to break Byzantium by taking Constantinople, but the newly crowned Leo III managed to repel the 717–718 siege, the first major setback of the Muslim conquests.
718–867
Further information: Byzantine Empire under the Isaurian dynasty, Byzantine Empire under the Nikephorian dynasty, and Byzantine Empire under the Amorian dynastyLeo and his son Constantine V (r. 741–775), two of the most capable Byzantine emperors, withstood continued Arab attacks, civil unrest, and natural disasters, and reestablished the state as a major regional power. Leo's reign produced the Ecloga, a new code of law to succeed that of Justinian II, and continued to reform the "theme system" in order to lead offensive campaigns against the Muslims, culminating in a decisive victory in 740. Constantine overcame an early civil war against his brother-in-law Artabasdos, made peace with the new Abbasid Caliphate, campaigned successfully against the Bulgars, and continued to make administrative and military reforms. However, due to both emperors' support for the Byzantine Iconoclasm, which opposed the use of religious icons, they were later vilified by Byzantine historians; Constantine's reign also saw the loss of Ravenna to the Lombards, and the beginning of a split with the Roman papacy.
In 780, Empress Irene assumed power on behalf of her son Constantine VI. Although she was a capable administrator who temporarily resolved the iconoclasm controversy, the empire was destabilized by her feud with her son. The Bulgars and Abbasids meanwhile inflicted numerous defeats on the Byzantine armies, and the papacy crowned Charlemagne as Roman emperor in 800. In 802, the unpopular Irene was overthrown by Nikephoros I; he reformed the empire's administration but died in battle against the Bulgars in 811. Military defeats and societal disorder, especially the resurgence of iconoclasm, characterised the next eighteen years.
Stability was somewhat restored during the reign of Theophilos (r. 829–842), who exploited economic growth to complete construction programs, including rebuilding the sea walls of Constantinople, overhaul provincial governance, and wage inconclusive campaigns against the Abbasids. After his death, his empress Theodora, ruling on behalf of her son Michael III, permanently extinguished the iconoclastic movement; the empire prospered under their sometimes-fraught rule. However, Michael was posthumously vilified by historians loyal to the dynasty of his successor Basil I, who assassinated him in 867 and who was given credit for his predecessor's achievements.
867–1081
Further information: Byzantine Empire under the Macedonian dynasty and Byzantine Empire under the Doukas dynastyBasil I (r. 867–886) continued Michael's policies. His armies campaigned with mixed results in Italy but defeated the Paulicians of Tephrike. His successor Leo VI (r. 886–912) compiled and propagated a huge number of written works. These included the Basilika, a Greek translation of Justinian I's law-code which included over 100 new laws created by Leo; the Tactica, a military treatise; and the Book of the Eparch, which codified Constantinople's trading regulations. In non-literary contexts Leo was less successful: the empire lost in Sicily and against the Bulgarians, while he provoked theological scandal by marrying four times in an attempt to father a legitimate heir.
The early reign of that heir, Constantine VII, was tumultuous, as his mother Zoe, his uncle Alexander, the patriarch Nicholas, the powerful Simeon I of Bulgaria, and other influential figures jockeyed for power. In 920, the admiral Romanos I used his fleet to secure power, crowning himself and demoting Constantine to the position of junior co-emperor. His reign, which brought peace with Bulgaria and successes in the east under the general John Kourkouas, was ended in 944 by the machinations of his sons, whom Constantine soon usurped in turn. Constantine's ineffectual sole rule has often been construed as the zenith of Byzantine learning, but while several works were compiled, they were largely intended to legitimise and glorify the emperor's Macedonian dynasty. His son and successor died young; under two soldier-emperors, Nikephoros II (r. 963–969) and John I Tzimiskes (r. 969–976), the Roman army claimed numerous military successes, including the conquest of Cilicia and Antioch, and a sensational victory against Bulgaria and the Kievan Rus' in 971. John in particular was an astute administrator who reformed military structures and implemented effective fiscal policies.
After John's death, Constantine VII's grandsons Basil II and Constantine VIII ruled jointly for half a century, although the latter exercised no real power. Their early reign was occupied by conflicts against two prominent generals, Bardas Skleros and Bardas Phokas, which ended in 989 with the former's death and the latter's submission, and with a power struggle against the eunuch Basileios, who was dismissed in 985. Basil, who for unknown reasons never married or had children, subsequently refused to delegate any authority: he sidelined the military establishment by taking personal command of the army and promoting officers loyal to him. His reign was preoccupied with the decades-long campaign against Bulgaria, which ended in total Byzantine victory at the Battle of Kleidion in 1018. Diplomatic efforts, critical for that success, also contributed to the annexation of several Georgian provinces in the 1020s and coexistence with the new Fatimid Caliphate. When he died in 1025, Basil's empire stretched from the Danube and Sicily in the west to the Euphrates in the east; his swift expansion was, however, unaccompanied by administrative reforms.
After Constantine VIII's death in 1028, his daughters, the empresses Zoe (r. 1028–1052) and Theodora (r. 1042–1056), held the keys to power: four emperors (Romanos III, Michael IV, Michael V, and Constantine IX) ruled only because of their connection to Zoe, while Michael VI (r. 1056–1057) was selected by Theodora. This political instability, regular budget deficits, a string of expensive military failures, and other problems connected to over-extension led to substantial issues in the empire; its strategic focus moved from maintaining its hegemony to prioritizing defence.
The empire soon came under sustained assault on three fronts, from the Seljuk Turks in the east, the Pecheneg nomads in the north, and the Normans in the west. The Byzantine army struggled with confronting these enemies, who did not organise themselves as traditional states and were thus untroubled by defeats in set-piece battles. The year 1071 brought two consequential reverses: Bari, the last remaining Byzantine settlement in Italy, was captured by the Normans, while the Seljuks won a decisive victory at the Battle of Manzikert, taking the emperor Romanos IV Diogenes prisoner. The latter event sparked a decade-long civil war, during which the Seljuks took possession of Anatolia up to the Sea of Marmara.
1081–1204
Further information: Byzantine Empire under the Komnenos dynasty and Byzantine Empire under the Angelos dynastyOne prominent general, Alexios I, usurped the throne in 1081. In contrast to the prior turmoil, the three reigns of Alexios (r. 1081–1118), his son John II (r. 1118–1143), and his grandson Manuel I (r. 1143–1180) lasted a century and restored the empire's regional authority for the final time. Alexios immediately faced the Normans under Robert Guiscard, who were repelled through warfare and diplomacy. He then targeted the Pechenegs, who were decisively defeated in 1091 with help from the Cumans, who were in turn defeated three years later. Finally, looking to recover Asia Minor from the Seljuks, he approached Pope Urban II for help c. 1095. He did not anticipate the scale of western Christendom's response—the First Crusade led to the recapture of western Anatolia, although Alexios soon fell out with its leaders. The rest of his reign was spent dealing with the Normans and Seljuks, establishing a new, loyal aristocracy to ensure stability, and carrying out fiscal and ecclesiastical reforms.
Alexios' concentration of power in the hands of his Komnenos dynasty meant the most serious political threats came from within the imperial family—before his coronation, John II had to overcome his mother Irene and his sister Anna, and the primary threat during his reign was his brother Isaac. John campaigned annually and extensively—he fought the Pechenegs in 1122, the Hungarians in the late 1120s, and the Seljuks throughout his reign, notably waging large campaigns in Syria in his final years—but did not achieve large territorial gains. In 1138, John raised the imperial standard over the Crusader Principality of Antioch to intimidate the city into allying with the Byzantines, but chose not to attack, fearing that it would provoke western Christendom to respond.
