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| ]'' of 1885-90. The subtypes of the Mongoloid race are shown in ] and ] tones, those of the Europid race in light and medium ]ish ]-] tones and those of the Negroid race in ] tones. Dravidians and Sinhalese are in ] and their classification is described as uncertain. The Mongoloid race sees the widest geographic distribution, including all of the ], ], ] and ], the entire inhabited ].]] | ]'' of 1885-90. The subtypes of the Mongoloid race are shown in ] and ] tones, those of the Europid race in light and medium ]ish ]-] tones and those of the Negroid race in ] tones. Dravidians and Sinhalese are in ] and their classification is described as uncertain. The Mongoloid race sees the widest geographic distribution, including all of the ], ], ] and ], the entire inhabited ].]] | ||
| Groups of humans have probably always identified themselves as distinct from other groups, but such differences have not always been understood to be natural, immutable and global. These features are the distinguishing features |
Groups of humans have probably always identified themselves as distinct from other groups, but such differences have not always been understood to be natural, immutable and global. These features are the distinguishing features | ||
| The word "race" was originally used to refer to any ] or ]. ] in his 13th-century ], for example, describes the ]n race<ref>Marco Polo, in the 13th century, writes of the North Persians: "The people are of the Mahometan religion. They are in general a handsome race, especially the women, who, in my opinion, are the most beautiful in the world." ''Travels of Marco Polo, Chapter 21.''</ref>—the 19th- and 20th-century concepts of its meaning and modern sensibilities about how society views race date back only to the 17th century.<ref>{{harvnb|Smedley|2007}}</ref> | |||
| The European concept of "race", along with many of the ideas now associated with the term, arose in the conjunction of the ], which introduced and privileged the study of natural kinds, and the age of ] and ] which established political relations between Europeans and peoples with distinct cultural and political traditions.<ref name="Marks2008" /><ref name="smedley1999">{{harvnb|Smedley|1999}}</ref> As Europeans encountered people from different parts of the ], they speculated about the physical, social, and cultural differences among various human groups. The rise of the ], which gradually displaced an earlier ]s from throughout the world, created a further ] to categorize human groups in order to justify the subordination of African ]s.<ref>{{harvnb|Meltzer|1993}}</ref> Drawing on Classical sources and upon their own internal interactions — for example, the hostility between the ] and ] was a powerful influence on early thinking about the differences between people<ref>{{harvnb|Takaki|1993}}</ref> — Europeans began to sort themselves and others into groups associated with physical appearance and with deeply ingrained behaviors and capacities. A set of ] ] took hold that linked inherited physical differences between groups to inherited ]ual, ], and ] qualities.<ref>{{harvnb|Banton|1977}}</ref> Similar ideas can be found in other cultures,<ref>''For examples see:'' | |||
| :*{{harvnb|Lewis|1990}} | |||
| :*{{harvnb|Dikötter|1992}}</ref> for example in ], where a concept often translated as "race" was associated with supposed common descent from the ], and used to stress the unity of ethnic groups in China. Furthermore, often brutal conflicts between ethnic groups have existed throughout history and across the world.<ref name="REGWG"/> | |||
| The first post-] published classification of humans into distinct races seems to be ]'s ''Nouvelle division de la terre par les différents espèces ou races qui l'habitent'' ("New division of Earth by the different species or races which inhabit it"), published in 1684.<ref>{{harvnb|Todorov|1993}}</ref> In the 18th century, the differences among human groups became a focus of scientific investigation. But the scientific classification of phenotypic variation was frequently coupled with racist ideas about innate predispositions of different groups, always attributing the most desirable features to the White, European race and arranging the other races along a continuum of progressively undesirable attributes. The 1755 classification of ], inventor of zoological taxonomy, divided the human race ] continental varieties of Europaeus, Asiaticus, Americanus and Afer, each associated with a different ]: ], ], ] and ] respectively.<ref>Loring Brace, C. 2005. Race is a four letter word. Oxford University Press. p. 27.</ref> Homo Sapiens Europeaus was described as active, acute, and adventurous whereas Homo Sapiens Afer was crafty, lazy and careless.<ref name="Graves, Joseph 2001. p.39">Graves, Joseph. 2001. The Emperor's New Clothes. Rutgers University Press. p.39</ref> | |||
