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{{Short description|Early 11th C. Japanese written work}} | |||
{{Italic title}} | {{Italic title}} | ||
] |
] wrote her diary at the Heian imperial court between {{c.|1008|1010}}. She is depicted here in a {{c.|1765}} {{transliteration|ja|]}} by ].]] | ||
'''''The Diary of Lady Murasaki''''' |
{{nihongo|'''''The Diary of Lady Murasaki'''''|紫式部日記|'''Murasaki Shikibu Nikki'''}} is the title given to a collection of diary fragments written by the 11th-century Japanese ] lady-in-waiting and writer ]. It is written in ], then a newly-developed writing system for ] Japanese, more common among women, who were generally unschooled in Chinese. Unlike modern diaries or journals, 10th-century Heian diaries tend to emphasize important events more than ordinary day-to-day life and do not follow a strict chronological order. The work includes vignettes, {{transliteration|ja|]}} poems, and an ] section written in the form of a long letter. | ||
The diary was probably written between 1008 and 1010 when Murasaki was in service at the imperial court. The largest portion details the birth of ]'s (Akiko) children. Shorter ] describe interactions among imperial ] and other court writers, such as ], ] and ]. Murasaki includes her observations and opinions throughout, bringing to the work a sense of life at the early 11th century Heian court, lacking in other literature or chronicles of the era. | |||
In the 13th century (during the ]), an unknown artist painted a handscroll of '']''.<!-- re-read the emaki page & rw here --> | |||
A ], the {{transliteration|ja|]}}, was produced during the ] (1185–1333), and the fragments of the diary serve as the basis for three important translations to English in the 20th century. | |||
== Background == | == Background == | ||
], from his illustrations of ''The Tale of Genji'' (17th century)]] | |||
Murasaki's diary was written as the ] peaked culturally in the late 10th to early 11th centuries.<ref name= "Henshall24ff">Henshall (1999), 24–25</ref><ref name="Bowring 2005, xviii">Bowring (2005), xviii</ref> The development in the 9th century of ], a Japanese writing script and ], opened the way for writing in the ]. At first kana was used for writing court poetry, '']'', but by the 10th century works of prose became more common. Chinese continued as the language of government, but women who were uneducated in Chinese were encouraged to read and write in Japanese. They began to take advantage of the new script, as literary forms such as ] and diaries ('']'') became more popular,<ref name="shiraneb-p2-113-114">Shirane (2008b), 2, 113–114</ref><ref>Mason (2004), 109</ref> and imperial ] began to write diaries.<ref name= "Henshall24ff"/> As a result, written Japanese was in many respects developed by women who used the language as a form of self-expression and, according to Japanese literature scholar ], it was women who undertook the process of building "a flexible written style out of a language that has only previously existed in a spoken form", although he mentions that the diaries of the period were unsuccessful in fully making the transition from a spoken to a written form of the language.<ref name="Bowring 2005, xviii"/> | |||
At the peak of the ], from the late 10th to early 11th century, as Japan sought to establish a unique national culture of its own it saw the genesis of early Japanese classical literature, which to a large part emerged from women's court literature.<ref name= "Henshall24ff">Henshall (1999), 24–25</ref><ref name="Bowring 2005, xii">Bowring (2005), xii</ref> Through the rise and use of ], aristocratic women court writers formed a foundation for classical court literature, according to ].<ref name = "Shirane113"/> ]'s first imperial {{transliteration|ja|]}} collection, published {{c.|905}}, set the foundation for court literature. Up to this point, Japanese literature was written in Chinese – traditionally the language of men in the public sphere.<ref name = "Shirane114"/> It was in the literature of the imperial court that the gradual shift toward the vernacular kana writing system was most evident, and where {{transliteration|ja|waka}} poetry became immensely popular. As Shirane explains: "{{transliteration|ja|Waka}} became integral to the everyday life of the aristocracy, functioning as a form of elevated dialogue and the primary means of communication between the sexes, who usually were physically segregated from each other."<ref name = "Shirane113"/> | |||
Murasaki's diary covers a discrete period, most likely from 1008 and 1010. Only short and fragmentary pieces have survived, and it remains vital to the understanding of the author insofar as otherwise so little is known about her. Most of her biographical facts are derived from the diary (''Murasaki Shikibu nikki'') and her c. 1014 short poetry collection, the ''Murasaki Shikibu shū'' (or ''Poetic Memoirs'').<ref name="Shirane 1987, 215">Shirane (1987), 215</ref> | |||
By the early 11th century new genres of women's court literature were appearing in the form of diaries and poetic stories. Women, relegated to the private sphere, quickly embraced the use of kana, unlike men who still conducted business in Chinese.<ref name = "Shirane114">Shirane (2008), 114</ref> Women's writing showed a marked difference from men's, more personal and introspective in nature.<ref name = "Shirane115"/> Thus written Japanese was developed by women who used the language as a form of self-expression and, as Japanese literature scholar ] says, by women who undertook the process of building "a flexible written style out of a language that had only previously existed in a spoken form".<ref name="Bowring 2005, xviii">Bowring (2005), xviii</ref> | |||
Born into a minor branch of the ], her father, a scholar of Chinese literature, educated her and her brother in ]. From about 998 to 1001 she was married to Fujiwara no Nobonori—who died of an outbreak of plague 1001—during which time she bore a daughter.<ref name = "Royall"/> A few years later, probably in 1006, at the request of ], she entered imperial service to his daughter ].<ref>Shirane (2008b), 293</ref> Her given name is unknown; as was customary for women of the period, who were identified by their rank or that of a husband or another close male relative, she is known as Shikibu for her father's rank at the ] (''Shikibu-shō'') and her court nickname Murasaki, from a character in her romantic monagatari '']''. The diary was probably written after she entered imperial service.<ref name = "Royall">Tyler, Royall. . (May, 2002) ''Harvard Magazine''. Retrieved August 21, 2011</ref> | |||
], from his illustrations of ''The Tale of Genji'' (17th century)]] | |||
]'s court, dominated by the powerful ], was the seat of two rival imperial empresses, ] and ], each with ladies-in-waiting who were proficient writers producing works honoring their mistresses and the Fujiwara clan.<ref name = "Shirane115">Shirane (2008), 115</ref> The three most noteworthy Heian-era diaries in the genre of {{transliteration|ja|]}} – Murasaki's ''The Diary of Lady Murasaki'', ]'s '']'' and ]'s {{transliteration|ja|Izumi Shikibu Nikki}} – came from the empresses' courts.<ref name = "Shirane113">Shirane (2008), 113</ref> Murasaki's diary covers a discrete period, most likely from 1008 to 1010.<ref name="Shirane 1987, 215"/> Only short and fragmentary pieces of the diary survive and its importance lies, in part, in the revelations about the author, about whom most of the known biographical facts come from it and from her {{c.|1014}} short poetry collection, the {{transliteration|ja|Murasaki Shikibu shū}} (or ''Poetic Memoirs'').<ref name="Shirane 1987, 215">Shirane (1987), 215</ref> | |||
==Contents== | |||
The extant diary consists of three parts: a long section describing the events surrounding the birth of Shōshi's eldest son; a second portion written in an epistolary format about the attributes and characters of imperial ladies-in-waiting; and a compilation of court anecdotes.<ref name = "Keene40ff">Keene (1999), 40–41</ref> In the diary Murasaki describes court life from her point-of-view with emphasis on the birth of Shōshi's son ], an event of enormous importance to Michinaga. Nine years after becoming concubine and then Empress to ], Shōshi bore an heir who became ], thus bringing immense power to Michinaga.<ref>Bowring (2005), xv</ref> The diary opens with descriptions of lengthy preparations for the birth, including readings of ] and other ] rituals. Murasaki's own self-reflections and the chronologically detailed descriptions of events surrounding the birth are often presented as ].<ref>Bowring (2005), xl - xli</ref> | |||
Murasaki's given name is unknown. Women were often identified by their rank or that of a husband or another close male relative. "Murasaki" was given to her at court, from a character in '']''; "Shikibu" denotes her father's rank at the Ministry of Ceremonial Affairs ({{transliteration|ja|]}}).<ref name = "Tyler">Tyler, Royall. . (May, 2002) ''Harvard Magazine''. Retrieved August 21, 2011</ref> A member of a minor branch of the Fujiwara clan, her father was a scholar of Chinese literature who educated both his children in ], although educating a female child was exceedingly uncommon.<ref name = "Tyler" /> | |||
Around 998 Murasaki married Fujiwara no Nobutaka ({{c|950|1001}});<ref name="Bowringxxxv">Bowring (2005), xxxv</ref> she gave birth to a daughter in 999. Two years later her husband died.<ref name = "Tyler" /> Scholars are unsure when she started writing the novel ({{transliteration|ja|]}}) '']'', but she was certainly writing after she was widowed, perhaps in a state of grief.<ref name="Bowringxxxv"/> In her diary she describes her feelings after her husband's death: "I felt depressed and confused. For some years I had existed from day to day in listless fashion{{nbsp}} doing little more than registering the passage of time{{nbsp}} The thought of my continuing loneliness was quite unbearable".<ref>qtd in Mulhern (1991), 84; Murasaki Shikibu (Bowring translation, 2005), 33</ref> On the strength of her reputation as an author, Murasaki entered service with Shōshi at court, almost certainly at the request of Shōshi's father, ],<ref>Shirane (2008), 293</ref> perhaps as an incentive to continue adding chapters to ''The Tale of Genji''.<ref name = "Rohlich540">Rohlich (1984), 540</ref> She began writing her diary after entering imperial service.<ref name = "Tyler" /> | |||
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==Diary== | |||