Manuel I utilised his father's overflowing imperial treasury in pursuit of his ambitions and to secure the empire's position in an increasingly multilateral geopolitical landscape. Through a combination of diplomacy and bribery, he cultivated a ring of allies and clients around the empire: the Turks of the Sultanate of Rum, the Kingdom of Hungary, the Cilician Armenians, Balkan princes, Italian and Dalmatian cities, and most importantly Antioch and the Crusader States, marrying one of their princesses in 1161. Manuel averted the threat of war during the tumultuous passage of the Second Crusade through Byzantine territories in 1147, but the campaign's failure was blamed on the Byzantines by western contemporaries. He was less successful militarily: an invasion of Sicily was decisively defeated by King William I in 1156, leading to tensions with Frederick Barbarossa, the Holy Roman Emperor; two decades later, an invasion of Anatolia was resoundingly defeated at the Battle of Myriokephalon.
Manuel's death left the empire rudderless and it soon came under intense pressure. His son Alexios II was too young to rule, and his troubled regency was soon overthrown by an uncle, who was himself replaced by Isaac II in 1185. Centrifugal forces swirled at the borders as ambitious rulers seized their chance: Hungary and the Turks captured Byzantine territories, an exiled Komnenian prince seized Cyprus; and most injuriously, a revolt in 1185 caused the foundation of a resurrected Bulgarian state. Relations with the west deteriorated further after Constantinople allied with Saladin, the vanquisher of the Third Crusade, whose leaders also conflicted with Byzantium as they passed through its territory. In 1195, Isaac II was deposed by his brother Alexios III; this particular quarrel proved fatal.
The Fourth Crusade was originally intended to target Egypt, but amid strategic difficulties, Isaac II's son Alexios Angelos convinced the crusaders to restore his father to the throne in exchange for a huge tribute. They attacked Constantinople in 1203, reinstating Isaac II and his son to the throne. The new rulers grew swiftly unpopular and were deposed by Alexios V, which the crusaders used as a pretext to sack the city in April 1204, ransacking the wealth it had accumulated over nine centuries.
1204–1453
Further information: Byzantine Empire under the Palaiologos dynastyByzantine territories fragmented into competing political entities. The crusaders crowned Baldwin I as the ruler of a new Latin Empire in Constantinople; it soon suffered a crushing defeat against the Bulgarians in 1205. It also failed to expand west or east, where three Greek successor states had formed: the Empire of Nicaea and the Empire of Trebizond in Asia Minor, and the Despotate of Epirus on the Adriatic. The Venetians acquired many ports and islands, and the Principality of Achaea emerged in southern Greece. Trebizond lost the key port of Sinope in 1214 and thereafter was unable to affect matters away from the southeastern Black Sea. For a time, it seemed like Epirus was the one most likely to reclaim Constantinople from the Latins, and its ruler Theodore Doukas crowned himself emperor, but he suffered a critical defeat in 1230 and Epirote power waned.
Nicaea, ruled by the Laskarid dynasty and composed of a mixture of Byzantine refugees and native Greeks, blocked the Latins and the Seljuks of Rum from expanding east and west respectively. John III (r. 1221–1254) was a very capable emperor. His protectionist economic policies strongly encouraged Nicaean self-sufficiency, while he made many diplomatic treaties, especially after Mongol armies ravaged Bulgaria and defeated Rum between 1237 and 1243. This chaos was an opportunity for John, who fought numerous successful campaigns against the states which bore the brunt of the Mongol invasions. Soon after his death, his grandson was usurped by Michael VIII, founder of the Palaiologos dynasty, who recaptured Constantinople in 1261.
Michael chose to expand the empire, gaining only short-term success. To avoid another sacking of the capital by the Latins, he forced the Church to submit to Rome, again a temporary solution for which the peasantry hated Michael and Constantinople. The efforts of Andronikos II and later his grandson Andronikos III marked Byzantium's last genuine attempts to restore the glory of the empire. However, the use of mercenaries by Andronikos II often backfired, like the time the Catalan Company ravaged the countryside, which increased public resentment towards Constantinople.
The situation became worse for Byzantium during the civil wars which erupted after Andronikos III died. A six-year-long civil war devastated the empire, allowing the Serbian ruler Stefan Dušan to overrun most of the empire's remaining territory and establish a Serbian Empire. In 1354, an earthquake at Gallipoli devastated the fort, allowing the Ottomans to conquer it and establish themselves in Europe, after originally being hired as mercenaries during the civil war by John VI Kantakouzenos. By the time the Byzantine civil wars ended, the Ottomans had defeated the Serbians and subjugated them as vassals. After the Battle of Kosovo, much of the Balkans became dominated by the Ottomans.
Constantinople at this stage was underpopulated and dilapidated. The population of the city had collapsed so severely that it was now little more than a cluster of villages separated by fields. On 2 April 1453, Sultan Mehmed's army of 80,000 men and large numbers of irregulars laid siege to the city. Despite a desperate last-ditch defence of the city by the massively outnumbered Christian forces (c. 7,000 men, 2,000 of whom were foreign), Constantinople finally fell to the Ottomans after a two-month siege on 29 May 1453. The final Byzantine emperor, Constantine XI Palaiologos, was last seen casting off his imperial regalia and throwing himself into hand-to-hand combat after the walls of the city were taken.
Government
The themes, c. 750The themes, c. 950Governance
See also: Roman emperor, Coronation of the Byzantine emperor, and Byzantine bureaucracy and aristocracyThe patriarch inaugurated emperors from 457 onwards, while the crowds of Constantinople proclaimed their support, thus legitimizing their rule. The senate originally had its own identity but later became a ceremonial extension of the emperor's court. The reign of Phocas (r. 602–610) was the first military coup after the third century, and he was one of 43 emperors violently removed from power. From Heraclius' accession in 610 till 1453, a total of nine dynasties ruled the Empire. During this time, for only 30 of the 843 years were the reigning emperors unrelated by blood or kinship, largely due to the practice of co-emperorship.
Diocletian and Constantine's reforms reorganized the Empire into Praetorian prefectures and separated the army from the civil administration. From the 7th century onward, these prefectures were reorganized into provinces and later divided into districts called themata, governed by military commanders known as strategos, who oversaw both civil and military matters. Before this change, cities were self-governing communities represented by central government and church officials, while emperors focused on defense and foreign relations. However, constant wars and raids by Arab forces drastically changed this structure. City councils declined, as did the local elites who supported them. Through his legal reforms, Leo VI (r. 886–912) centralised power, formally ending city councils' rights and the legislative authority of the senate.
Diplomacy
Main article: Byzantine diplomacy See also: Foreign relations of the Byzantine EmpireDiplomacy is often regarded as one of the Empire's lasting contributions to European history, particularly in preserving civilization in Eastern Europe. This reputation stems from its aggressive treaty negotiations, alliances with the enemies of its adversaries, and strategic partnerships. For instance, the Empire supported the Turks against the Persians during the Perso-Turkic War (627–629) and exploited tensions between the Umayyads in Spain and the Aghlabids in Sicily. Diplomacy frequently involved long-term embassies, hosting foreign royals as political pawns, and deliberately displaying wealth and power to ensure such impressions spread widely. Other diplomatic strategies included political marriages, granting titles, bribery, persuasion, and intelligence gathering. Notably, the 'Bureau of Barbarians', established in the 4th century, is considered one of the earliest foreign intelligence agencies.
Diplomacy after the reign of Theodosius I (r. 379–395) shifted significantly from the more conquest-focused policies of the Roman Republic, instead emphasizing peace as a strategic necessity. Even in the 6th century, when the Empire had greater resources and fewer threats, the enormous costs of defense, agricultural self-reliance, and aggressive neighbors made avoiding war a priority. Between the 4th and 8th centuries, diplomats capitalized on the Empire's reputation as the Orbis Romanus and its administrative sophistication to influence new settlements on former Roman territories. Byzantine diplomacy often drew fledgling states into dependency, creating a network of inter-state relations (the oikouménē) dominated by the Empire and leveraging Christianity to strengthen these ties. This network emphasized treaty-making, integrating new rulers into the "family of kings," and assimilating values, institutions, and attitudes. These practices have even been referred to as creating a "Byzantine Caliphate", where religion re-framed the civilised-versus-barbarian dichotomy in classical times. By contrast, diplomatic relations with Muslim states focused primarily on war-related issues, such as negotiating hostages or preventing hostilities.