| The 1775 treatise "The Natural Varieties of Mankind," by ] established five major divisions of humans still reflected in some racial classifications, i.e., the ], ], ] (later termed the ] race), ], and ], but he did not propose any hierarchic ranking between the races.<ref name="Graves, Joseph 2001. p.39"/> Blumenbach also noted the gradual transition in appearances from one group to adjacent groups and suggested that "one variety of mankind does so sensibly pass into the other, that you cannot mark out the limits between them".<ref name="Marks1995"/> | |||
| From the 17th through the 19th centuries, the merging of folk beliefs about group differences with scientific explanations of those differences produced what one scholar has called an "] of race".<ref name="smedley1999"/> According to this ideology, races are primordial, natural, enduring and distinct. It was further argued that some groups may be the result of mixture between formerly distinct populations, but that careful study could distinguish the ancestral races that had combined to produce admixed groups.<ref name="REGWG"/> Subsequent influential classifications by ], ] and ] all classified "Negros" as naturally inferior to Europeans.<ref name="Graves, Joseph 2001. p.39"/> In the ] the racial theories of ] became widely influential. He saw Africans as naturally inferior to Whites especially in regards to their intellect, and embued with unnatural sexual appetites, but described American Indians as equals to whites.<ref>Graves, Joseph. 2001. The Emperor's New Clothes. Rutgers University Press. p. 42-43</ref> | |||
| In the last two decades of the 18th century ], the belief that different races had evolved separately in each continent and shared no common ancestor,<ref>George W. Stocking, Race, Culture and Evolution: Essays in the History of Anthropology, 1968, pp. 38-40</ref> was advocated in England by historian ] and anatomist ], in Germany by ethnographers ] and ], and in France by Julien Virey and prominently in the US by ], ] and ]. Polygenism was very popular and most widespread in the 19th century, culminating in the creation of the ] in the shadow of the ], in opposition to the abolitionist ].<ref> | |||
| {{citation|last1=Desmond|first1=Adrian|last2=Moore|first2=James|title=Darwin's Sacred Cause: Race, Slavery and the quest for human origins|publisher=Allen Lane, Penguin Books|year=2009|pages=332–341}} | |||
| </ref> | |||
| ==Modern debate== | |||
| ===Models of human evolution=== | |||
| {{See also|Multiregional hypothesis|Recent single origin hypothesis}} | |||
| In a 1995 article, ] and ] suggested that any new support for a biological concept of race will likely come from another source, namely, the study of human evolution. They therefore ask what, if any, implications current models of human evolution may have for any biological conception of race.<ref name=Lieberman1995>{{harvnb|Lieberman|Jackson|1995}}</ref> | |||
| Today, all ] are classified as belonging to the species ''Homo sapiens'' and sub-species ''Homo sapiens sapiens''. However, this is not the first species of hominids: the first species of genus ''Homo'', ], are theorized to have evolved in East Africa at least 2 million years ago, and members of this species populated different parts of Africa in a relatively short time. '']'' is theorized to have evolved more than 1.8 million years ago, and by 1.5 million years ago had spread throughout Europe and Asia. Virtually all physical anthropologists agree that ''Homo sapiens'' evolved out of ''Homo erectus''. | |||
| Most anthropologists believe that ''Homo sapiens'' evolved in East Africa and then migrated out of Africa, replacing ''H. erectus'' populations throughout Europe and Asia (the ] model). Others support the ]. | |||
| Lieberman and Jackson argued that while advocates of both the Multiregional Model and the Out of Africa Model use the word race and make racial assumptions, none define the term.<ref name=Lieberman1995/> They conclude that students of human evolution would be better off avoiding the word race, and instead describe genetic differences in terms of populations and clinal gradations.<ref name=Lieberman1995/> | |||
| ===Race as subspecies=== | |||
| {{further|], ], ], ], ], and ].}} | |||
| At the beginning of the 20th century, anthropologists accepted, and taught, the belief that biologically distinct races are isomorphic with distinct linguistic, cultural, and social groups, while popularly applying that belief to the field of ], in conjunction with a practice that is now called ].<ref>{{harvnb|Currell|Cogdell|2006}}</ref>] was co-opted by the budding ] movement as a justification for systematic ] and ] planning in the early 20th century.]] Following the ] program, racial essentialism lost scientific credibility. Race anthropologists were pressured to acknowledge findings coming from studies of ] and ], and to revise their conclusions about the sources of phenotypic variation.<ref>{{harvnb|Cravens|2010}}</ref> A significant number of modern ] and ] in the West came to view race as an invalid genetic or biological designation.<ref>{{harvnb|Cravens|2010}} , {{harvnb|Angier|2000}} , {{harvnb|Amundson|2005}} , {{harvnb|Reardon|2005}}</ref> However, in most parts of the world, and for some in the West, the concept remains an important part of the study of human variation.<ref>{{harvnb|Štrkalj|2007}}</ref> | |||