The diary consists of a number of ] containing lengthy description of Shōshi's (known as Akiko)'s eldest son ]'s birth, and an ] section.<ref name = "Keene40ff">Keene (1999b), 40–41</ref> Set at the imperial court in ], it opens with these words: "As autumn advances, the Tsuchimikado mansion looks unutterably beautiful. Every branch on every tree by the lake and each tuft of grass on the banks of the stream takes on its own particular color, which is then intensified by the evening light."<ref>Murasaki Shikibu (Bowring translation, 2005), 3</ref> | |||
]). ] is in the foreground offering {{transliteration|ja|]}}. The figure to his right might be ], {{c.|13th century}}.<ref name = "Emuseum">. Emuseum.jp</ref>]] | |||
The opening vignettes are followed by short accounts of the events surrounding Shōshi's pregnancy. She begins with a description of the Empress's removal from the Imperial palace to her father's house, the various celebrations and rituals that took place during the pregnancy, and the eventual childbirth with its associated rites in celebration of the successful delivery of a male heir. These passages include specific readings of ] and other ] rituals associated with childbirth.<ref name = "Bowringxlff">Bowring (2005), xl–xliii</ref> | |||
Several passages account Murasaki's dissatisfaction with court life.<ref name="Keene 1999, 44">Keene (1999b), 44</ref> She describes feelings of helplessness, her sense of inadequacy compared to higher-ranked Fujiwara clan relatives and courtiers, and the pervasive loneliness after her husband's death. In doing so, she adds a sense of self to the diary entries.<ref>Mason (1980), 30</ref> | |||
The diary includes autobiographical snippets about Murasaki's life before she entered imperial service,<ref name = "Keene40ff"/> such as a childhood anecdote about how she learned Chinese: | |||
{{Quote|When my brother Nobunori{{nbsp}} was a young boy learning the Chinese classics, I was in the habit of listening with him and I became unusually proficient at understanding those passages that he found too difficult to grasp and memorize. Father, a most learned man, was always regretting the fact: 'Just my luck!' he would say. 'What a pity she was not born a man!'<ref name = "Shikibu58">Murasaki Shikibu (Bowring translation, 2005), 58</ref>}} | |||
Some textual fragments may not have survived. Bowring believes the work is difficult to define, that piecing it together is puzzling. He sees four discrete sections, beginning with the dated descriptions of the birth, followed by two undated sections of introspective vignettes, and a final dated section in chronological order.<!-- clf --> This "strange arrangement", as he calls it, might be the result of stitching together a series of incomplete sources or fragments. The diary's text was used as a source for the {{transliteration|ja|]}} – a laudatory work about Michinaga and the Fujiwara clan, written or compiled in the 11th century – with entire sections copied verbatim from Murasaki's work. Yet the textual differences between the two suggests the {{transliteration|ja|Eiga Monogatari}} author had access to a different, perhaps more complete text of the diary than has survived.<ref name = "Bowringxliv">Bowring (2005), xl–xliv</ref> Bowring questions whether the current structure is original to Murasaki, and the degree to which it has been rearranged or rewritten since she authored it.<ref name = "Bowringxlix">Bowring (2005), xlix</ref> | |||
===Fujiwara dynasty=== | |||
], shown here in a 13th-century illustration of the diary.]] | |||
Unlike the imaginary courts of Murasaki's romantic novel ''The Tale of Genji'', the descriptions in the diary of imperial court life are starkly realistic. The ideal "shining prince" Genji of her novel contrasts sharply with Michinaga and his crass nature;<ref name=" Keene 1999, 42–44">Keene (1999b), 42–44</ref> he embarrasses his wife and daughter with his drunken behavior, and his flirtations toward Murasaki make her uncomfortable.<ref name=" Ury 2003, 175–188"/> She writes about waking in the morning to find him lurking in the garden outside her window, and the ensuing exchange of {{transliteration|ja|waka}}:<ref name = "Bowringxlff"/> | |||
{{Quote|Dew is still on the ground but His Excellency is already out in the garden{{nbsp}} he peers in over the top of the curtain frame{{nbsp}} makes me conscious of my own disheveled appearance, and so when he presses me for a poem I use it as an excuse to move to where my inkstone is kept.<ref>Murasaki Shikibu (Bowring translation, 2005), 4</ref>}} | |||
Whether the two were intimate is a question scholars have been unable to determine.<ref name="Ury 2003, 175–188"/> | |||
Although the diary's sections about the birth of Shōshi's son were meant as a tribute to Michinaga,<ref name="Shirane 1987, 215"/> he is revealed as overly controlling.<ref name=" Keene 1999, 42–44"/> The child's birth was of enormous importance to Michinaga, who nine years earlier brought his daughter to court as a concubine to Emperor Ichijō; Shōshi's quick ascendence to Empress and status as a mother to the heir consolidated her father's power.<ref name = "Bowringxv">Bowring (2005), xv</ref> The child's birth and its lengthy descriptions, "marked the final tightening of Michinaga's velvet-gloved strangle-hold on imperial succession through his masterful manipulation of marriage politics."<ref name = "Rohlich539">Rohlich (1984), 539</ref> | |||
] and Murasaki reading ]'s poems in Chinese. From the {{transliteration|ja|Murasaki Shikibu Nikki Emaki}}, 13th century.]] | |||
Michinaga dominated the child's father and attending priests throughout the birth ceremonies. After the birth, he visited twice daily, whereas the Emperor only made a single short imperial visit to his son.<ref name=" Keene 1999, 42–44"/><ref>Bowring (2005), xxiv–xxv</ref> Murasaki chronicles each of Michinaga's ceremonial visits, as well as the lavish ceremony held 16 days after the birth.<ref>Mulhern (1991), 86</ref> These include intricate descriptions of the ladies and their court attire: | |||
{{Quote|Saemon no Naishi{{nbsp}} was wearing a plain yellow-green jacket, a ] shading at the hem, and a ] with raised embroidery in orange and white checked silk. Her mantle had five cuffs of white lined with dark red, and her crimson gown was of beaten silk.<ref name="Murasaki Shikibu 2005">Murasaki Shikibu (Bowring translation, 2005), 24</ref>}} | |||
Shōshi appears to have been serious and studious, a royal who expected decorum from her ladies-in-waiting – which often created difficulties at a fractious court. When she asked Murasaki for lessons in Chinese,<ref>Waley (1960), viii–ix</ref> she insisted they be conducted in secret. Murasaki explained that "because evinced a desire to know more about such things, to keep it secret we carefully chose times when the other women would not be present, and, from the summer before last, I started giving her informal lessons on the two volumes of 'New Ballads'. I hid this fact from others, as did Her Majesty".<ref name = "Shikibu58"/> | |||
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=== Court life === | |||
Some of the diary's passages are unflinching in exposing the behavior at the imperial court, particularly that of drunken courtiers who seduced the ladies-in-waiting.<ref name="Keene 1999, 44"/> As Keene describes it, the court was a place where the courtiers were "drunken men who make obscene jokes and paw at women".<ref name="K(b)45"/> Murasaki complained about drunk courtiers and princes who behaved badly, such as the incident when at a banquet court poet ] joined a group of women asking whether Murasaki was present – alluding to the character in ''The Tale of Genji''. Murasaki retorted that none of the novel's characters lived at this tawdry and unpleasant court, so unlike the court in her novel.<ref name="K(b)45"/> She left the banquet when "Counsellor Takai{{nbsp}} started pulling at Lady Hyōbu's robes and singing dreadful songs, but His Excellency said nothing. I realized that it was bound to be a terribly drunken affair this evening, so{{nbsp}} Lady Saishō and I decided to retire."<ref>Keene (1999b), 45; Murasaki Shikibu (Bowring translation, 2005), 32</ref> | |||
] seen here joking and flirting with ladies-in-waiting. Handscroll ({{transliteration|ja|]}}), color on paper. ], Osaka, Japan.]] | |||
]). ], the prince's grandfather is shown in the foreground offering ]. The servant to his right might be ]<ref name = "Emuseum">. Emuseum.jp</ref>]] | |||
There are anecdotes about drunken revelries and courtly scandals concerning women who, because of behavior or age, were forced to leave imperial service.<ref name="Keene 1999, 44"/> Murasaki suggests that the court women were weak-willed, uneducated, and inexperienced with men.<ref name="Keene 1999, 44"/><ref name="Ury 2003, 175–188">Ury (2003), 175–188</ref><!-- re-read Ury --> | |||
The women lived in semi-seclusion in ] areas or ] without privacy. Men were allowed to enter the women's space at any time.<ref name="Bowring 2005, xxvii">Bowring (2005), xxvii</ref> When the Imperial palace burned down in 1005 the court was itinerant for the following years, depending on Michinaga for housing. Murasaki lived at his Biwa mansion, the Tsuchimikado mansion, or Emperor Ichijō's mansion, where there was little space. Ladies-in-waiting had to sleep on thin ] rolled out on bare wood floors in a room often created by curtaining off a space. The dwellings were slightly raised and opened to the ], affording little privacy.<ref>Bowring (2005), xxiv–xxvii</ref> Bowring explains how vulnerable the women were to men watching them: "A man standing outside in the garden looking in{{nbsp}} his eyes would have been roughly level with the skirts of the woman inside."<ref name="Bowring 2005, xxvii"/> | |||
Going beyond writing descriptions of court events, Murasaki adds a sense of self to the diary entries. She writes about emotions and feelings: her sense of helplessness at court; her feelings of inadequacy regarding her low rank compared to higher-ranked courtiers and relatives in the Fujiwara clan; and her feelings of loss and loneliness since her husband's death.<ref>Mason (1980), 30</ref> She adds a few autobiographical details about her life before entering service,<ref name = "Keene40ff"/> such as this anecdote about learning Chinese as a child: "When my brother Nobunori ... was a boy my father was very anxious to make a good Chinese scholar of him, and often came himself to hear Nobunori read his lessons. On these occasions I was always present, and so quick was I at picking up the language that I was soon able to prompt my brother whenever he got stuck. At this my father used to sigh and say to me: 'If only you were a boy how proud and happy I should be.{{'"}}<ref>Waley, vii</ref> | |||