Peace and survival, rather than conquest, were central objectives. Historians describe this approach as "defensive imperialism," which evolved between the 9th and 10th centuries to include halting and reversing Muslim advances, cultivating alliances with Armenians and Rus, and subjugating the Bulgarians. Diplomatic relations with Western states became more challenging after 752–753 and particularly during the Crusades, as shifts in the balance of power undermined the Empire's dominance and its use of the Limitrophe system. By the 11th century, the Empire adopted a principle of diplomatic equality, leveraging the emperor's personal presence to negotiate.
After recovering Constantinople in 1261, the Empire maintained its influence as a great power in the 13th and 14th centuries, despite its declining strength. This success is attributed to its efficient statecraft and strategic use of the Constantinople patriarch.
Law
Main article: Byzantine lawRoman law originated with the Twelve Tables and evolved primarily through the annual Praetorian Edict and the opinions of educated specialists known as Jurists. Hadrian (r. 117–138) made the Praetorian Edict permanent and established a rule where a legal point jurists unanimously agreed on became law. Over time, conflicting legal sources caused confusion about what the law should be. Efforts to address this included two private collections of imperial constitutions compiled during Diocletian's reign (284–305), the Gregorianus and the Hermogenianus (r. 284–305).
Theodosius II (r. 402–450) formalized Roman law by appointing five jurists as principal authorities and compiling legislation issued since Constantine’s reign into the Codex Theodosianus. This process culminated in the Corpus Juris Civilis under Justinian I (r. 527–565), who commissioned a complete standardization of imperial decrees since Hadrian’s time and resolved conflicting legal opinions. The result became the definitive legal authority. This body of law covered not only civil matters but also public law, including imperial power and administrative organization. After 534, Justinian issued the Novellae (New Laws) in Greek, which marked a transition from Roman to Byzantine law. Legal historian Bernard Stolte distinguishes Roman law as this because Western Europe inherited law through the Latin texts of the Corpus Juris Civilis only.
Zachary Chitwood argues that the Corpus Juris Civilis was largely inaccessible in Latin, particularly in the provinces. Following the 7th-century Islamic conquests, people began questioning the development and application of law, leading to stronger ties between law and Christianity. This context influenced Leo III (r. 717–741) to develop the Ecloga, which emphasized humanity. The Ecloga inspired practical legal texts like the Farmers' Law, Seamen's Law, and Soldiers' Law, which Chitwood suggests were used daily in the provinces as companions to the Corpus Juris Civilis. During the Macedonian dynasty, efforts to reform law began with the Procheiron and the Eisagoge, which aimed to replace the Ecloga due to its association with iconoclasm and to define the emperor's power under prevailing laws. Leo VI (r. 886–912) completed a complete codification of Roman law in Greek through the Basilika, a monumental work of 60 books that became the foundation of Byzantine law. Later, in 1345, Constantine Harmenopoulos compiled the Hexabiblos, a six-volume law book derived from various Byzantine legal sources.
Military
Army
Main articles: Eastern Roman army and Byzantine armyIn the 5th century the East was fielding five armies of ~20,000 each in two army branches: stationary frontier units (limitanei) and mobile forces (comitatenses). The historian Anthony Kaldellis claims that the fiscally stretched Empire could only handle one major enemy at a time in the 6th century. The Islamic conquests between 634 and 642 led to significant changes, transforming the 4th-7th centuries field forces into provincial militia-like units which had a core of professional soldiers. The state shifted the burden of supporting the armies onto local populations and during Leo VI (r. 886–912) wove them into the tax system, where provinces evolved into military regions known as themata. Despite many challenges, the historian Warren Treadgold states that the field forces of the Eastern Empire between 284 and 602 were the best in the western world, while the historian Anthony Kaldellis believes that during the conquest period of the Macedonian dynasty (r. 867–1056), they were the best in the empire's history.
The military structure diversified to incorporate militia-like soldiers tied to regions, professional thematic forces (tourmai), and imperial units mostly based in Constantinople (tagmata). Foreign mercenaries also increasingly became employed, including the better-known tagma regiment, the Varangians, that guarded the emperor. The defence-orientated thematic militias were gradually replaced by more specialised offensive field armies, which could also counter the generals who rebelled against the emperor. When the Empire was expanding, the state began to commute thematic military service for cash payments: in the 10th century, there were 6,000 Varangians, another 3,000 foreign mercenaries and when including paid and unpaid citizen soldiers, the army on paper was 140,000 (an expeditionary force was 15,000 soldiers and field armies seldom were more than 40,000).
The thematic forces faded into insignificance—the government relying on the tagmata, mercenaries and allies instead—and which led to a neglect in defensive capability. Mercenary armies further fueled political divisions and civil wars that led to a collapse in the Empire's defence, and resulted in significant losses over territories such as Italy and the Anatolian heartland in the 11th century. Major military and fiscal reforms under the emperors of the Komnenian dynasty after 1081 re-established a modest-sized, adequately compensated and competent army. However, the costs were not sustainable and the structural weaknesses of the Komnenian approach—namely, the reliance on fiscal exemptions called pronoia—unraveled after the end of the reign of Manuel I (r. 1143–1180).
Navy
Main article: Byzantine NavyThe navy dominated the eastern Mediterranean and were active also on the Black Sea, the Sea of Marmara, and the Aegean. Imperial naval forces were restructured to challenge Arab naval dominance in the 7th century, and later ceded their own maritime dominance to the Venetians and Genoans in the 11th century. The navy's patrols, as well as the chains of watchtowers and fire signals that warned inhabitants of threats, created the coastal defense for the Empire and were the responsibility of three themes: Cibirriote, Aegean Sea, Samos and an imperial fleet that consisted of mercenaries like the Norsemen and Russians that later became Varangians.
A new type of war galley, the dromon, appeared early in the sixth century. A multi-purpose variant, the chelandia, appeared during the reign of Justinian II (r. 685–711) and could be used to transport cavalry. The galleys were oar-driven, designed for coastal navigation, and are estimated to be able to operate for up to four days at a time. They were equipped with apparatus to deliver Greek fire in the 670s, and when Basil I (r. 867–886) developed professional marines, this combination kept a check on Muslim raiding through piracy. The dromon was the most advanced galley on the Mediterranean, until the 10th century development of a dromon called a galeai, which superseded dromons after the development of a late 11th century Western (Southern Italian) variant.
Late era (1204–1453)
Main article: Byzantine army (Palaiologan era)The rulers of the Empire of Nicaea that retook the capital and the Palaiologos that ruled until 1453, built on the Komnenian foundation initially with four types of military units—the Thelematarii (volunteer soldiers), Gasmouloi and the Southern Peloponnese Tzacones/Lakones (marines), and Proselontes/Prosalentai (oarsmen)—but similarly could not sustain funding a standing force, largely relying on mercenaries as soldiers and fiscal exemptions to pronoiars who provided a small force of mostly cavalry. The Fleet was disbanded in 1284 and attempts were made to build it back later but the Genoese sabotaged the effort. The historian John Haldon claims that over time, the distinction between field troops and garrison units eventually disappeared as resources were strained. The frequent civil wars further drained the Empire, now increasingly instigated by foreigners such as the Serbs and Turks to win concessions, and the emperors were dependent on mercenaries to keep control, all the while dealing with the impact of the Black Death. The strategy of employing mercenary Turks to fight civil wars was repeatedly used by emperors and always led to the same outcome: subordination to the Turks.