| The first to challenge the concept of race on empirical grounds were ] ], who demonstrated phenotypic plasticity due to environmental factors,<ref>{{harvnb|Smedley|2002}}; {{harvnb|Boas|1912}}</ref> and ] who relied on evidence from genetics.<ref>{{harvnb|Marks|2002}} , {{harvnb|Montagu|1941}} and {{harvnb|Montagu|1942}}</ref> ] then challenged the concept from the perspective of general animal systematics, and further rejected the claim that "races" were equivalent to "subspecies".<ref>{{harvnb|Wilson|Brown|1953}}</ref> | |||
| According to Jonathan Marks,<ref name="Marks1995">{{harvnb|Marks|1995}}</ref> | |||
| {{quotation|By the 1970s, it had become clear that (1) most human differences were cultural; (2) what was not cultural was principally polymorphic – that is to say, found in diverse groups of people at different frequencies; (3) what was not cultural or polymorphic was principally clinal – that is to say, gradually variable over geography; and (4) what was left – the component of human diversity that was not cultural, polymorphic, or clinal – was very small.</p> | |||
| A consensus consequently developed among anthropologists and geneticists that race as the previous generation had known it – as largely discrete, geographically distinct, gene pools – did not exist.}} | |||
| In biology the term "race" is used with caution because it can be ambiguous. Generally when it is used it is synonymous with subspecies.<ref>{{harvnb|Keita|Kittles|Royal|Bonney|2004}} , {{harvnb|Templeton|1998}} , {{harvnb|Long|Kittles|2003}}</ref> For mammals the normal taxonomic unit below the species level is usually the subspecies.<ref name="conservation">{{harvnb|Haig|Beever|Chambers|Draheim|2006}}</ref> | |||
| Population geneticists have debated as to whether the concept of ''population'' can provide a basis for a new conception of race. In order to do this, a working definition of population must be found. Surprisingly, there is no generally accepted concept of population that biologists use. It has been pointed out that the concept of population is central to ecology, evolutionary biology and conservation biology, but also that most definitions of population rely on qualitative descriptions such as "a group of organisms of the same species occupying a particular space at a particular time"<ref name="waples">{{harvnb|Waples|Gaggiotti|2006}}</ref> Waples and Gaggiotti identify two broad types of definitions for populations; those that fall into an ''ecological paradigm'', and those that fall into an ''evolutionary paradigm''. Examples of such definitions are: | |||
| * ''Ecological paradigm'': A group of individuals of the same species that co-occur in space and time and have an opportunity to interact with each other. | |||
| * ''Evolutionary paradigm'': A group of individuals of the same species living in close-enough proximity that any member of the group can potentially mate with any other member.<ref name="waples"/> | |||
| ====Subspecies as morphologically differentiated populations==== | |||
| Traditionally subspecies are seen as geographically isolated and genetically differentiated populations.<ref name="Templeton1998">{{harvnb|Templeton|1998}}</ref> Or to put it another way "the designation 'subspecies' is used to indicate an objective degree of ] divergence"<ref name="Keita2004"/> One objection to this idea is that it does not identify any degree of differentiation. Therefore, any population that is somewhat biologically different could be considered a subspecies, even to the level of a local population. As a result it is necessary to impose a threshold on the level of difference that is required for a population to be designated a subspecies.<ref name="Templeton1998"/> | |||
| This effectively means that populations of organisms must have reached a certain measurable level of difference to be recognised as subspecies. | |||
| ] proposed in 1949 that subspecies would be defined according to the seventy-five percent rule which means that 75% of a population must lie outside 99% of the range of other populations for a given defining ] character or a set of characters. The seventy-five percent rule still has defenders but other scholars argue that it should be replaced with ninety or ninety-five percent rule.<ref>{{harvnb|Amadon|1949}} , {{harvnb|Mayr|1969}} , {{harvnb|Patten|Unitt|2002}}</ref> | |||