== Historical background == | |||
===Michinaga and Empress Shōshi === | |||
<!-- ], shown here in a 13th century illustration of Murasaki Shikibu's diary.]]--> | |||
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The houses were cold and drafty in the winter, with few ] available to the women whose multilayered {{transliteration|ja|]}} kept them warm,<ref name="Bowring 2005, xxvii"/> of which there are detailed descriptions in the work. Heian-period noble women dressed in six or seven garments, each layered over the next, some with multiple linings in differing hues and color combinations.<ref name="Bowring 2005, xxviiiff">Bowring (2005), xxviii–xxx</ref> The description of the clothing the ladies-in-waiting wore at an imperial event shows the importance of fashions, the arrangement of their layers, as well as Murasaki's keen observational eye: | |||
Keene believes Heian court life, as presented in Murasaki's diary, is the antithesis of court life she imagined in her romantic novel, '']'', and that her hero the "shining prince" Genji sharply contrasts to Michinaga's crassness.<ref name="Keene 1999, 42–44">Keene (1999), 42–44</ref> Arguably the most powerful man at the imperial court and certainly the most powerful male figure in Shōshi's court, Murasaki describes situations in which he embarrasses his wife Rinshi and daughter by his drunken behavior. Moreover, he may have embarrassed his wife through his flagrant flirtations with Murasaki, although other scholars dispute this point.<ref name="Ury 2003, 175–188"/> | |||
{{quote|The younger women wore jackets with five cuffs of various colors: white on the outside with dark red on yellow-green, white with just one green lining, and pale red shading to dark with one white layer interposed. They were the most intelligently arranged.<ref name="Murasaki Shikibu 2005">Murasaki Shikibu (Bowring translation, 2005), 24</ref>}} | |||
The half of the diary devoted to the birth of Shōshi's son was most likely written as tribute to Michinaga,<ref name="Shirane 1987, 215"/> but Murasaki shows him as over-bearing, particularly in the sections where he takes charge during the birth of his grandson, ]. Because of the taboo against childbirth in the Imperial palace, the child was born at the Tsuchimikado mansion where Michinaga assumes the dominant role, despite the presence of the ] himself (the child's father) and the attending priests. After the child's birth Michinaga visited the infant twice daily, whereas the Emperor appears to have been allowed only a single very short imperial visit, described meticulously in the diary.<ref name="Keene 1999, 42–44"/><ref>Bowring (2005), xxiv-xxv</ref> Murasaki chronicled Michinaga's ceremonial visit to his daughter and grandson 16 days after the birth, at a lavish ceremony, describing in detail the ladies-in-waiting attire in passages such as this: "Saemon no Naishi .... was wearing a plain yellow-green jacket, a ] shaded darker at the hem, and a ] with raised embroidery in orange and white checked silk".<ref>qtd in Mulhern (1991), 86</ref> | |||
Combining layers of garments, each with multiple linings, to arrive at harmonic color combinations known as {{transliteration|ja|kasane no irome}} assumed an almost ritual fascination to the women. It required attention, and achieving an individual stylistic aesthetic was important.<ref name="Bowring 2005, xxviiiff"/> Colour combinations were referred to using names reflecting their season of wear, and though they took inspiration from nature, did not aim to faithfully reproduce its colours, instead aiming for an evocation of the season. Murasaki chronicles the significance of making a mistake at a courtly function when two women failed in a perfect color combination: "That day all the women had done their utmost to dress well, but{{nbsp}} two of them showed a want of taste when it came to the color combinations at their sleeves{{nbsp}} full view of the courtiers and senior nobles."<ref>Murasaki Shikibu (Bowring translation, 2005), 65</ref> | |||
Shōshi, a serious and studious young woman who expected decorum from her ladies-in-waiting—often difficult at a fractious court—decided to learn to read Chinese and had Murasaki teach her. The request was unconventional because Chinese was considered the "male language", the language of government and religion, while Japanese kana was reserved for women. Nevertheless, Shōshi wished to read the then popular ballads of 9th century Chinese poet ]. The Chinese lessons were conducted in secret with Murasaki explaining: "Since the summer before last, very secretly, in odd moments when there happened to be no one about, I have been reading with Her Majesty the two books of "Songs." There has of course been no question of formal lessons; Her Majesty has merely picked up a little here and there, as she felt inclined. All the same, I have thought it best to say nothing about the matter to anybody".<ref>Waley (1960), ix-x</ref> | |||
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===Ladies-in-waiting=== | ===Ladies-in-waiting=== | ||
Murasaki suffered overwhelming loneliness, had her own concerns about ageing,<ref name="Ury 2003, 175–188"/> and was not happy living at court.<ref name="Keene 1999, 44"/> She became withdrawn, writing that perhaps the other women considered her stupid, shy or both: "Do they really look on me as such a dull thing, I wonder? But I am what I am{{nbsp}} too has often remarked that she thought I was not the kind of person with whom one could ever relax{{nbsp}} I am perversely stand-offish; if only I can avoid putting off those for whom I have genuine respect."<ref>qtd. in Keene (1999b), 46</ref> Keene speculates that as a writer who required solitude Murasaki's loneliness may have been "the loneliness of the artist who craves companionship but also rejects it".<ref name="Keene 1999, 44"/> He points out she had "exceptional powers of discernment" and probably alienated the other women, about 15 or 16 of whom she describes in her diary. Although she adds praise for each woman, her criticism is more memorable because she saw through and described their flaws.<ref name = "K(b)45" /> | |||
Her insights did not endear her to the other women at a court where intrigue, drama and scheming was the norm, yet for a novelist it was crucial. He believes that she needed to be aloof so as to be able to continue writing, but equally that she was intensely private, a woman who "chose not to reveal her true qualities" except to those who earned her trust and respect, as Shōshi had.<ref name="Keene 1999, 46">Keene (1999b), 46</ref> | |||
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The diary includes descriptions of other ladies-in-waiting who were writers, most notably Sei Shōnagon, who had been in service to Shōshi's rival and co-empress, Empress ] (Sadako). The two courts were competitive; both introduced educated ladies-in-waiting to their respective circles and encouraged rivalry among the women writers. Shōnagon probably left court after Empress Teishi's death in 1006, and it is possible the two never met, yet Murasaki was quite aware of Shōnagon's writing style and her character. She disparages Shōnagon in her diary:<ref>Keene (1999a), 414–415</ref> | |||
<blockquote>Sei Shōnagon's most marked characteristic is her extraordinary self-satisfaction. But examine the pretentious compositions in Chinese script which she scatters so liberally over the Court, and you will find them to be .... blunders. Her chief pleasure consists in shocking people .... She was once a person of great taste and refinement; but now she can no longer restrain herself from indulging, even under the most inappropriate circumstances....<ref>Waley (1960), xiii</ref></blockquote><!-- replace with Bowring translation --> | |||
{{Quote|Sei Shōnagon, for instance, was dreadfully conceited. She thought herself so clever and littered her writing with Chinese characters; but if you examined them closely, they left a great deal to be desired. Those who think of themselves of being superior to everyone else in this way will inevitably suffer and come to a bad end.<ref>Murasaki Shikibu (Bowring translation, 2005), 54</ref>}} | |||
Also in Shōshi's employ were ] and ]—Shikibu a poet and Emon the author of a ''monogatari''.<ref>Mulhern (1994), 156</ref> Murasaki was critical of Shikibu's writing and poetry: "Izumi Shikibu is an amusing letter-writer; but there is something not very satisfactory about her. She has a gift for dashing off informal compositions in a careless running-hand; but in poetry she needs either an interesting subject or some classic model to imitate. Indeed it does not seem to me that in herself she is really a poet at all".<ref>Waley (1960), xii</ref><!-- replace with Bowring translation --> | |||
Murasaki is also critical of the two other women writers at Shōshi's court – poet Izumi Shikibu, and Akazome Emon who authored a {{transliteration|ja|monogatari}}.<ref>Mulhern (1994), 156</ref> Of Izumi's writing and poetry she says: | |||
=== Court life === | |||
Murasaki appears to have been unhappy and lonely at court, complaining about the courtiers and princes who were frequently drunk and behaved badly. In one incident court poet ] joined a group of women at a banquet and asked whether Murasaki was in attendance—alluding to the character in ''The Tale of Genji''; Murasaki quickly told him that none of the novel's characters lived at court, which she considered tawdry and unpleasant unlike the court she created in her novel. That night she left the dinner, writing, "Counsellor Takai ... started pulling at Lady Hyōbu's robes and singing dreadful songs, but His Excellency said nothing. I realized that it was bound to be a terribly drunken affair this evening, so ... Lady Saishō and I decided to retire."<ref>qtd in Keene (1999), 45</ref> According to Japanese scholar ], male courtiers at the Imperial court were "drunken men who make obscene jokes and paw at women".<ref>Keene (1999), 44–45</ref> | |||
{{Quote|Now someone who did carry on a fascinating correspondence is Izumi Shikibu. She does have a rather unsavoury side to her character but has a talent for tossing off letters with ease and seems to make the most banal statement sound special{{nbsp}} she can produce poems at will and always manages to include some clever phrase that catches the attention. Yet, she{{nbsp}} never really comes up to scratch{{nbsp}} I cannot think of her as a poet of the highest rank.<ref>Murasaki Shikibu (Bowring translation, 2005), 53–54</ref>}} | |||