Society
Demography
Main article: Population of the Byzantine Empire See also: Armenians in the Byzantine EmpireAs many as 27 million people lived in the Empire at its peak in 540, but fell to as low as 12 million by 800. Although plague and territorial losses to Arab Muslim invaders weakened the Empire, it eventually recovered and by the near end of the Macedonian dynasty in 1025, the population is estimated to have been as high as 18 million. A few decades after the recapture of Constantinople in 1282, the Empire's population was in the range of 3–5 million; by 1312, the number had dropped to 2 million. By the time the Ottoman Turks captured Constantinople, there were only 50,000 people in the city, which was one-tenth of its population in its prime.
Education
Further information: Byzantine university and Byzantine rhetoricEducation was voluntary and required financial means, so the most literate people were often those associated with the church. Primary education focused on teaching foundational subjects like reading, writing, and arithmetic whereas Secondary school focused on the trivium and quadrivium as their curriculum. The Imperial University of Constantinople was formed in 425, and refounded in 1046 as a centre for law.
Slavery
Further information: Slavery in the Byzantine EmpireDuring the third century, 10–15% of the population was enslaved (numbering around 3 million in the east). Youval Rotman calls the changes to slavery during this period "different degrees of unfreedom". Previous roles fulfilled by slaves became high-demand free market professions (like tutors), and the state encouraged the coloni, tenants bound to the land, as a new legal category between freemen and slaves. From 294, but not completely, the enslavement of children was forbidden; Honorius (r. 393–423) began freeing enslaved people who were prisoners of war, and from the 9th century onward, emperors freed the slaves of conquered people. Christianity as an institution had no direct impact, but by the 6th century it was a bishop's duty to ransom Christians, there were established limits on trading them, and state policies which prohibited the enslavement of Christians shaped Byzantine slave-holding from the 8th century onwards. However, slavery persisted due to a steady source of non-Christians, prices thus remained stable until 1300, when prices for adult slaves, particularly females, started rising.
Socio-economic
Agriculture was the main basis of taxation and the state sought to bind everyone to land for productivity. Most land holdings were small and medium-sized lots around villages, with family farms serving as the primary source of agriculture. The coloni, sometimes called proto-serfs, were free citizens, though historians still debate their exact status.
The Ekloge in 741 made marriage a Christian institution and no longer a private contract, where it evolved alongside the increased rights of slaves and the change in power relations. Marriage was considered an institution to sustain the population, transfer property rights, support the elderly of the family; and the Empress Theodora had additionally said that it was needed to restrict sexual hedonism. Women usually married between ages 15 and 20, and the average family had two children. Divorce could be done by mutual consent but was restricted over time, for example, only being allowed if a married person was joining a convent.
Inheritance rights were well developed, including for all women. The historian Anthony Kaldellis claims that these rights may have been what prevented the emergence of large properties and a hereditary nobility capable of intimidating the state. The prevalence of widows (estimated at 20%) meant that women often controlled family assets as heads of households and businesses, contributing to the rise of some empresses to power. Women played significant roles as taxpayers, landowners, and petitioners, often seeking to resolve property disputes in court.
Women
Further information: Women in the Byzantine EmpireAlthough women shared the same socio-economic status as men, they faced legal discrimination and had limitations in economic opportunities and vocations. Prohibited from serving as soldiers or holding political office, and restricted from serving as deaconesses in the Church from the 7th century onwards, women were mostly assigned household responsibilities that were "labour-intensive". They worked in professions, such as in the food and textile industry, as medical staff, in public baths, had a heavy presence in retail, and were practicing members of artisan guilds. They also worked in disreputable occupations: entertainers, tavern keepers, and prostitutes; a class where some saints and empresses allegedly originated from. Prostitution was widespread, and attempts were made to limit it, especially during Justinian's reign under the influence of Theodora. Women participated in public life, engaging in social events and protests. Women's rights were not better in comparable societies, Western Europe or America until the 19th century.
Language
Further information: Languages of the Roman Empire Left: The Mudil Psalter, the oldest complete psalter in the Coptic language (Coptic Museum, Egypt, Coptic Cairo)Right: The Joshua Roll, a 10th-century illuminated Greek manuscript possibly made in Constantinople (Vatican Library, Rome)
There was never an official language of the Empire, however, Latin and Greek were the main languages. During the early years of the Roman Empire, educated nobles often relied on their knowledge of Greek to meet societal expectations, and knowledge of Latin was useful for a career in the military, government, or law. In the east, Greek was the dominant language, a legacy of the Hellenistic period. Greek was also the language of the Christian Church and trade.
Most early emperors were bilingual but had a preference for Latin in the public sphere for political reasons, a practice that first started during the Punic Wars. Classical languages expert Bruno Rochette claims Latin had experienced a period of spread from the second century BC onwards, and especially so in the western provinces, but not as much in the eastern provinces with a change due to Diocletian's reforms: there was a decline in the knowledge of Greek in the west, and Latin was asserted as the language of power in the east.
Despite this, Greek's influence gradually grew in the government, beginning when Arcadius in 397 AD allowed judges to issue decisions in Greek, Theodosius II in 439 expanded its use in legal procedures, the first law in Greek was issued in 448, and when Leo I legislated in the language in the 460s. Justinian I's Corpus Juris Civilis, a compilation of mostly Roman jurists, was written almost entirely in Latin; however, the laws issued after 534, from Justinian's Novellae Constitutiones onwards, were in both Greek and Latin, which marks the year when the government officially began to use the former language.
Historian Nikolaos Oikonomides states that Greek for a time became diglossic with the spoken language, known as Koine (later, Demotic Greek), used alongside an older written form (Attic Greek) until Koine won out as the spoken and written standard. Latin fragmented into the incipient Romance languages in the 8th century, following the collapse of the Western Empire after the Muslim invasions broke the connection between speakers. During the reign of Justinian (r. 527–565), Latin disappeared in the east, though it may have lingered in the military until Heraclius (r. 610–641). Historian Steven Runciman claims contact with Western Europe in the 10th century revived Latin studies, and by the 11th century, knowledge of Latin was no longer unusual in Constantinople.
Many other languages are attested in the Empire, not just in Constantinople but also at its frontiers. They include Syriac, Coptic, Slavonic, Armenian, Georgian, Illyrian, Thracian, and Celtic; these were typically the languages of the lower strata of the population and the illiterate, who were the vast majority. The Empire initially was a multi-lingual state, and although Greek bound everyone, there was a decline in the diversity of its peoples' languages over time.
Economy
Main article: Byzantine economy Further information: Byzantine silk and Sino-Roman relationsThe Empire's geographic and maritime advantages reduced the costs of transporting goods and facilitated trade, making it a key driver of economic growth from antiquity and through the post-classical period. Infrastructure, including roads, public buildings, and the legal system, supported trade and other economic activities. Regions like Asia Minor, the Aegean islands, Egypt, the Levant, and Africa thrived as mature economic centres despite political challenges and military insecurities. From the mid-6th century onward, however, plagues, invasions, and wars caused populations and economies to decline significantly, leading to the collapse of the ancient economy. Major cities like Constantinople, Antioch, Alexandria, and Thessaloniki continued to support substantial populations exceeding 100,000, while the countryside transitioned into fortified settlements. These rural areas developed into hamlets and villages, reflecting an economic shift between historical periods toward more efficient land use.
Low population density prompted emperors to encourage migration and resettlement, stimulating agriculture and demographic growth. By the 9th century, the economy began to revive, marked by increased agricultural production and urban expansion. Advances in science, technical knowledge, and literacy gave the Empire a competitive edge over its neighbors. The 11th and 12th centuries saw the continued rapid population growth, marking the peak of this revival. Meanwhile, Italian merchants, particularly the Venetians, Genoese, and Pisans, took control of international trade, thus reducing the influence of native merchants. The political system grew increasingly extractive and authoritarian, contributing to the Empire's collapse in 1204.