| In 1978, ] suggested that human populations that have long inhabited separated parts of the world should, in general, be considered different subspecies by the usual criterion that most individuals of such populations can be allocated correctly by inspection. It does not require a trained anthropologist to classify an array of Englishmen, West Africans, and Chinese with 100% accuracy by features, skin color, and type of hair despite so much variability within each of these groups that every individual can easily be distinguished from every other. However, it is customary to use the term race rather than subspecies for the major subdivisions of the human species as well as for minor ones.<ref name="Wright 1978">{{harvnb|Wright|1978}}</ref> | |||
| On the other hand in practice subspecies are often defined by easily observable physical appearance, but there is not necessarily any evolutionary significance to these observed differences, so this form of classification has become less acceptable to evolutionary biologists.<ref name="Keita2004"/><ref name="Templeton1998"/> Likewise this ] approach to race is generally regarded as discredited by biologists and anthropologists. | |||
| Because of the difficulty in classifying subspecies morphologically, many biologists have found the concept problematic, citing issues such as:<ref name="Keita2004"/> | |||
| * Visible physical differences do not always correlate with one another, leading to the possibility of different classifications for the same individual organisms. | |||
| * Parallel evolution can lead to the existence of the appearance of similarities between groups of organisms that are not part of the same species. | |||
| * Isolated populations within previously designated subspecies have been found to exist. | |||
| * The criteria for classification may be arbitrary if they ignore ] in traits. | |||
| If several traits are looked at the same time, then today ] can classify a person's race with an accuracy close to 100% based on only skeletal remains.<ref name=socialdeconstruction>Sesardic, Neven (2010). "Race: A Social Destruction of a Biological Concept". Biology & Philosophy 25: 143. doi:10.1007/s10539-009-9193-7</ref> This is discussed in a later section. | |||
| ====Subspecies as ancestrally differentiated populations ==== | |||
| ] is another method of classification. A ] is a taxonomic group of organisms consisting of a single common ancestor and all the descendants of that ancestor. Every creature produced by sexual reproduction has two immediate lineages, one maternal and one paternal.<ref>{{cite journal | doi = 10.1525/an.2006.47.2.7 | title = Understanding Race and Human Variation: A Public Education Program | journal = Anthropology News | year = 2006 | volume=47 | pages = 7 | issue=2 }}</ref> Whereas ] established a taxonomy of living organisms based on anatomical similarities and differences, ] seeks to establish a taxonomy—the ]—based on genetic similarities and differences and tracing the process of acquisition of multiple characteristics by single organisms. Some researchers have tried to clarify the idea of race by equating it to the biological idea of the ]. Often ] or ] sequences are used to study ancient human migration paths. These single-locus sources of DNA do not ] and are inherited from a single parent. Individuals from the various continental groups tend to be more similar to one another than to people from other continents, and tracing either mitochondrial DNA or non-recombinant Y-chromosome DNA explains how people in one place may be largely derived from people in some remote location. | |||
| Often taxonomists prefer to use phylogenetic analysis to determine whether a population can be considered a subspecies. Phylogenetic analysis relies on the concept of derived characteristics that are not shared between groups, usually applying to populations that are ] (geographically separated) and therefore discretely bounded. This would make a subspecies, evolutionarily speaking, a ] – a group with a common evolutionary ancestor population.<ref name="Templeton1998"/> The smooth gradation of human genetic variation in general rules out any idea that human population groups can be considered monophyletic (cleanly divided) as there appears to always have been considerable gene flow between human populations.<ref name="Templeton1998"/> Rachel Caspari (2003) have argued that clades are by definition monophyletic groups (a taxon that includes ''all'' descendants of a given ancestor) and since no groups currently regarded as races are monophyletic, none of those groups can be clades. | |||