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Although the women lived in semi-seclusion in ] areas or ], the men intruded on the women's privacy.<ref name="Bowring 2005, xxvii">Bowring (2005), xxvii</ref> Murasaki describes Michinaga entering her space early one morning: "I can see the garden from my room", she writes. "The air is misty; the dew is still on the leaves. The Lord Prime Minister is walking there .... He peeps in over my screen! His noble appearance embarrasses us and I am ashamed of my morning (not yet painted and powdered face)."<ref>Shikibu, 127</ref> Privacy was nonexistent. The Imperial palace burned down in 1005 and most of Murasaki's tenure at court was spent at one or another of Michinaga's mansions, either the Biwa mansion in the Fujiwara quarter of ], the Tsuchimikado mansion, or Ichijo's mansion which was close to the palace grounds. Ladies-in-waiting slept on thin ] rolled out on bare wood floors; interior spaces had few boundaries with a room often created by curtaining off a space. The dwellings were raised off the ground and opened to the ] with little privacy as described by Bowring: "A man standing outside in the garden looking in .... and his eyes would have been roughly level with the skirts of the woman inside."<ref>Bowring (2005), xxv-xxvii</ref> | |||
=== The diary and ''The Tale of Genji'' === | |||
In the winters the houses were cold and drafty with few ], requiring multiple-layered clothing for warmth, the combinations of which became of almost ritual fascination to the women. Court attire for Heian era court women consisted of six or seven garments, with some garments layered as many as five or six times such as the lined silk robes, ''uchigi'', which involved matching or combining colors of the linings and the garment itself to create a distinctive impression.<ref name="Bowring 2005, xxvii"/> In one passage about a ceremony for the infant, Murasaki writes about two women whose color combinations were lacking and of the significance of making a mistake at courtly functions: "That day all the women had done their utmost to dress well, but .... two of them showed a want of taste when it came to the color combinations at their sleeves ... full view of the courtiers and senior nobles."<ref>Lady Murasaki, 65</ref> | |||
Murasaki's '']'' is barely mentioned in the diary. She writes the Emperor had the story read to him, and that colored papers and calligraphers had been selected for transcriptions of the manuscript – done by court women. In one anecdote she tells of Michinaga sneaking into her room to help himself to a copy of the manuscript.<ref>Keene (1999b), 46–47</ref> There are parallels between the later chapters of ''Genji'' and the diary. According to Genji scholar Shirane, the scene in the diary which describes Ichijo's imperial procession to Michinaga's mansion in 1008 corresponds closely to an imperial procession in chapter 33 ("Wisteria Leaves") of ''The Tale of Genji''.<ref>Shirane (1987), 221</ref> Shirane believes the similarities suggest portions of ''Genji'' may have been written during the period Murasaki was in imperial service and wrote the diary.<ref>Shirane (1987), 36</ref> | |||
Murasaki became withdrawn and lonely, and was perhaps considered stupid, shy or both.<ref name="Keene 1999, 46">Keene (1999), 46</ref> She writes of herself: "Do they really look on me as such a dull thing, I wonder? But I am what I am .... too has often remarked that she thought I was not the kind of person with whom one could ever relax .... I am perversely stand-offish; if only I can avoid putting off those for whom I have genuine respect."<ref>qtd. in Keene (1999), 46</ref> The benefit of being withdrawn seems to have been that she had time to write while living in a crowded court.<ref name="Keene 1999, 46"/> | |||
=== The diary and Genji === | |||
Murasaki's '']'' is not given much attention in her diary. She writes that the Emperor had it read to him, that the colored papers and calligraphers were being selected for the transcribing it, and that Michinaga snuck into her room and took a manuscript from her.<ref>Keene (1999), 46–47</ref> Parallels exist between the later chapters of ''Genji'' and the diary. A scene mentioned in the diary, that of the splendid imperial procession of Ichijo's visit to Michinaga's mansion in 1008, according to Genji scholar Haruo Shirane, "corresponds almost image for image" to an imperial procession in "Chapter 33 (Wisteria Leaves)" of ''The Tale of Genji''.<ref>Shirane (1987), 221</ref> Shirane believes that enough similarities exist between the two works to suggest that they may have been written at the same time.<ref>Shirane (1987), 36</ref> | |||
==Style and genre== | ==Style and genre== | ||
The genre of diary writing popular at the time, ''Nikki Bungaku'', is more of an autobiographical ] than a diary in the modern sense, according to Japanese scholar ]. The format was a genre that typically included poetry in the form of ],<ref>Waka is always 31 syllables with a measures of 5/7 or 7/5 syllables. In the diary, Murasaki used the so-called short form consisting of a measure of 5/7/5/7/7 syllables. See Bowring, xix</ref> was meant to convey information to the readers, such as Murasaki's descriptions of court ceremonies.<ref name= "MC15ff">McCullough (1990), 15–16</ref> The author of a Heian-era ''nikki'' selected what to include, expand, or exclude. Time was treated in a similar manner; a ''nikki'' might present long entries for a single event while other events were omitted. The ''nikki'' was considered a form of literature, often not written by the subject, almost always written in ], and sometimes included elements of fiction or history.<ref name= "MC15ff"/> The diary is a repository of knowledge regarding the Heian Imperial court which is considered highly important in Japanese literature, although it may not have survived in a complete state.<ref name="Keene 1999, 42–44"/> | |||
].]] | ].]] | ||
Heian-era diaries resemble autobiographical ]s more than a diary in the modern sense.<ref name= "MC15ff"/> The author of a Heian-era diary (a {{transliteration|ja|nikki bungaku}}) would decide what to include, expand, or exclude. Time was treated in a similar manner – a {{transliteration|ja|nikki}} might include long entries for a single event while other events were omitted. The {{transliteration|ja|nikki}} was considered a form of literature, often not written by the subject, almost always written in ], and sometimes included elements of fiction or history.<ref name= "MC15ff"/> These diaries are a repository of knowledge about the Imperial Heian court, considered highly important in Japanese literature, although many have not survived in a complete state.<ref name="Keene 1999, 42–44"/> The format typically included {{transliteration|ja|waka}} poetry,{{efn|{{transliteration|ja|Waka}} are always 31 syllables with a measure of 5/7 or 7/5 syllables. In the diary, Murasaki used the so-called short form consisting of a measure of 5/7/5/7/7 syllables. See Bowring, xix}} meant to convey information to the readers, as seen in Murasaki's descriptions of court ceremonies.<ref name= "MC15ff">McCullough (1990), 15–16</ref> | |||
Few if any dates are included in the work, and little is written about Murasaki's working habits, causing Donald Keene to say about the diary that it is not a "writer's notebook". The diary is important because in it Murasaki recounts events from her point-of-view with her self-reflections, bringing to the events a human aspect lacking in official accounts of the period written by historians,.<ref>Keene (1999), 41–42</ref> Keene thinks the diary reflects the author as a woman with great perception and self-awareness, yet also greatly withdrawn with few friends. She is unflinching in her criticism of the other ladies-in-waiting, seeing through the superficial facades to their inner core, a quality he believes is beneficial for a novelist, but perhaps not helpful in a closed society such as the one she inhabited.<ref>Keene (1999), 45</ref> | |||
Few if any dates are included in Murasaki's diary and her working habits are not chronicled. It should not be compared to a modern 'writer's notebook', according to Keene. Although it chronicles public events, the inclusion of self-reflective passages is a unique and important part of the work, adding a human aspect unavailable in official accounts.<ref>Keene (1999b), 41–42</ref> According to Keene, the author is revealed as a woman with great perception and self-awareness, yet a person who is withdrawn with few friends. She is unflinching in her criticism of aristocratic courtiers, seeing beyond superficial facades to their inner core, a quality Keene says is helpful for a novelist but less useful in the closed society she inhabited.<ref name = "K(b)45">Keene (1999b), 45</ref> | |||
The diary shows three distinct styles, according to Bowring. The first is a chronicles of events, which would normally have been written in Chinese during this period. The second is a self-reflective analysis, which he believes is the best example of self-analytic reflection from the period and her mastery of this type of style, still rare in Japanese, is evidence of her adding to the development of written Japanese by overcoming the limits of an inflexible language and writing system. The third is the ] style, a newly developed trend, which he considers the weakest portion of the work because she seemed to have been unable to break free of the rhythms of spoken language.<ref>Bowring (2005), xviii - xix</ref> He explains that a spoken language maintains a specific rhythm that relies on the presence of another person. Spoken language can be ungrammatical, relies on "eye contact, shared experiences and particular relationships provide a background which allows speech to be at times fragmentary and even allusive". On the other hand written language must assume an absence of audience and compensate for "the gap between the producer and receiver of the message".<ref name="Bowring 2005, xviii"/> | |||