The fall of Constantinople during the Fourth Crusade in 1204 destroyed its wealth, led to the confiscation of large landholdings and the fragmentation of the Empire into smaller rump states, making governance inefficient and increasing the costs of doing business. The state gradually lost its control over trade practices, price regulations, the outflow of precious metals, and possibly even the minting of coins. Italian merchants further dominated trade as the events of 1204 opened the Black Sea to Western merchants, permanently altering the Empire's fortunes. Farmers and other economic agents increasingly produced goods for local use and were affected by the insecurity of constant warfare. Despite these challenges, the Empire's mixed economy — characterised by state interventions, public works, and market liberalisation — remained a model of medieval economic adaptability, even as it deteriorated under external pressures.
Daily life
Clothing
Main article: Byzantine dressHistorical evidence of Byzantine dress is scant. However, it is known that the court had a distinguishable dress, while non-elite men and women observed certain conventions of clothing. Fashion trends started in the provinces, and not in the capital, which was more conservative. The imperial dress was centred around the loros, tzangia and crown which represented the empire and the court. The loros derived from the trabea triumphalis, a ceremonial toga worn by consuls. It was more prominent in the early empire, indicating a continuation of the traditions of the Roman Empire. Historian Jennifer Ball claims that the chlamys cloak was like a modern-day business suit, which originated with the military, and was an evolution of the paludamentum cloak worn by aristocratic men including the emperor during the early empire. In the middle empire, dresses replaced the tunic for women. The late empire saw the larger influence on Byzantine dress of non-Greek cultures like the Italians (Genoese, Venetian), Turks (Ottomans) and Bulgarians.
Cuisine
Main article: Byzantine cuisineFeasting was a major part of Byzantine culture and included the use of clean tables and forks. Modern Italian standards of gastronomy are likely to have been influenced by this era. Foods which are contemporary in the modern world are, among others, a cured meat called paston, baklava, Feta cheese, salt roe similar to the modern boutargue, black sea caviar, fermented fish sauce, tiropita, dolmades, and the soup trachanas. Fruits unknown from classical times which were added to Byzantine diets included aubergines (eggplants) and oranges. There were famed medieval sweet wines such as the Malvasia from Monemvasia, the Commandaria, and the eponymous Rumney wine that were drunk, as were millet beer (known as boza) and Retsina.
Recreation
Chariot races were held since the early era till 1204, becoming one of the world's longest continuous sporting events. Mimes, the pantomime and some wild-animal shows were prominent until the 6th century. Because Christian bishops and pagan philosophers did not like these activities, the state's funding for them ceased, leading to their decline and a shift to private entertainment and sporting. A Persian version of Polo introduced by the Crusaders called Tzykanion was played by the nobility and urban aristocracy in major cities during the middle and late eras, along with the sport of jousting introduced from the West. Over time, game boards like tavli became increasingly popular.
Religion
Main article: Christianity as the Roman state religion Further information: History of Christianity, History of the Eastern Orthodox Church § Byzantine period, and History of the Jews in the Byzantine EmpireThe granting of citizenship to all free Roman men in 212 fostered greater societal uniformity, particularly in religious practices. Christianity, bolstered by Constantine's support, began shaping all aspects of life. Subsequent emperors encouraged conversion and enacted laws in the late 4th century to restrict pagan activities. In 529, Justinian enforced conversions, specifically targeting polytheists. The confiscation of pagan treasures, diversion of funds, and legal discrimination led to the decline of paganism, resulting in events like the closure of schools of philosophy and the end of the Ancient Olympics. Christianity's debates increased the importance of Greek, making the emergent church dependent on branches of Hellenic thought such as Neoplatonism. Despite the transition, the historian Anthony Kaldellis views Christianity as "bringing no economic, social, or political changes to the state other than being more deeply integrated into it".
When the Roman state in the West politically collapsed, cultural differences began to divide the Christian churches of the East and West. Internal disputes within the Eastern churches led to the migration of monastic communities to Rome, exacerbating tensions between Rome and Constantinople. These disputes, particularly in Egypt and the eastern Mediterranean, eventually split the church into three branches: Chalcedonian, Monophysite (Coptic), and Nestorian. The Chalcedonian group maintained dominance within the Empire’s territories, while the Monophysite and Nestorian branches largely fell under Muslim rule following the rise of Islam in the 7th century.
Eastern patriarchs frequently sought the Papacy’s mediation in doctrinal and practical matters, but the pope’s authority was not universally acknowledged, even in nearby regions like Northern Italy. By 600, the Slavic settlement of the Balkans disrupted communication between Rome and Constantinople, further widening the divide. The Arab and Lombard invasions, and the increased Frankish presence, deepened this estrangement and intensified disputes over jurisdiction and authority between the two spiritual centres. Differences in ritual and theology, such as the use of unleavened bread and the Filioque clause, along with divergences in ecclesiology — plenitudo potestatis versus the authority of Ecumenical Councils — and issues of mutual respect, contributed to the separation of Western Christianity from Eastern Christianity. This separation began as early as 597 and culminated more definitively in 1054 during the East–West Schism.
In 1439, a proposed reunion between the Eastern and Western churches faced Eastern resistance, delaying its official publication in Constantinople until 1452. This agreement was overturned the following year by the Fall of Constantinople to the Ottoman Turks in 1453. The conquest of 1453 marked the destruction of the Church as the central institution of the Christian empire established by Constantine, isolating Greek-speaking Orthodoxy from the West and restricting its influence for nearly 150 years. Despite this, the Church survived in an altered form, and the spiritual and cultural influence of the Eastern Church, Constantinople, and Mount Athos the monastic peninsula has endured.
Arts
Art and architecture
Main articles: Byzantine art and Byzantine architecture Clockwise, from top left:- Christ Pantocrator icon, 6th-century, Sinai Monastery
- Hosios Loukas mosaics, detail, early 11th century
- Barberini ivory, an early 6th-century ivory diptych
- The Hagia Sophia exterior
- Dead Christ and Mourners, c. 1164, Gorno Nerezi
Subjects in Byzantine art were primarily Christian and typically non-naturalistic in their representation. Emerging from both the earliest Christian and Late Antique art, many early examples were lost amid the Roman Persecution; the fragmented mosaics of the 3rd-century Dura-Europos church are a unique exception. Such Byzantine mosaics, known for their gold ground style, became a hallmark of the empire, appearing with both secular and sacred themes in diverse places, including churches (Basilica of San Vitale), the circus (Hippodrome of Constantinople), and the Great Palace of Constantinople. The early 6th-century reign of Justinian I saw systemic developments: religious art came to dominate and once-popular public marble and bronze monumental sculpture fell out of favor due to pagan associations. Justinian commissioned the monumental Hagia Sophia church, influential elements of which became architectural hallmarks for the empire: the immense size, massive dome, innovative use of pendentives and highly decorative interior was imitated as far north as the Cathedral of Saint Sophia in Novgorod and the Saint Sophia Cathedral in Kyiv. The Hagia Sophia's creators, the engineer-architects Isidore of Miletus and Anthemius of Tralles, are uniqely esteemed; most Byzantine artists were unrecorded and typically deemed of little importance.
Smaller-scale art flourished throughout the entire Byzantine period: costly ivory carvings—often as diptychs (Barberini ivory) or triptychs (Harbaville Triptych)—featured imperial commemorations or religious scenes and were particularly esteemed, as were metalwork and enamels. Other costly objects included illuminated manuscripts, which were lavishly illustrated for a wide range of texts, and silks, often including the prized imperial purple, both of which became highly popular in Western Europe. The rise of small, portable icon paintings, used for both public and private religious worship, grew increasingly controversial. During two periods of Byzantine Iconoclasm (726–843), possibly influenced by Islamic prohibitions on religious images, icons faced severe suppression and enormous amounts of figurative religious art was destroyed. Iconoclasts condemned their use, likening them to pagan idolatry and ascribing recent Umayyad defeats as divine retribution for their use, while iconophile supporters eventually prevailed, maintaining their essential use for veneration, considered distinct from worship, and found precedent in Gospel references.