| For anthropologists Lieberman and Jackson (1995), however, there are more profound methodological and conceptual problems with using cladistics to support concepts of race. They claim that "the molecular and biochemical proponents of this model explicitly use racial categories ''in their initial grouping of samples''". For example, the large and highly diverse macroethnic groups of East Indians, North Africans, and Europeans are presumptively grouped as Caucasians prior to the analysis of their DNA variation. This is claimed to limit and skew interpretations, obscure other lineage relationships, deemphasize the impact of more immediate clinal environmental factors on genomic diversity, and can cloud our understanding of the true patterns of affinity. They argue that however significant the empirical research, these studies use the term race in conceptually imprecise and careless ways. They suggest that the authors of these studies find support for racial distinctions only because they began by assuming the validity of race. "For empirical reasons we prefer to place emphasis on clinal variation, which recognizes the existence of adaptive human hereditary variation and simultaneously stresses that such variation is not found in packages that can be labeled ''races''."<ref name=Lieberman1995/> | |||
| These scientists do not dispute the importance of cladistic research, only its retention of the word race, when reference to populations and clinal gradations are more than adequate to describe the results. | |||
| =====Clines===== | |||
| One crucial innovation in reconceptualizing genotypic and phenotypic variation was anthropologist ] observation that such variations, insofar as it is affected by ], slow migration, or ], are distributed along geographic gradations or ].<ref name="Brace1964">{{harvnb|Brace|1964}}</ref> In part this is due to ]. This point called attention to a problem common to phenotype-based descriptions of races (for example, those based on hair texture and skin color): they ignore a host of other similarities and differences (for example, blood type) that do not correlate highly with the markers for race. Thus, anthropologist Frank Livingstone's conclusion, that since clines cross racial boundaries, "there are no races, only clines".<ref name="Livingstone">{{harvnb|Livingstone|Dobzhansky|1962}}</ref> | |||
| In a response to Livingstone, ] argued that when talking about race one must be attentive to how the term is being used: "I agree with Dr. Livingstone that if races have to be 'discrete units,' then there are no races, and if 'race' is used as an 'explanation' of the human variability, rather than vice versa, then the explanation is invalid." He further argued that one could use the term race if one distinguished between "race differences" and "the race concept." The former refers to any distinction in gene frequencies between populations; the latter is "a matter of judgment." He further observed that even when there is clinal variation, "Race differences are objectively ascertainable biological phenomena… but it does not follow that racially distinct populations must be given racial (or subspecific) labels."<ref name="Livingstone"/> In short, Livingstone and Dobzhansky agree that there are genetic differences among human beings; they also agree that the use of the race concept to classify people, and how the race concept is used, is a matter of social convention. They differ on whether the race concept remains a meaningful and useful social convention. | |||
| In 1964, biologists Paul Ehrlich and Holm pointed out cases where two or more clines are distributed discordantly—for example, melanin is distributed in a decreasing pattern from the equator north and south; frequencies for the haplotype for beta-S hemoglobin, on the other hand, radiate out of specific geographical points in Africa.<ref>{{harvnb|Ehrlich|Holm|1964}}</ref> As anthropologists Leonard Lieberman and Fatimah Linda Jackson observed, "Discordant patterns of heterogeneity falsify any description of a population as if it were genotypically or even phenotypically homogeneous".<ref name="Lieberman1995"/> | |||
| Patterns such as those seen in human physical and genetic variation as described above, have led to the consequence that the number and geographic location of any described races is highly dependent on the importance attributed to, and quantity of, the traits considered. Scientists discovered a skin-lighting mutation that partially accounts for the appearance of Light skin in humans (people who migrated out of Africa northward into what is now Europe) which they estimate occurred 20,000 to 50,000 years ago. The East Asians owe their relatively light skin to different mutations.<ref>{{harvnb|Weiss|2005}}</ref> On the other hand, the greater the number of traits (or ]s) considered, the more subdivisions of humanity are detected, since traits and gene frequencies do not always correspond to the same geographical location. Or as {{harvtxt|Ossorio|Duster| 2005}} put it:{{quotation|Anthropologists long ago discovered that humans' physical traits vary gradually, with groups that are close geographic neighbors being more similar than groups that are geographically separated. This pattern of variation, known as clinal variation, is also observed for many alleles that vary from one human group to another. Another observation is that traits or alleles that vary from one group to another do not vary at the same rate. This pattern is referred to as nonconcordant variation. Because the variation of physical traits is clinal and nonconcordant, anthropologists of the late 19th and early 20th centuries discovered that the more traits and the more human groups they measured, the fewer discrete differences they observed among races and the more categories they had to create to classify human beings. The number of races observed expanded to the 30s and 50s, and eventually anthropologists concluded that there were no discrete races.