Bowring believes the work contains three styles, each distinct from the other. The first is the matter-of-fact chronicle of events, a chronicle which otherwise would typically have been written in Chinese. The second style is found in the author's self-reflective analysis. He considers the author's self-reflections the best that have survived from the period, noting that Murasaki's mastery of introspective style, still rare in Japanese, reflects her contributions to the development of written Japanese in that she conquered the limits of an inflexible language and writing system. The ] section represents the third style, a newly developed trend. Bowring sees this as the weakest portion of the work, a section where she fails to break free of the rhythms of spoken language.<ref>Bowring (2005), xviii–xix</ref> He explains that the rhythms of spoken language assumes the presence of an audience, is often ungrammatical, relies on "eye contact, shared experiences and particular relationships provide a background which allows speech to be at times fragmentary and even allusive". In contrast, written language must compensate for "the gap between the producer and receiver of the message".<ref name="Bowring 2005, xviii"/> She may have been experimenting with the new style of writing, either producing a fictional letter or writing a real letter, but he writes that at the end of the section the writing is weaker, "degenerating into{{nbsp}} disjointed rhythms that are characteristic of speech."<ref>Bowring (2005), xix</ref> | |||
== Emakimono == | |||
<!-- According to Thomas Rohlich, her descriptions are often overwhelming, who writes that "she is so blinded by the social brilliance of her subject that she loses her detachment and lapses into the almost meaningless praise all too present in much of Heian writing."<ref name = "Rohlich540"/> --> | |||
In the 13th century a ] of the diary was produced, '']''. The scroll, meant to be read from left to right, consists of ] illustrated with paintings. Writing in "The House-bound Heart", Japanese scholar Penelope Mason explains that in an ''emakimono'' or ''emaki'' a narrative reaches its full potential through the combination of the writer's and the painter's art. About 20 percent of the scroll has survived; based on the existing fragments, the images would have closely followed the text of the diary.<ref>Mason (1980), 24</ref> | |||
==Translations== | |||
] painting showing a scene of two courtiers trying to gain entrance to the women's quarters. Murasaki is barely visible on the right. The work is a ], held at the ].]] | |||
In 1920, ] and Kochi Doi published ''Diaries of Court Ladies of Old Japan''; this book combined their translation of Murasaki's diary with ]'s (The {{transliteration|ja|Izumi Shikibu nikki}}) and with the {{transliteration|ja|]}}. Their translation had an introduction by ].<ref name = "Ury175"/> | |||
The illustrations in the emaki follow the late-Heian and early ] convention of ''Hikime-kagibana'' (line-eye and hook-nose) in which individual facial expressions are omitted. Also typical of the period is the style of ''fukimuki yatai'' (blown off roof) depictions of interiors which seem to be visualized from above looking downward into a space. According to Mason, the interior scenes of human figures are juxtaposed against empty exterior gardens; the characters are "house-bound".<ref>Mason (1980), 22-24</ref> | |||
Richard Bowring published a translation in 1982,<ref name = "Ury175">Ury (1983), 175</ref> which contains a "lively and provocative" analysis.<ref name = "Rohlich540"/> | |||
In the diary Murasaki wrote of human emotions such as love, hate, and loneliness, feelings which make the illustrations powerful, explains Mason, who considers the ''Murasaki Shikibu Nikki emaki'' to be the "finest extant examples of prose-poetry narrative illustrations from the period".<ref>Mason (1980), 29</ref> The illustration in which two young courtiers try to open the lattice blinds to enter the women's quarters is particularly poignant because Murasaki can be seen holding the lattice shut against their advances. In the distance, to the right of the scroll, is a lovely garden, from which she is separated by the architecture and the men.<ref>Mason (1980), 32-33</ref> | |||
== 13th-century handscroll == | |||
The scroll was discovered in 1920 in a five segment piece, by Morikawa Kanichirō (森川勘一郎). The ] holds segments one, two and four; the ] holds the third segment; the fifth remains in a private collection. The portion of the emakimono held at the Gotoh museum have been designated as ].<ref> (in Japanese)</ref> | |||
In the 13th century, a ] of the diary was produced, the {{transliteration|ja|]}}. The scroll, meant to be read from left to right, consists of ] illustrated with paintings. Writing in "The House-bound Heart", Japanese scholar Penelope Mason explains that in an {{transliteration|ja|emakimono}} or {{transliteration|ja|emaki}}, a narrative reaches its full potential through the combination of the writer's and the painter's art. About 20 percent of the scroll has survived; based on the existing fragments, the images would have closely followed the text of the diary.<ref>Mason (1980), 24</ref> | |||
== Translations == | |||
In 1920, Annie Shepley Omori and Kochi Doi combined a translation of Murasaki's diary with that of ] (The ''Izumi Shikibu nikki'') and the ''Sarashina nikki'' under the title ''Diaries of Court Ladies of Old Japan''. Their translation had an introduction by ]. A more recent English translation was published by Richard Bowring in 1982.<ref>Ury (1983), 175</ref> | |||
]}} painting showing a scene of two courtiers trying to gain entrance to the women's quarters. Murasaki is barely visible on the right. The work is a ], held at the ].]] | |||
''Murasaki Shikibu'nun Günlüğü'' , 2009, ISBN 978-9944-88-601-7;ISBN 978-9944-88-600-0(Turkish translation from classical Japanese) | |||
The illustrations in the emaki follow the late-Heian and early ] convention of {{transliteration|ja|]}} ('line-eye and hook-nose') in which individual facial expressions are omitted. Also typical of the period is the style of {{transliteration|ja|fukimuki yatai}} ('blown-off roof') depictions of interiors which seem to be visualized from above looking downward into a space. According to Mason, the interior scenes of human figures are juxtaposed against empty exterior gardens; the characters are 'house-bound'.<ref>Mason (1980), 22–24</ref> | |||
== Emakimono images == | |||
<gallery widths="180px" heights="130px" perrow="4"> | |||
In the diary Murasaki writes of love, hate and loneliness, feelings which make the illustrations, according to Mason, of the "finest extant examples of prose-poetry narrative illustrations from the period".<ref>Mason (1980), 29</ref> Mason finds the illustration of two young courtiers opening the lattice blinds to enter the women's quarters particularly poignant, because Murasaki tries to hold the lattice shut against their advances. The image shows that the architecture and the men who keep her away from the freedom of the garden to the right.<ref>Mason (1980), 32–33</ref> | |||
:File:Murasaki Shikibu Fujita Art Museum.jpg|Detail of the ''Murasaki Shikibu Diary Ekotoba'' (紫式部日記絵詞). Handscroll (]mono), color on paper. ], Osaka, Japan. The scroll has been designated as a ]. | |||
:File:Murasaki Shikibu Diary Emakimono (Gotoh Museum) 6.jpg|Evening of ] 5, 11th month, 1st day (December 1, 1008): "Ika-no-iwai" of the Imperial Prince. Drunk, disarranged, and disordered Heian ] seen here joking and flirting with ladies-in-waiting. Various facial expressions and attitudes give a lifelike impression. | |||
The scroll was discovered in 1920 in five segments by {{nihongo|Morikawa Kanichirō|森川勘一郎}}. The ] holds segments one, two and four; the ] holds the third segment; the fifth remains in a private collection. The portions of the {{transliteration|ja|emakimono}} held at the Gotoh museum have been designated as ].<ref> (in Japanese)</ref> | |||
:File:Murasaki Shikibu Diary Emakimono (Gotoh Museum) 1.jpg|Leaf from the diary with calligraphy attributed to ], held at ].<!-- source? --> | |||
<!-- :File:Detached segment of Murasaki Shikibu Emaki.jpg|Fragment of the emaki showing, on the right, an illustration of Shoshi with her newborn son, and on the left the text written in calligraphy. --> | |||
== Gallery == | |||
<gallery widths="120px" heights="140px" perrow="3" mode = "packed"> | |||
<!-- :File:Murasaki Shikibu Fujita Art Museum.jpg|Detail of the {{nihongo||紫式部日記絵詞|Murasaki Shikibu Nikki Ekotoba}} handscroll, color on paper. ], Osaka, Japan. The scroll has been designated as a ]. --> | |||
<!-- :File:Murasaki Shikibu Diary Emakimono (Gotoh Museum) 6.jpg|Evening of ] 5, 11th month, 1st day (December 1, 1008): "Ika-no-iwai" of the Imperial Prince. Drunk, disarranged, and disordered Heian ] seen here joking and flirting with ladies-in-waiting. Various facial expressions and attitudes give a lifelike impression. --> | |||
File:Murasaki Shikibu Diary Emakimono (Gotoh Museum) 1.jpg|Leaf from the diary with calligraphy attributed to ], held at ].<!-- source? --> | |||
File:Detached segment of Murasaki Shikibu Emaki.jpg|Fragment of the {{transliteration|ja|emaki}} showing, on the left, an illustration of Shoshi with her newborn son, and on the right the text written in calligraphy. | |||
</gallery> | </gallery> | ||
==Notes== | |||
{{notelist}} | |||
==References== | ==References== | ||
{{reflist|2}} | |||
== |
===Citations=== | ||
{{ |
{{Reflist|30em}} | ||
*] (ed). "Introduction". in ''The Diary of Lady Murasaki''. (2005). London: Penguin. ISBN 9760140435764 {{Please check ISBN|reason=Check digit (4) does not correspond to calculated figure.}} {{Please check ISBN|reason=13 digit ISBN should start with 978 or 979.}} | |||
=== Sources === | |||
*Frédéric, Louis. ''Japan Encyclopedia''. (2005). Cambridge, MA: Harvard UP. ISBN 0-674-01753-6 | |||
{{Refbegin}} | |||
*Henshall, Kenneth G. ''A History of Japan''. (1999). New York: St. Martin's. ISBN 0-312-21986-5 | |||
*] (ed). "Introduction". in ''The Diary of Lady Murasaki''. (2005). London: Penguin. {{ISBN|9780140435764}} | |||
*]. ''Seeds in the Heart: Japanese Literature from Earliest times to the Late Sixteenth Century''. (1999). New York: Columbia UP. ISBN 0-231-11441-9 | |||
*Frédéric, Louis. ''Japan Encyclopedia''. (2005). Cambridge, MA: Harvard UP. {{ISBN|0-674-01753-6}} | |||
*Keene, Donald. ''Travelers of a Hundred Ages: The Japanese as revealed through 1000 years of diaries''. (1999). New York: Columbia UP. ISBN 0-231-11437-0 | |||
*Henshall, Kenneth G. ''A History of Japan''. (1999). New York: St. Martin's. {{ISBN|0-312-21986-5}} | |||
*Lady Murasaki. ''The Diary of Lady Murasaki''. (2005). London: Penguin. ISBN 9760140435764 {{Please check ISBN|reason=Check digit (4) does not correspond to calculated figure.}} {{Please check ISBN|reason=13 digit ISBN should start with 978 or 979.}} | |||