Post-iconoclast Macedonian art (867–1056) saw a cultural Renaissance, from which an unprecedentedly vast amount of artworks survive. Subjects and styles became standardized, particularly cross-in-square churches, and already-existing frontality and symmetry evolved into a dominant artistic aesthetic, observable in the small Pala d'Oro enamel and the large mosaics of Hosios Loukas, Daphni, and Nea Moni monasteries. The subsequent Komnenos-Angelos periods (1081–1204) saw increased imperial patronage, alongside figurative artwork of increased emotional expression (Dead Christ and Mourners, c. 1164; see right). Byzantine artistic influence spread widely to Norman–Sicily (the Madrid Skylitzes) and Venice (mosaics of St Mark's Basilica). Serbian churches flourished in particular, as three successive schools of architecture—Raška (1170–1282), Byzantine Serbia (1282–1355), and Morava (1355–1489)—combined a Romanesque aesthetic with increasingly voluminous decorations and domes. As smaller Palaeologan artworks (1261–1453) gained relic status in Western Europe—many looted in the 1204 Fourth Crusade—they greatly influenced Italo-Byzantine style of Cimabue, Duccio, and later Giotto, who is traditionally regarded by art historians as the inaugurator of Italian Renaissance painting.
Literature
Main article: Byzantine literatureByzantine literature concerns all Greek literature from the Middle Ages. Although the Empire was linguistically diverse, the vast majority of extant texts are in medieval Greek, albeit in two diglossic variants: a scholarly form based on Attic Greek, and a vernacular based on Koine Greek. Most contemporary scholars consider all medieval Greek texts to be literature, but some offer varying constraints. The literature's early period (c. 330–650) was dominated by the competing cultures of Hellenism, Christianity and Paganism. The Greek Church Fathers—educated in an Ancient Greek rhetoric tradition—sought to synthesize these influences. Important early writers include John Chrysostom, Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite and Procopius, all of whom aimed to reinvent older forms to fit the empire. Theological miracle stories were particularly innovative and popular; the Sayings of the Desert Fathers (Apophthegmata Patrum) were copied in practically every Byzantine monastery. During the Byzantine Dark Ages (c. 650–800), production of literature mostly stopped, although some important theologians were active, such as Maximus the Confessor, Germanus I of Constantinople and John of Damascus.
The subsequent cultural Macedonian Renaissance (c. 800–1000; the "Encyclopedism period") saw a renewed proliferation of literature and revived the earlier Hellenic-Christian synthesis. Works by Homer, Ancient Greek philosophers and tragedians were translated, while hagiography was heavily reorganized. After this early flowering of monastic literature, there was a dearth until Symeon the New Theologian in the late 10th-century. A new generation (c. 1000–1250), including Symeon, Michael Psellos and Theodore Prodromos, rejected the Encyclopedist emphasis on order, and were interested in individual-focused ideals variously concerning mysticism, authorial voice, heroism, humor and love. This included the Hellenistic-inspired Byzantine romance and Chivalric approaches in rhetoric, historiography and the influential epic Digenes Akritas. The empire's final centuries saw a renewal of hagiography and increased Western influence, leading to mass Greek to Latin translations. Authors such as Gemistos Plethon and Bessarion exemplified a new focus on human vices alongside the preservation of classical traditions, which greatly influenced the Italian Renaissance.
Music
Main article: Byzantine music Late 4th century "Mosaic of the Musicians" playing the organ, aulos, and lyre from a Byzantine villa in Maryamin, Syria.Byzantine music is eclectically descended from early Christian plainsong, Jewish music, and a variety of ancient music, although its exact connections to ancient Greek music remain uncertain. While it included both sacred and secular traditions, the latter is little known, whereas the former remains the central music of Eastern Orthodox liturgy into the 21st century. The empire's church music, known as Byzantine chant, was exclusively unaccompanied monodic vocal music, sung in Greek. From the 8th century onwards, chant melodies were governed by the Oktōēchos framework, a set of eight modes—echos (ἦχος; lit. 'sound')—each of which provide predetermined motivic formulae for composition. These formulae were chosen for proper text stress and occasionally for text painting, then centonizationally collated into a variety of hymns or psalms.
Byzantine chant was central to the Byzantine Rite; however, the earliest music was not notated, including early monostrophic short hymns like the troparion. While proto-Ekphonetic notation (9th century onwards) marked simple recitation patterns, the neumatic Palaeo-Byzantine notation system emerged in the 10th century, while the Middle Byzantine "Round Notation" from mid-12th century onwards is the first fully diastematic scheme. Several major forms developed alongside well-known composers: the long kontakion (5th century onwards), popularised by Romanos the Melodist; the also-extensive kanōn (late 7th century onwards), developed by Andrew of Crete; and the shorter sticheron (at least 8th century onwards), championed by Kassia. By the Palaiologan period, the dominance of strict compositional rules lessened and John Koukouzeles led a new school which favoured a more ornamental "kalophonic" style that deeply informed post-empire Neo-Byzantine music.
Secular music, often state-sponsored, was ubiquitous in daily life and featured in a variety of ceremonies, festivals, and theatre. Secular vocal music was rarely notated, and extant manuscripts date much later, suggesting the tradition was passed through oral tradition and likely improvised. Prohibited for liturgical use, a wide variety of Byzantine instruments flourished in secular contexts, although notated instrumental music does not survive. It is uncertain to what extent instrumentalists improvised or if they doubled vocalists monophonically or heterphonically. Among the best known instruments are the hydraulic organ, used for both circus and imperial court events; the ancient Greek-descended aulos, a wind instrument; the tambouras, a plucked string instrument; and mostly popularly, the Byzantine lyra. Prominent genres included acclamation chants of laudation or salutation; the celebratory Acritic songs; symposia instrumental banquets, based on ancient symposiums; and dance music.
Science and medicine
Science
Main article: Byzantine science See also: List of Byzantine inventions, Byzantine philosophy, and List of Byzantine scholarsByzantine science played an important and crucial role in the transmission of classical knowledge to the Islamic world and Renaissance Italy. Many distinguished scholars held high offices in the Eastern Orthodox Church.
The manuscripts of classical antiquity were studied and preserved in Byzantium. Therefore, Byzantine science was, in every era, closely connected to ancient philosophy and metaphysics. In the field of engineering, Isidore of Miletus, the Greek mathematician and architect of the Hagia Sophia, produced the first compilation of Archimedes' works c. 530. It is through this manuscript tradition, sustained by the school of mathematics and engineering established c. 850 during the "Byzantine Renaissance" by Leo the Mathematician, that such works are known today, primarily through the school's production, the Archimedes Palimpsest.
Alexandrian philosopher John Philoponus was the first to question Aristotelian physics. Unlike Aristotle, who based his physics on verbal arguments, Philoponus relied on observations. Philoponus' criticism of the Aristotelian principles of physics was an inspiration for Galileo Galilei's refutation of Aristotelian physics during the Scientific Revolution many centuries later, as Galileo cites Philoponus substantially in his works.
Greek fire, an incendiary weapon which could even burn on water, is attributed to the Byzantines. It played a crucial role in the empire's victory over the Umayyad Caliphate during the siege of Constantinople (717–718). The discovery is attributed to Callinicus of Heliopolis, who had fled to the city after the Arab conquest of Syria. However, it has also been argued that no single person invented Greek fire, and that it was instead "invented by the chemists in Constantinople who had inherited the discoveries of the Alexandrian chemical school...".
During the last century of the empire, astronomy and other mathematical sciences were taught in Trebizond; medicine attracted the interest of almost all scholars. The Fall of Constantinople in 1453 fuelled the era later commonly known as the "Italian Renaissance". During this period, refugee Byzantine scholars were principally responsible for transmitting ancient Greek grammatical, literary, mathematical, and astronomical works to early Renaissance Italy, whether personally or through their written works. They also brought classical knowledge and texts on botany, medicine and zoology, as well as the works of Dioscorides and John Philoponus' criticism of Aristotelian physics.