<ref name="Marks2002">{{harvnb|Marks|2002}}</ref> Twentieth and 21st century biomedical researchers have discovered this same feature when evaluating human variation at the level of alleles and allele frequencies. Nature has not created four or five distinct, nonoverlapping genetic groups of people.}} | |||
| More recent genetic studies indicate that skin color may change radically over as few as 100 generations, or about 2,500 years, given the influence of the environment.<ref>{{harvnb|Krulwich|2009}}</ref> | |||
| Serre et al. (2004) argued for smooth, clinal genetic variation in ancestral populations even in regions previously considered racially homogeneous, with the apparent gaps turning out to be artifacts of sampling techniques {{harv|Serre|Pääbo| 2004}}. Rosenberg et al. (2005) disputed this and argued that using more data showed that there were small discontinuities in the smooth genetic variation for ancestral populations at the location of geographic barriers such as the ], the Oceans, and the ]. | |||
| ====Subspecies as genetically differentiated populations==== | |||
| {{main|Race and genetics}} | |||
| The above discussion about clines applies to populations in their ancestral homes when migrations and ] were slow. Recent large and fast migrations due to changed technology have changed this. Thus, regarding the situation today in the United States, Tang et al. (2004) write that "we detected only modest genetic differentiation between different current geographic locales within each race/ethnicity group. Thus, ancient geographic ancestry, which is highly correlated with self-identified race/ethnicity—as opposed to current residence—is the major determinant of genetic structure in the U.S. population."<ref name=Tang2005>{{cite journal |author=Tang H, Quertermous T, Rodriguez B, ''et al.'' |title=Genetic structure, self-identified race/ethnicity, and confounding in case-control association studies |journal=American Journal of Human Genetics |volume=76 |issue=2 |pages=268–75 |year=2005 |month=February |pmid=15625622 |pmc=1196372 |doi=10.1086/427888}}</ref> | |||
| Another way to look at differences between populations is to measure genetic differences rather than physical differences between groups. Mid-century, anthropologist ] defined race as: | |||
| :A population which differs significantly from other populations in regard to the frequency of one or more of the genes it possesses. It is an arbitrary matter which, and how many, gene loci we choose to consider as a significant "constellation".<ref>{{harvnb|Boyd|1950}}</ref> {{harvtxt|Lieberman|Kirk|1995}} have pointed out that "the weakness of this statement is that if one gene can distinguish races then the number of races is as numerous as the number of human couples reproducing." Moreover, anthropologist Stephen Molnar has suggested that the discordance of clines inevitably results in a multiplication of races that renders the concept itself useless.<ref>{{harvnb|Molnar|1992}}</ref> The ] states "People who have lived in the same geographic region for many generations may have some alleles in common, but no allele will be found in all members of one population and in no members of any other."<ref></ref> | |||
| However, A. W. F. Edwards argued in his (2003) paper "]" that this problem only applies if one looks at only a single gene. If one measure many genes at the same time, then distinct clusters emerge and one can classify a person according to his self-identified race/ethnicity with an accuracy close to 100%. Later studies have confirmed this. This does not mean that each such group/cluster has only one ancestral origin or population. Hispanics, for example, have Europeans, Amerindian, and African ancestries.<ref name=Tang2005/> | |||