*]. ''Seeds in the Heart: Japanese Literature from Earliest times to the Late Sixteenth Century''. (1999a). New York: Columbia UP. {{ISBN|0-231-11441-9}} | |||
*Keene, Donald. ''Travelers of a Hundred Ages: The Japanese as revealed through 1000 years of diaries''. (1999b). New York: Columbia UP. {{ISBN|0-231-11437-0}} | |||
*Lady Murasaki. ''The Diary of Lady Murasaki''. (2005). London: Penguin. {{ISBN|9780140435764}} | |||
*]. "Introduction". in ''Diaries of Court Ladies of Old Japan''. Translated by Kochi Doi and Annie Sheley Omori. (1920) Boston: Houghton Mifflin. | *]. "Introduction". in ''Diaries of Court Ladies of Old Japan''. Translated by Kochi Doi and Annie Sheley Omori. (1920) Boston: Houghton Mifflin. | ||
*Mason, Penelope. (2004). ''History of Japanese Art''. Prentice Hall. ISBN |
*Mason, Penelope. (2004). ''History of Japanese Art''. Prentice Hall. {{ISBN|978-0-13-117601-0}} | ||
*Mason, Penelope. "The House-Bound Heart. The Prose-Poetry Genre of Japanese Narrative Illustration". ''Monumenta Nipponica'', Vol. 35, No. 1 (Spring, 1980), pp. 21–43 | *Mason, Penelope. "The House-Bound Heart. The Prose-Poetry Genre of Japanese Narrative Illustration". ''Monumenta Nipponica'', Vol. 35, No. 1 (Spring, 1980), pp. 21–43 | ||
*]. ''Classical Japanese Prose: An Anthology''. (1990). Stanford CA: Stanford UP. ISBN |
*]. ''Classical Japanese Prose: An Anthology''. (1990). Stanford CA: Stanford UP. {{ISBN|0-8047-1960-8}} | ||
*Mulhern, Chieko Irie. ''Japanese Women Writers: a Bio-critical Sourcebook''. (1994). Westport CT: Greenwood Press. ISBN |
*Mulhern, Chieko Irie. ''Japanese Women Writers: a Bio-critical Sourcebook''. (1994). Westport CT: Greenwood Press. {{ISBN|978-0-313-25486-4}} | ||
*Mulhern, Chieko Irie. ''Heroic with Grace: Legendary Women of Japan''. (1991). Armonk NY: M.E. Sharpe. ISBN |
*Mulhern, Chieko Irie. ''Heroic with Grace: Legendary Women of Japan''. (1991). Armonk NY: M.E. Sharpe. {{ISBN|0-87332-527-3}} | ||
*Rohlich, Thomas H. "Review". ''The Journal of Asian Studies'', Vol. 43, No. 3 (May, 1984), pp. 539–541 | |||
*]. ''Japan: The Story of a Nation''. (1999). New York: McGraw-Hill. ISBN 0-07-557074-2 | |||
* |
*Shirane, Haruo. ''The Bridge of Dreams: A Poetics of "The Tale of Genji''". (1987). Stanford CA: Stanford UP. {{ISBN|0-8047-1719-2}} | ||
*Shirane, Haruo. '' |
*Shirane, Haruo. ''Traditional Japanese Literature: An Anthology, Beginnings to 1600''. (2008). New York: Columbia UP. {{ISBN|978-0-231-13697-6}} | ||
*Shirane, Haruo. ''Traditional Japanese Literature: An Anthology, Beginnings to 1600''. (2008b). New York: Columbia UP. ISBN 978-0-231-13697-6 | |||
*''The Japan Book: A Comprehensive Pocket Guide''. (2004). New York: Kodansha International. ISBN 978-4-7700-2847-1 | |||
*Ury, Marian. ''The Real Murasaki''. ''Monumenta Nipponica''. (Summer 1983). Vol. 38, no. 2, pp. 175–189. | *Ury, Marian. ''The Real Murasaki''. ''Monumenta Nipponica''. (Summer 1983). Vol. 38, no. 2, pp. 175–189. | ||
*]. "Introduction". in Shikibu, Murasaki, ''The Tale of Genji: A Novel in Six Parts''. translated by Arthur Waley. (1960). New York: Modern Library. | *]. "Introduction". in Shikibu, Murasaki, ''The Tale of Genji: A Novel in Six Parts''. translated by Arthur Waley. (1960). New York: Modern Library. | ||
{{ |
{{Refend}} | ||
==Further reading== | |||
* Gatten, Aileen. "Reviewed Work: Objects of Discourse: Memoirs by Women of Heian Japan by John R. Wallace". ''Journal of Japanese Studies''. Vol. 33, No. 1 (Winter, 2007), pp. 268–273 | |||
*Sorensen, Joseph. "The Politics of Screen Poetry". ''The Journal of Japanese Studies'', Volume 38, Number 1, Winter 2012, pp. 85–107 | |||
*Yoda, Tomiko. "Literary History against the National Frame". ''positions: East Asia cultures critique'', Volume 8, Number 2, Fall 2000, pp. 465–497 | |||
== External links == | == External links == | ||
{{Wikisource|Diaries of Court Ladies of Old Japan/2|The Diary of Murasaki Shikibu}} | |||
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Latest revision as of 22:54, 1 March 2024
Early 11th C. Japanese written work
The Diary of Lady Murasaki (紫式部日記, Murasaki Shikibu Nikki) is the title given to a collection of diary fragments written by the 11th-century Japanese Heian era lady-in-waiting and writer Murasaki Shikibu. It is written in kana, then a newly-developed writing system for vernacular Japanese, more common among women, who were generally unschooled in Chinese. Unlike modern diaries or journals, 10th-century Heian diaries tend to emphasize important events more than ordinary day-to-day life and do not follow a strict chronological order. The work includes vignettes, waka poems, and an epistolary section written in the form of a long letter.
The diary was probably written between 1008 and 1010 when Murasaki was in service at the imperial court. The largest portion details the birth of Empress Shōshi's (Akiko) children. Shorter vignettes describe interactions among imperial ladies-in-waiting and other court writers, such as Izumi Shikibu, Akazome Emon and Sei Shōnagon. Murasaki includes her observations and opinions throughout, bringing to the work a sense of life at the early 11th century Heian court, lacking in other literature or chronicles of the era.
A Japanese picture scroll, the Murasaki Shikibu Nikki Emaki, was produced during the Kamakura period (1185–1333), and the fragments of the diary serve as the basis for three important translations to English in the 20th century.
Background
At the peak of the Heian period, from the late 10th to early 11th century, as Japan sought to establish a unique national culture of its own it saw the genesis of early Japanese classical literature, which to a large part emerged from women's court literature. Through the rise and use of kana, aristocratic women court writers formed a foundation for classical court literature, according to Haruo Shirane. Kokin Wakashū's first imperial waka collection, published c. 905, set the foundation for court literature. Up to this point, Japanese literature was written in Chinese – traditionally the language of men in the public sphere. It was in the literature of the imperial court that the gradual shift toward the vernacular kana writing system was most evident, and where waka poetry became immensely popular. As Shirane explains: "Waka became integral to the everyday life of the aristocracy, functioning as a form of elevated dialogue and the primary means of communication between the sexes, who usually were physically segregated from each other."
By the early 11th century new genres of women's court literature were appearing in the form of diaries and poetic stories. Women, relegated to the private sphere, quickly embraced the use of kana, unlike men who still conducted business in Chinese. Women's writing showed a marked difference from men's, more personal and introspective in nature. Thus written Japanese was developed by women who used the language as a form of self-expression and, as Japanese literature scholar Richard Bowring says, by women who undertook the process of building "a flexible written style out of a language that had only previously existed in a spoken form".
Emperor Ichijō's court, dominated by the powerful Fujiwara clan, was the seat of two rival imperial empresses, Teishi and Shōshi, each with ladies-in-waiting who were proficient writers producing works honoring their mistresses and the Fujiwara clan. The three most noteworthy Heian-era diaries in the genre of Nikki Bungaku – Murasaki's The Diary of Lady Murasaki, Sei Shōnagon's The Pillow Book and Izumi Shikibu's Izumi Shikibu Nikki – came from the empresses' courts. Murasaki's diary covers a discrete period, most likely from 1008 to 1010. Only short and fragmentary pieces of the diary survive and its importance lies, in part, in the revelations about the author, about whom most of the known biographical facts come from it and from her c. 1014 short poetry collection, the Murasaki Shikibu shū (or Poetic Memoirs).
Murasaki's given name is unknown. Women were often identified by their rank or that of a husband or another close male relative. "Murasaki" was given to her at court, from a character in The Tale of Genji; "Shikibu" denotes her father's rank at the Ministry of Ceremonial Affairs (Shikibu-shō). A member of a minor branch of the Fujiwara clan, her father was a scholar of Chinese literature who educated both his children in classical Chinese, although educating a female child was exceedingly uncommon.
Around 998 Murasaki married Fujiwara no Nobutaka (1001); she gave birth to a daughter in 999. Two years later her husband died. Scholars are unsure when she started writing the novel (monogatari) The Tale of Genji, but she was certainly writing after she was widowed, perhaps in a state of grief. In her diary she describes her feelings after her husband's death: "I felt depressed and confused. For some years I had existed from day to day in listless fashion doing little more than registering the passage of time The thought of my continuing loneliness was quite unbearable". On the strength of her reputation as an author, Murasaki entered service with Shōshi at court, almost certainly at the request of Shōshi's father, Fujiwara no Michinaga, perhaps as an incentive to continue adding chapters to The Tale of Genji. She began writing her diary after entering imperial service.
Diary
The diary consists of a number of vignettes containing lengthy description of Shōshi's (known as Akiko)'s eldest son Prince Atsuhira's birth, and an epistolary section. Set at the imperial court in Kyoto, it opens with these words: "As autumn advances, the Tsuchimikado mansion looks unutterably beautiful. Every branch on every tree by the lake and each tuft of grass on the banks of the stream takes on its own particular color, which is then intensified by the evening light."
The opening vignettes are followed by short accounts of the events surrounding Shōshi's pregnancy. She begins with a description of the Empress's removal from the Imperial palace to her father's house, the various celebrations and rituals that took place during the pregnancy, and the eventual childbirth with its associated rites in celebration of the successful delivery of a male heir. These passages include specific readings of sutras and other Buddhist rituals associated with childbirth.
Several passages account Murasaki's dissatisfaction with court life. She describes feelings of helplessness, her sense of inadequacy compared to higher-ranked Fujiwara clan relatives and courtiers, and the pervasive loneliness after her husband's death. In doing so, she adds a sense of self to the diary entries.