Medicine
Main article: Byzantine medicineThe Byzantines pioneered the concept of the hospital as an institution offering medical care and the possibility of a cure for the patients as a reflection of the ideals of Christian charity, rather than merely being a place to die. The historian David Bennett estimates that there were approximately 115 hospitals in Constantinople during the mid-ninth century.
Legacy
Main article: Legacy of the Roman EmpirePolitical aftermath
Main article: Succession to the Byzantine EmpireBy the time of the fall of Constantinople, the Byzantine Empire, already an empire in name only since the Fourth Crusade, had been reduced to three rump states: the Despotate of the Morea, the Empire of Trebizond and the Principality of Theodoro. The Morea was ruled by the brothers of Constantine XI, Thomas Palaiologos and Demetrios Palaiologos. The despotate continued as an independent state by paying an annual tribute to the Ottomans. Incompetent rule, failure to pay the annual tribute, and a revolt against the Ottomans finally led to Mehmed II's invasion of Morea in May 1460.
A few holdouts remained for some time. In the Morea, the island of Monemvasia came under the protection of Pope Pius II before the end of 1460. The Empire of Trebizond, which had split away from the Byzantine Empire just weeks before Constantinople was taken by the Crusaders in 1204, became the last remnant of and de facto successor state to the Byzantine Empire. Efforts by Emperor David to recruit European powers for an anti-Ottoman crusade provoked war between the Ottomans and Trebizond in the summer of 1461. After a month-long siege, David surrendered the city of Trebizond on 14 August 1461. Trebizond's Crimean principality, the Principality of Theodoro (part of the Perateia), lasted another 14 years, falling to the Ottomans in December 1475.
Mehmed II and his successors continued to consider themselves heirs to the Roman Empire. They considered that they had shifted their religious basis as Constantine had done before, and they continued to refer to their conquered Eastern Roman inhabitants (Orthodox Christians) as Rûm. This claim gradually faded away as the Ottoman Empire assumed a more Islamic political identity. Meanwhile, the Danubian Principalities, whose rulers also considered themselves the heirs of the Eastern Roman Emperors, harboured Orthodox refugees, including some Byzantine nobles.
After Constantine's death, the role of the emperor as a patron of Eastern Orthodoxy was claimed by Ivan III, Grand Prince of Muscovy. He had married Andreas' sister, Sophia Palaiologina, whose grandson, Ivan IV, became the first tsar of Russia (tsar, or czar, meaning caesar, is a term traditionally applied by Slavs to the Byzantine emperors). Their successors supported the idea that Moscow was the proper heir to Rome and Constantinople. The idea of the Russian Empire as the successive Third Rome was very much alive in Imperial Russia, but it lost state support after the Russian Revolution.
Cultural aftermath
See also: Succession of the Roman Empire and Greek scholars in the RenaissanceThe historian Averil Cameron notes how Byzantium has often been identified with absolutism, orthodox spirituality, orientalism and exoticism, while the terms "Byzantine" and "Byzantinism" have been used as bywords for decadence, complex bureaucracy, and repression. Both Eastern and Western European authors have often perceived Byzantium as a body of religious, political, and philosophical ideas contrary to those of the West. Even in 19th-century Greece, the focus was mainly on the classical past, while Byzantine tradition was associated with negative connotations.
This traditional approach towards Byzantium has been partially or wholly disputed and revised by modern studies, which focus on the positive aspects of Byzantine culture and legacy. From the ninth to the twelfth centuries, Byzantine Christianity converted and helped establish multiple nations in what is now Eastern Europe. Cameron regards this as undeniable, and she and Obolensky both recognize the major role of Byzantium in shaping Orthodoxy, which in turn occupies a central position in the history, societies and culture of Greece, Romania, Bulgaria, Russia, Georgia, Serbia and other countries. Its use of vernacular language, and the development of the first Slavic written script, increased education and literacy and influenced the direction of the spiritual, religious, and cultural development of the entire region. The Byzantines also preserved and copied classical manuscripts, and they are thus regarded as transmitters of classical knowledge, as important contributors to modern European civilization, and as precursors of both Renaissance humanism and Slavic-Orthodox culture. The Byzantine law codes form the basis of civil law traditions in much of Europe, Latin America, Ethiopia, other countries that follow common law, and possibly even Islamic countries.
As the only stable long-term state in Europe during the Middle Ages, Byzantium isolated Western Europe from newly emerging forces to the East. Constantly under attack, it shielded Western Europe from the Persians, Arabs, Seljuk Turks, and for some time, the Ottomans. From another perspective, since the 7th century, the evolution and constant reshaping of the Byzantine state was directly corelated to the progress of Islamic conquests. Following the conquest of Constantinople by the Ottoman Turks in 1453, Sultan Mehmed II took the title "Kaysar-i Rûm" (the Ottoman Turkish equivalent of Caesar of Rome), since he was determined to make the Ottoman Empire the heir of the Eastern Roman Empire.
See also
- Family tree of Byzantine emperors
- Index of Byzantine Empire–related articles
- Legacy of the Roman Empire
- List of Byzantine revolts and civil wars
- List of Byzantine wars
- List of Roman dynasties
- Outline of the Byzantine Empire
- Succession of the Roman Empire
References
Notes
- Medieval Greek: Ῥωμαῖοι, romanized: Rhōmaîoi
- Leo VI was officially the son of Basil I, but a persistent rumour alleged that he had been fathered by Michael III, who had previously taken Leo's mother Eudokia Ingerina as his mistress. One of Leo's first acts was to rebury Michael III in Basil's mausoleum in the Church of the Holy Apostles complex, which exacerbated the rumours.
- The historian Sofie Remijsen says there are several reasons to conclude that the Olympic games continued after Theodosius I, as the traditionally known terminal year of 393 AD for the games is linked to his anti-pagan constitution. She argues that the games instead came to an end during the reign of Theodosius II, when a fire burned down the Temple of Olympian Zeus in Athens. The historian Anthony Kaldellis says there is a common misconception that the games were banned by an imperial decree. Kaldellis instead argues that the declining interest in chariot games, lack of funding (due to state policies) and hostility from zealots is what led to their end.
- Greek's importance grew larger, even though Hellenic culture had already influenced Roman identity immensely and the Greek language had been entrenched in the east since the Hellenistic era.
- Arianism, one of the first major controversies, shook the Empire until it was addressed by the Nicene Creed. Other controversies persisted, leading to schisms, such as debates on the fundamental definitions of Christ's nature at the Council of Chalcedon in 451.
Citations
- Kaldellis 2023, p. 2; Aschenbrenner & Ransohoff 2022a, pp. 1–2; Cormack, Haldon & Jeffreys 2008, pp. 8–9.
- Kaldellis 2022, pp. 349–351; Cormack, Haldon & Jeffreys 2008, p. 4.
- Aschenbrenner & Ransohoff 2022a, p. 2.
- Kaldellis 2022, pp. 352–357.
- Kaldellis 2023, pp. 2–3; Cormack, Haldon & Jeffreys 2008, p. 4.
- Cameron 2002, pp. 190–191; Kaldellis 2015.
- Kaldellis 2023, p. 34; Shepard 2009, p. 22.
- Shepard 2009, p. 26.
- Greatrex 2008, p. 232.
- Greatrex 2008, p. 233; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 16–17; Treadgold 1997, pp. 4–7.
- Greatrex 2008, pp. 233–235; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 17–18; Treadgold 1997, pp. 14–18.
- Kaldellis 2023, pp. 20–21, 34; Treadgold 1997, pp. 39, 45, 85; Rotman 2022, p. 234–235; Greatrex 2008.
- Greatrex 2008, p. 335; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 16–20; Treadgold 1997, pp. 39–40.
- Greatrex 2008, pp. 335–337; Kaldellis 2023, chapter 2; Treadgold 1997, p. 40.
- Greatrex 2008, pp. 336–337; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 81–84; Treadgold 1997, pp. 31–33, 40–47.