| Some geneticists argue that categories of self-identified race/ethnicity or biogeographic ancestry are both valid and useful,<ref>(Bamshad 2005), {{harvnb|Risch|Burchard|Ziv|Tang|2002}}</ref> that these categories correspond to clusters ],<ref>{{harvnb|Harpending|2003}}, {{harvnb|Bamshad|Olson|2003}}, {{harvnb|Edwards|2003}}, {{harvnb|Bamshad|Wooding|Salisbury|Stephens|2004|page=599}}, {{harvnb|Tang|Quertermous|Rodriguez|Kardia|2004}}, {{harvnb|Rosenberg|Mahajan|Ramachandran|Zhao|2005}}: "If enough markers are used... individuals can be partitioned into genetic clusters that match major geographic subdivisions of the globe".</ref> and that this correspondence implies that genetic factors might contribute to unexplained phenotypic variation between groups.<ref>(Mountain and Risch 2004)</ref> ] argued: "One could make the same arguments about sex and age! ... you can undermine any definitional system... In a recent study... we actually had a higher discordance rate between self-reported sex and markers on the X chromosome between genetic structure versus self-description, 99.9% concordance... So you could argue that sex is also a problematic category. And there are differences between sex and gender; self-identification may not be correlated with biology perfectly. And there is sexism. And you can talk about age the same way. A person's chronological age does not perfectly correspond to his biological age for a variety of reasons, both inherited and non-inherited. Perhaps just using someone's actual birth year is not a very good way of measuring age. Does that mean we should throw it out? ... Any category you come up with is going to be imperfect, but that doesn't preclude you from using it or the fact that it has utility"<ref>http://www.plosgenetics.org/article/info:doi/10.1371/journal.pgen.0010014</ref> | |||
| Witherspoon et al. (2007) have argued that even when individuals can be reliably assigned to specific population groups, it may still be possible for two randomly chosen individuals from different populations/clusters to be more similar to each other than to a randomly chosen member of their own cluster. They found that many thousands of genetic markers had to be used in order for the answer to the question "How often is a pair of individuals from one population genetically more dissimilar than two individuals chosen from two different populations?" to be "never". This assumed three population groups separated by large geographic ranges (European, African and East Asian). The entire world population is much more complex and studying an increasing number of groups would require an increasing number of markers for the same answer. The authors conclude that "caution should be used when using geographic or genetic ancestry to make inferences about individual phenotypes."<ref name="Full Text">{{harvnb|Witherspoon|Wooding|Rogers|Marchani|2007}}</ref> | |||
| ===== Fixation index ===== | |||
| One way of measuring genetic differences between populations is the ] which is often abbreviated to ''F''<sub>ST</sub>. This statistic is used to compare differences between any two given populations and can be used to measure genetic differences between populations for individual genes, or for many genes simultaneously.<ref name="graves06">{{harvnb|Graves|2006}}</ref> For example it is often stated that the fixation index for humans is about 0.15. This means that about 85% of the variation measured in the human population is within any population, and about 15% of the variation occurs between populations, or that any two individuals from different populations are almost as likely to be more similar to each other than either is to a member of their own group.<ref name="Keita2004"/><ref name="Templeton1998"/> | |||
| ], claiming that 85 percent of human variation occurs within populations and not among populations, argued that neither "race" nor "subspecies" were appropriate or useful ways to describe populations.<ref>{{harvnb|Lewontin|1972}}</ref> In his 2003 paper "]" ] argued that ] supersedes Lewontin's argument, owing to the observation that, whilst Lewontin's reasoning holds when a single genetic locus is being studied in isolation, the fact that different genetic loci covary in frequency giving rise to correlation structures, permits populations to be accurately identified. | |||
| It has also been observed that barriers—which may be culturally constructed or physical— between populations can limit gene flow and increase genetic differences. Recent work by population geneticists conducting research in Europe suggests that ethnic identity can be a barrier to gene flow.<ref>{{harvnb|Koertvelyessy|Nettleship|1996}} , {{harvnb|Koertvelyessy|1995}} , {{harvnb|Pettener|1990}} , {{harvnb|Biondi|Raspe|Perrotti|Lasker|1990}}</ref> Others, such as ], have argued for a notion of "geographic race".<ref>{{harvnb|Mayr|2002}}</ref> Some researchers report the variation between racial groups (measured by ] population structure statistic ''F''<sub>ST</sub>) accounts for as little as 5% of human genetic variation. ] himself commented that if differences this large were seen in another species, they would be called subspecies.<ref name="Wright 1978"/> | |||
| The distribution of many physical traits resembles the distribution of genetic variation within and between human populations.<ref name="AAPAg">{{harvnb|AAPA|1996}}</ref><ref>{{harvnb|Keita|Kittles|1997}}</ref> For example, ~90% of the variation in human head shapes occurs within every human group, and ~10% separates groups, with a greater variability of head shape among individuals with recent African ancestors.<ref>{{harvnb|Relethford|2002}}</ref> | |||