The diary includes autobiographical snippets about Murasaki's life before she entered imperial service, such as a childhood anecdote about how she learned Chinese:
When my brother Nobunori was a young boy learning the Chinese classics, I was in the habit of listening with him and I became unusually proficient at understanding those passages that he found too difficult to grasp and memorize. Father, a most learned man, was always regretting the fact: 'Just my luck!' he would say. 'What a pity she was not born a man!'
Some textual fragments may not have survived. Bowring believes the work is difficult to define, that piecing it together is puzzling. He sees four discrete sections, beginning with the dated descriptions of the birth, followed by two undated sections of introspective vignettes, and a final dated section in chronological order. This "strange arrangement", as he calls it, might be the result of stitching together a series of incomplete sources or fragments. The diary's text was used as a source for the Eiga Monogatari – a laudatory work about Michinaga and the Fujiwara clan, written or compiled in the 11th century – with entire sections copied verbatim from Murasaki's work. Yet the textual differences between the two suggests the Eiga Monogatari author had access to a different, perhaps more complete text of the diary than has survived. Bowring questions whether the current structure is original to Murasaki, and the degree to which it has been rearranged or rewritten since she authored it.
Fujiwara dynasty
Unlike the imaginary courts of Murasaki's romantic novel The Tale of Genji, the descriptions in the diary of imperial court life are starkly realistic. The ideal "shining prince" Genji of her novel contrasts sharply with Michinaga and his crass nature; he embarrasses his wife and daughter with his drunken behavior, and his flirtations toward Murasaki make her uncomfortable. She writes about waking in the morning to find him lurking in the garden outside her window, and the ensuing exchange of waka:
Dew is still on the ground but His Excellency is already out in the garden he peers in over the top of the curtain frame makes me conscious of my own disheveled appearance, and so when he presses me for a poem I use it as an excuse to move to where my inkstone is kept.
Whether the two were intimate is a question scholars have been unable to determine.
Although the diary's sections about the birth of Shōshi's son were meant as a tribute to Michinaga, he is revealed as overly controlling. The child's birth was of enormous importance to Michinaga, who nine years earlier brought his daughter to court as a concubine to Emperor Ichijō; Shōshi's quick ascendence to Empress and status as a mother to the heir consolidated her father's power. The child's birth and its lengthy descriptions, "marked the final tightening of Michinaga's velvet-gloved strangle-hold on imperial succession through his masterful manipulation of marriage politics."
Michinaga dominated the child's father and attending priests throughout the birth ceremonies. After the birth, he visited twice daily, whereas the Emperor only made a single short imperial visit to his son. Murasaki chronicles each of Michinaga's ceremonial visits, as well as the lavish ceremony held 16 days after the birth. These include intricate descriptions of the ladies and their court attire:
Saemon no Naishi was wearing a plain yellow-green jacket, a train shading at the hem, and a sash and waistbands with raised embroidery in orange and white checked silk. Her mantle had five cuffs of white lined with dark red, and her crimson gown was of beaten silk.
Shōshi appears to have been serious and studious, a royal who expected decorum from her ladies-in-waiting – which often created difficulties at a fractious court. When she asked Murasaki for lessons in Chinese, she insisted they be conducted in secret. Murasaki explained that "because evinced a desire to know more about such things, to keep it secret we carefully chose times when the other women would not be present, and, from the summer before last, I started giving her informal lessons on the two volumes of 'New Ballads'. I hid this fact from others, as did Her Majesty".
Court life
Some of the diary's passages are unflinching in exposing the behavior at the imperial court, particularly that of drunken courtiers who seduced the ladies-in-waiting. As Keene describes it, the court was a place where the courtiers were "drunken men who make obscene jokes and paw at women". Murasaki complained about drunk courtiers and princes who behaved badly, such as the incident when at a banquet court poet Fujiwara no Kintō joined a group of women asking whether Murasaki was present – alluding to the character in The Tale of Genji. Murasaki retorted that none of the novel's characters lived at this tawdry and unpleasant court, so unlike the court in her novel. She left the banquet when "Counsellor Takai started pulling at Lady Hyōbu's robes and singing dreadful songs, but His Excellency said nothing. I realized that it was bound to be a terribly drunken affair this evening, so Lady Saishō and I decided to retire."
There are anecdotes about drunken revelries and courtly scandals concerning women who, because of behavior or age, were forced to leave imperial service. Murasaki suggests that the court women were weak-willed, uneducated, and inexperienced with men.
The women lived in semi-seclusion in curtained areas or screened spaces without privacy. Men were allowed to enter the women's space at any time. When the Imperial palace burned down in 1005 the court was itinerant for the following years, depending on Michinaga for housing. Murasaki lived at his Biwa mansion, the Tsuchimikado mansion, or Emperor Ichijō's mansion, where there was little space. Ladies-in-waiting had to sleep on thin futons rolled out on bare wood floors in a room often created by curtaining off a space. The dwellings were slightly raised and opened to the Japanese garden, affording little privacy. Bowring explains how vulnerable the women were to men watching them: "A man standing outside in the garden looking in his eyes would have been roughly level with the skirts of the woman inside."
Heian-era imperial ladies-in-waiting in the garden beneath a woman's chamber. (Tosa Mitsuoki, c. late 17th century)Heian-era courtiers and ladies-in-waiting with ankle-length hair, wearing multilayered jūnihitoe. (Tosa Mitsuoki, c. late 17th century)The houses were cold and drafty in the winter, with few braziers available to the women whose multilayered jūnihitoe kept them warm, of which there are detailed descriptions in the work. Heian-period noble women dressed in six or seven garments, each layered over the next, some with multiple linings in differing hues and color combinations. The description of the clothing the ladies-in-waiting wore at an imperial event shows the importance of fashions, the arrangement of their layers, as well as Murasaki's keen observational eye:
The younger women wore jackets with five cuffs of various colors: white on the outside with dark red on yellow-green, white with just one green lining, and pale red shading to dark with one white layer interposed. They were the most intelligently arranged.
Combining layers of garments, each with multiple linings, to arrive at harmonic color combinations known as kasane no irome assumed an almost ritual fascination to the women. It required attention, and achieving an individual stylistic aesthetic was important. Colour combinations were referred to using names reflecting their season of wear, and though they took inspiration from nature, did not aim to faithfully reproduce its colours, instead aiming for an evocation of the season. Murasaki chronicles the significance of making a mistake at a courtly function when two women failed in a perfect color combination: "That day all the women had done their utmost to dress well, but two of them showed a want of taste when it came to the color combinations at their sleeves full view of the courtiers and senior nobles."
Ladies-in-waiting
Murasaki suffered overwhelming loneliness, had her own concerns about ageing, and was not happy living at court. She became withdrawn, writing that perhaps the other women considered her stupid, shy or both: "Do they really look on me as such a dull thing, I wonder? But I am what I am too has often remarked that she thought I was not the kind of person with whom one could ever relax I am perversely stand-offish; if only I can avoid putting off those for whom I have genuine respect." Keene speculates that as a writer who required solitude Murasaki's loneliness may have been "the loneliness of the artist who craves companionship but also rejects it". He points out she had "exceptional powers of discernment" and probably alienated the other women, about 15 or 16 of whom she describes in her diary. Although she adds praise for each woman, her criticism is more memorable because she saw through and described their flaws.
Her insights did not endear her to the other women at a court where intrigue, drama and scheming was the norm, yet for a novelist it was crucial. He believes that she needed to be aloof so as to be able to continue writing, but equally that she was intensely private, a woman who "chose not to reveal her true qualities" except to those who earned her trust and respect, as Shōshi had.
Sei Shōnagon depicted gazing at the snow, ukiyo-e print by Utagawa Yoshitora (1872)Rival poet Akazome Emon depicted in an 1811 ukiyo-eThe diary includes descriptions of other ladies-in-waiting who were writers, most notably Sei Shōnagon, who had been in service to Shōshi's rival and co-empress, Empress Teishi (Sadako). The two courts were competitive; both introduced educated ladies-in-waiting to their respective circles and encouraged rivalry among the women writers. Shōnagon probably left court after Empress Teishi's death in 1006, and it is possible the two never met, yet Murasaki was quite aware of Shōnagon's writing style and her character. She disparages Shōnagon in her diary:
Sei Shōnagon, for instance, was dreadfully conceited. She thought herself so clever and littered her writing with Chinese characters; but if you examined them closely, they left a great deal to be desired. Those who think of themselves of being superior to everyone else in this way will inevitably suffer and come to a bad end.
Murasaki is also critical of the two other women writers at Shōshi's court – poet Izumi Shikibu, and Akazome Emon who authored a monogatari. Of Izumi's writing and poetry she says:
Now someone who did carry on a fascinating correspondence is Izumi Shikibu. She does have a rather unsavoury side to her character but has a talent for tossing off letters with ease and seems to make the most banal statement sound special she can produce poems at will and always manages to include some clever phrase that catches the attention. Yet, she never really comes up to scratch I cannot think of her as a poet of the highest rank.
The diary and The Tale of Genji
Murasaki's The Tale of Genji is barely mentioned in the diary. She writes the Emperor had the story read to him, and that colored papers and calligraphers had been selected for transcriptions of the manuscript – done by court women. In one anecdote she tells of Michinaga sneaking into her room to help himself to a copy of the manuscript. There are parallels between the later chapters of Genji and the diary. According to Genji scholar Shirane, the scene in the diary which describes Ichijo's imperial procession to Michinaga's mansion in 1008 corresponds closely to an imperial procession in chapter 33 ("Wisteria Leaves") of The Tale of Genji. Shirane believes the similarities suggest portions of Genji may have been written during the period Murasaki was in imperial service and wrote the diary.
Style and genre
Heian-era diaries resemble autobiographical memoirs more than a diary in the modern sense. The author of a Heian-era diary (a nikki bungaku) would decide what to include, expand, or exclude. Time was treated in a similar manner – a nikki might include long entries for a single event while other events were omitted. The nikki was considered a form of literature, often not written by the subject, almost always written in third-person, and sometimes included elements of fiction or history. These diaries are a repository of knowledge about the Imperial Heian court, considered highly important in Japanese literature, although many have not survived in a complete state. The format typically included waka poetry, meant to convey information to the readers, as seen in Murasaki's descriptions of court ceremonies.