- Greatrex 2008, pp. 337–338; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 92–99, 106–111; Treadgold 1997, pp. 52–62.
- Greatrex 2008, pp. 239–240; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 114–118, 121–123; Treadgold 1997, pp. 63–67.
- Greatrex 2008, p. 240; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 128–129; Treadgold 1997, p. 73.
- Greatrex 2008, p. 241; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 129–137; Treadgold 1997, pp. 74–75.
- Greatrex 2008, pp. 240–241; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 126–128; Treadgold 1997, pp. 71–74.
- Kaldellis 2023, p. 136.
- Greatrex 2008, p. 242; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 165–167; Treadgold 1997, pp. 87–90.
- Greatrex 2008, p. 242; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 172–178; Treadgold 1997, pp. 91–92, 96–99; Shepard 2009, p. 23.
- Greatrex 2008, pp. 242–243; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 193–196, 200; Treadgold 1997, pp. 94–95, 98.
- Greatrex 2008, pp. 243–244; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 209, 214–215; Treadgold 1997, pp. 153, 158–159.
- Kaldellis 2023, pp. 243–246.
- Greatrex 2008, p. 244; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 220–221; Treadgold 1997, pp. 162–164.
- Greatrex 2008, p. 244; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 223–226; Treadgold 1997, pp. 164–173.
- Haldon 2008a, p. 250; Louth 2009a, p. 106; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 257–258; Treadgold 1997, p. 174.
- Louth 2009a, pp. 108–109; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 269–271; Sarris 2002, p. 45; Treadgold 1997, pp. 178–180.
- Sarris 2002, pp. 43–45; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 271–274; Louth 2009a, pp. 114–119.
- Louth 2009a, pp. 111–114; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 274–277; Sarris 2002, p. 46.
- Sarris 2002, p. 46; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 279–283, 287–288, 305–307; Moorhead 2009, pp. 202–209.
- Kaldellis 2023, p. 297; Treadgold 1997, pp. 193–194; Haldon 2008a, pp. 252–253.
- Sarris 2002, p. 49; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 298–301.
- Treadgold 1997, pp. 196–207; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 298–299, 305–306; Moorhead 2009, pp. 207–208.
- Treadgold 1997, pp. 210–211, 214; Louth 2009a, pp. 117–118; Haldon 2008a, p. 253.
- Kaldellis 2023, pp. 318–319; Treadgold 1997, p. 217; Sarris 2002, p. 51.
- Sarris 2002, p. 51; Haldon 2008a, p. 254; Treadgold 1997, pp. 220–222.
- Louth 2009a, pp. 124–127; Haldon 2008a, p. 254; Sarris 2002, p. 51.
- Kaldellis 2023, pp. 336–338; Treadgold 1997, pp. 232–235; Haldon 2008a, p. 254.
- Kaldellis 2023, pp. 347–350; Haldon 2008a, p. 254; Louth 2009b, pp. 226–227; Treadgold 1997, p. 241.
- Haldon 2008a, pp. 254–255; Treadgold 1997, pp. 287–293; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 351–355.
- Sarris 2002, pp. 56–58; Haldon 2008a, p. 255; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 364–367, 369, 372; Louth 2009b, pp. 227–229; Treadgold 1997, pp. 397–400.
- Kaldellis 2023, p. 375; Haldon 2008a, p. 256; Louth 2009b, pp. 229–230.
- Kaldellis 2023, p. 387; Haldon 2008a, p. 256; Treadgold 2002, p. 129.
- Kaldellis 2023, p. 387.
- Haldon 2008a, p. 257; Kaldellis 2023, p. 387.
- Kaldellis 2023, p. 389; Louth 2009b, pp. 230–231.
- Treadgold 1997, pp. 315–316; Louth 2009b, pp. 239–240.
- Treadgold 1997, pp. 323–327; Haldon 2008a, p. 257; Louth 2009b, pp. 232–233.
- Kaldellis 2023, p. 403; Haldon 2008a, pp. 257–258; Treadgold 2002, pp. 134–135.
- Kaldellis 2023, p. 403; Treadgold 2002, p. 135.
- Treadgold 2002, pp. 136–138; Haldon 2008a, p. 257; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 438–440.
- Treadgold 2002, pp. 137–138; Haldon 2008a, p. 257; Auzépy 2009, p. 265.
- Haldon 2008a, pp. 258–259; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 443, 451–452; Auzépy 2009, pp. 255–260.
- Kaldellis 2023, pp. 444–445; Auzépy 2009, pp. 275–276.
- Auzépy 2009, pp. 265–273; Kaegi 2009, pp. 385–385; Kaldellis 2023, p. 450.
- Haldon 2008a, p. 260; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 450–454; Treadgold 2002, pp. 140–141.
- Kaldellis 2023, pp. 443, 447–449, 454–459; Haldon 2008a, pp. 258–261; Auzépy 2009, pp. 253–254.
- Treadgold 2002, pp. 140–141; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 459–561; Auzépy 2009, pp. 284–287.
- Haldon 2008a, p. 261; Treadgold 2002, pp. 141–142; Magdalino 2002, p. 170.
- Haldon 2008a, p. 261; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 464–469.
- Kaldellis 2023, pp. 470–473; Magdalino 2002, pp. 169–171; Haldon 2008a, p. 261.
- Kaldellis 2023, pp. 473–474, 478–481.
- Holmes 2008, p. 265; Auzépy 2009, pp. 257, 259, 289; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 482–483, 485–491.
- Kaldellis 2023, pp. 491–495; Holmes 2008, p. 265; Auzépy 2009, pp. 273–274.
- Kaldellis 2023, pp. 498–501; Holmes 2008, p. 266.
- Holmes 2008, pp. 265–266; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 504–505; Auzépy 2009, p. 254; Tougher 2009, pp. 292–293, 296.
- Tougher 2009, pp. 292, 296; Holmes 2008, p. 266.
- Holmes 2008, p. 266; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 522–524; Treadgold 1997, pp. 455–458.
- Tougher 2009, p. 296; Kaldellis 2023, p. 526.
- Shepard 2009b, pp. 493, 496–498; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 429–433; Holmes 2008, p. 267.
- Holmes 2008, p. 267; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 534–535.
- Kaldellis 2023, pp. 537–539; Holmes 2008, p. 267; Shepard 2009b, p. 503.
- Shepard 2009b, p. 505; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 540–543; Holmes 2008, p. 267.
- Kaldellis 2023, pp. 543–544; Shepard 2009b, pp. 505–507.
- Shepard 2009b, pp. 508–509; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 546–552; Holmes 2008, p. 268.
- Kaldellis 2023, pp. 553–555; Holmes 2008, p. 268.
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External links
Library resources aboutByzantine Empire
- Byzantine Empire on In Our Time at the BBC
- 12 Byzantine Rulers Archived 18 July 2016 at the Wayback Machine by Lars Brownworth of The Stony Brook School; audio lectures.
- 18 centuries of Roman Empire by Howard Wiseman (Maps of the Roman/Byzantine Empire throughout its lifetime).
- Byzantine studies homepage at Dumbarton Oaks. Includes links to numerous electronic texts.
- Byzantium: Byzantine studies on the Internet Archived 8 October 2014 at the Wayback Machine. Links to various online resources.
- Translations from Byzantine Sources: The Imperial Centuries, c. 700–1204. Online sourcebook.
- De Re Militari. Resources for medieval history, including numerous translated sources on the Byzantine wars.
- Medieval Sourcebook: Byzantium Archived 14 August 2014 at the Wayback Machine. Numerous primary sources on Byzantine history.
- Bibliography on Byzantine Material Culture and Daily Life. Hosted by the University of Vienna; in English.
- Constantinople Home Page. Links to texts, images and videos on Byzantium.
- Byzantium in Crimea: Political History, Art and Culture.
- Institute for Byzantine Studies of the Austrian Academy of Sciences (with further resources and a repository with papers on various aspects of the Byzantine Empire)
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