Few if any dates are included in Murasaki's diary and her working habits are not chronicled. It should not be compared to a modern 'writer's notebook', according to Keene. Although it chronicles public events, the inclusion of self-reflective passages is a unique and important part of the work, adding a human aspect unavailable in official accounts. According to Keene, the author is revealed as a woman with great perception and self-awareness, yet a person who is withdrawn with few friends. She is unflinching in her criticism of aristocratic courtiers, seeing beyond superficial facades to their inner core, a quality Keene says is helpful for a novelist but less useful in the closed society she inhabited.
Bowring believes the work contains three styles, each distinct from the other. The first is the matter-of-fact chronicle of events, a chronicle which otherwise would typically have been written in Chinese. The second style is found in the author's self-reflective analysis. He considers the author's self-reflections the best that have survived from the period, noting that Murasaki's mastery of introspective style, still rare in Japanese, reflects her contributions to the development of written Japanese in that she conquered the limits of an inflexible language and writing system. The epistolary section represents the third style, a newly developed trend. Bowring sees this as the weakest portion of the work, a section where she fails to break free of the rhythms of spoken language. He explains that the rhythms of spoken language assumes the presence of an audience, is often ungrammatical, relies on "eye contact, shared experiences and particular relationships provide a background which allows speech to be at times fragmentary and even allusive". In contrast, written language must compensate for "the gap between the producer and receiver of the message". She may have been experimenting with the new style of writing, either producing a fictional letter or writing a real letter, but he writes that at the end of the section the writing is weaker, "degenerating into disjointed rhythms that are characteristic of speech."
Translations
In 1920, Annie Shepley Omori and Kochi Doi published Diaries of Court Ladies of Old Japan; this book combined their translation of Murasaki's diary with Izumi Shikibu's (The Izumi Shikibu nikki) and with the Sarashina nikki. Their translation had an introduction by Amy Lowell.
Richard Bowring published a translation in 1982, which contains a "lively and provocative" analysis.
13th-century handscroll
In the 13th century, a handscroll of the diary was produced, the Murasaki Shikibu Nikki Emaki. The scroll, meant to be read from left to right, consists of calligraphy illustrated with paintings. Writing in "The House-bound Heart", Japanese scholar Penelope Mason explains that in an emakimono or emaki, a narrative reaches its full potential through the combination of the writer's and the painter's art. About 20 percent of the scroll has survived; based on the existing fragments, the images would have closely followed the text of the diary.
The illustrations in the emaki follow the late-Heian and early Kamakura period convention of Hikime kagibana ('line-eye and hook-nose') in which individual facial expressions are omitted. Also typical of the period is the style of fukimuki yatai ('blown-off roof') depictions of interiors which seem to be visualized from above looking downward into a space. According to Mason, the interior scenes of human figures are juxtaposed against empty exterior gardens; the characters are 'house-bound'.
In the diary Murasaki writes of love, hate and loneliness, feelings which make the illustrations, according to Mason, of the "finest extant examples of prose-poetry narrative illustrations from the period". Mason finds the illustration of two young courtiers opening the lattice blinds to enter the women's quarters particularly poignant, because Murasaki tries to hold the lattice shut against their advances. The image shows that the architecture and the men who keep her away from the freedom of the garden to the right.
The scroll was discovered in 1920 in five segments by Morikawa Kanichirō (森川勘一郎). The Gotoh Museum holds segments one, two and four; the Tokyo National Museum holds the third segment; the fifth remains in a private collection. The portions of the emakimono held at the Gotoh museum have been designated as National Treasures of Japan.
Gallery
- Leaf from the diary with calligraphy attributed to Kujō Yoshitsune, held at Gotoh Museum.
- Fragment of the emaki showing, on the left, an illustration of Shoshi with her newborn son, and on the right the text written in calligraphy.
Notes
- Waka are always 31 syllables with a measure of 5/7 or 7/5 syllables. In the diary, Murasaki used the so-called short form consisting of a measure of 5/7/5/7/7 syllables. See Bowring, xix
References
Citations
- Henshall (1999), 24–25
- Bowring (2005), xii
- ^ Shirane (2008), 113
- ^ Shirane (2008), 114
- ^ Shirane (2008), 115
- ^ Bowring (2005), xviii
- ^ Shirane (1987), 215
- ^ Tyler, Royall. "Murasaki Shikibu: Brief Life of a Legendary Novelist: c. 973 – c. 1014". (May, 2002) Harvard Magazine. Retrieved August 21, 2011
- ^ Bowring (2005), xxxv
- qtd in Mulhern (1991), 84; Murasaki Shikibu (Bowring translation, 2005), 33
- Shirane (2008), 293
- ^ Rohlich (1984), 540
- ^ Keene (1999b), 40–41
- Murasaki Shikibu (Bowring translation, 2005), 3
- "Detached segment of The Diary of Lady Murasaki, emaki". Emuseum.jp
- ^ Bowring (2005), xl–xliii
- ^ Keene (1999b), 44
- Mason (1980), 30
- ^ Murasaki Shikibu (Bowring translation, 2005), 58
- Bowring (2005), xl–xliv
- Bowring (2005), xlix
- ^ Keene (1999b), 42–44
- ^ Ury (2003), 175–188
- Murasaki Shikibu (Bowring translation, 2005), 4
- Bowring (2005), xv
- Rohlich (1984), 539
- Bowring (2005), xxiv–xxv
- Mulhern (1991), 86
- ^ Murasaki Shikibu (Bowring translation, 2005), 24
- Waley (1960), viii–ix
- ^ Keene (1999b), 45
- Keene (1999b), 45; Murasaki Shikibu (Bowring translation, 2005), 32
- ^ Bowring (2005), xxvii
- Bowring (2005), xxiv–xxvii
- ^ Bowring (2005), xxviii–xxx
- Murasaki Shikibu (Bowring translation, 2005), 65
- qtd. in Keene (1999b), 46
- Keene (1999b), 46
- Keene (1999a), 414–415
- Murasaki Shikibu (Bowring translation, 2005), 54
- Mulhern (1994), 156
- Murasaki Shikibu (Bowring translation, 2005), 53–54
- Keene (1999b), 46–47
- Shirane (1987), 221
- Shirane (1987), 36
- ^ McCullough (1990), 15–16
- Keene (1999b), 41–42
- Bowring (2005), xviii–xix
- Bowring (2005), xix
- ^ Ury (1983), 175
- Mason (1980), 24
- Mason (1980), 22–24
- Mason (1980), 29
- Mason (1980), 32–33
- Gotoh Museum (in Japanese)
Sources
- Bowring, Richard John (ed). "Introduction". in The Diary of Lady Murasaki. (2005). London: Penguin. ISBN 9780140435764
- Frédéric, Louis. Japan Encyclopedia. (2005). Cambridge, MA: Harvard UP. ISBN 0-674-01753-6
- Henshall, Kenneth G. A History of Japan. (1999). New York: St. Martin's. ISBN 0-312-21986-5
- Keene, Donald. Seeds in the Heart: Japanese Literature from Earliest times to the Late Sixteenth Century. (1999a). New York: Columbia UP. ISBN 0-231-11441-9
- Keene, Donald. Travelers of a Hundred Ages: The Japanese as revealed through 1000 years of diaries. (1999b). New York: Columbia UP. ISBN 0-231-11437-0
- Lady Murasaki. The Diary of Lady Murasaki. (2005). London: Penguin. ISBN 9780140435764
- Lowell, Amy. "Introduction". in Diaries of Court Ladies of Old Japan. Translated by Kochi Doi and Annie Sheley Omori. (1920) Boston: Houghton Mifflin.
- Mason, Penelope. (2004). History of Japanese Art. Prentice Hall. ISBN 978-0-13-117601-0
- Mason, Penelope. "The House-Bound Heart. The Prose-Poetry Genre of Japanese Narrative Illustration". Monumenta Nipponica, Vol. 35, No. 1 (Spring, 1980), pp. 21–43
- McCullough, Helen. Classical Japanese Prose: An Anthology. (1990). Stanford CA: Stanford UP. ISBN 0-8047-1960-8
- Mulhern, Chieko Irie. Japanese Women Writers: a Bio-critical Sourcebook. (1994). Westport CT: Greenwood Press. ISBN 978-0-313-25486-4
- Mulhern, Chieko Irie. Heroic with Grace: Legendary Women of Japan. (1991). Armonk NY: M.E. Sharpe. ISBN 0-87332-527-3
- Rohlich, Thomas H. "Review". The Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 43, No. 3 (May, 1984), pp. 539–541
- Shirane, Haruo. The Bridge of Dreams: A Poetics of "The Tale of Genji". (1987). Stanford CA: Stanford UP. ISBN 0-8047-1719-2
- Shirane, Haruo. Traditional Japanese Literature: An Anthology, Beginnings to 1600. (2008). New York: Columbia UP. ISBN 978-0-231-13697-6
- Ury, Marian. The Real Murasaki. Monumenta Nipponica. (Summer 1983). Vol. 38, no. 2, pp. 175–189.
- Waley, Arthur. "Introduction". in Shikibu, Murasaki, The Tale of Genji: A Novel in Six Parts. translated by Arthur Waley. (1960). New York: Modern Library.
Further reading
- Gatten, Aileen. "Reviewed Work: Objects of Discourse: Memoirs by Women of Heian Japan by John R. Wallace". Journal of Japanese Studies. Vol. 33, No. 1 (Winter, 2007), pp. 268–273
- Sorensen, Joseph. "The Politics of Screen Poetry". The Journal of Japanese Studies, Volume 38, Number 1, Winter 2012, pp. 85–107
- Yoda, Tomiko. "Literary History against the National Frame". positions: East Asia cultures critique, Volume 8, Number 2, Fall 2000, pp. 465–497
External links
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