| It is often stated that human genetic variation is low compared to other mammalian species, and it has been claimed that this should be taken as evidence that there is no natural subdivision of the human population.<ref name="REGWG">{{Cite journal|author=Race, Ethnicity, and Genetics Working Group |title=The use of racial, ethnic, and ancestral categories in human genetics research |journal=American Journal of Human Genetics |volume=77 |issue=4 |pages=519–32 |year=2005 |month=October |pmid=16175499 |pmc=1275602 |doi=10.1086/491747}}</ref><ref>{{harvnb|Keita|Kittles|Royal|Bonney|2004}} , {{harvnb|Bamshad|Wooding|Salisbury|Stephens|2004}} , {{harvnb|Tishkoff|Kidd|2004}} , {{harvnb|Jorde|Wooding2004}}</ref> Wright himself believed that values >0.25 represent very great genetic variation and that an ''F''<sub>ST</sub> of 0.15–0.25 represented great variation. It should however be noted that about 5% of human variation occurs between populations within continents, therefore ''F''<sub>ST</sub> values between continental groups of humans (or races) of as low as 0.1 (or possibly lower) have been found in some studies, suggesting more moderate levels of genetic variation.<ref name="graves06"/> Graves (1996) has further argued that ''F''<sub>ST</sub> should not be used as a marker of subspecies status, as the statistic is used to measure the degree of differentiation between populations, <ref name="graves06"/> although see also Wright (1978). <ref name="Wright 1978"/> | |||
| In an ongoing debate, some geneticists{{who|date=December 2010}} argue that race is neither a meaningful concept nor a useful ] device,<ref>{{harvnb|Wilson|Weale|Smith|Gratrix|2001}}, {{harvnb|Cooper|Kaufman|Ward|2003}} (given in summary by {{harvnb|Bamshad|Wooding|Salisbury|Stephens|2004|page=599}})</ref> and even that genetic differences among groups are biologically meaningless,<ref>(Schwartz 2001), (Stephens 2003) (given in summary by {{harvnb|Bamshad|Wooding|Salisbury|Stephens|2004|page=599}})</ref> because more genetic variation exists within such races than among them, and that racial traits overlap without discrete boundaries.<ref>{{harvnb|Smedley|Smedley|2005}}, (Helms ''et al.'' 2005), . Lewontin, for example argues that there is no biological basis for race on the basis of research indicating that more genetic variation exists within such races than among them {{harv|Lewontin|1972}}.</ref> | |||
| In their 2003 paper "Human Genetic Diversity and the Nonexistence of Biological Races" Jeffrey Long and Rick Kittles give a long critique of the application of ''F''<sub>ST</sub> to human populations. They find that the figure of 85% is misleading because it implies that all human populations contain on average 85% of all genetic diversity. They claim that this does not correctly reflect human population history, because it treats all human groups as independent. A more realistic portrayal of the way human groups are related is to understand that some human groups are parental to other groups and that these groups represent ] groups to their descent groups. For example, under the ] theory the human population in Africa is paraphyletic to all other human groups because it represents the ancestral group from which all non-African populations derive, but more than that, non-African groups only derive from a small non-representative sample of this African population. This means that all non-African groups are more closely related to each other and to some African groups (probably east Africans) than they are to others, and further that the migration out of Africa represented a ], with much of the diversity that existed in Africa not being carried out of Africa by the emigrating groups. This view produces a version of human population movements that do not result in all human populations being independent; but rather, produces a series of dilutions of diversity the further from Africa any population lives, each founding event representing a genetic subset of its parental population. Long and Kittles find that rather than 85% of human genetic diversity existing in all human populations, about 100% of human diversity exists in a single African population, whereas only about 70% of human genetic diversity exists in a population derived from New Guinea. Long and Kittles argued that this still produces a global human population that is genetically homogeneous compared to other mammalian populations.<ref name="LongKittles">{{harvnb|Long|Kittles|2003}}</ref> | |||
| ===Summary of different biological definitions of race=== | |||
| {| class="wikitable" border="1" | |||
| |+ Biological definitions of race {{harv|Long|Kittles|2003}}'' | |||
| ! Concept || Reference || Definition | |||
| |- | |||
| | Essentialist || {{harvtxt|Hooton|1926}} || "A great division of mankind, characterized as a group by the sharing of a certain combination of features, which have been derived from their common descent, and constitute a vague physical background, usually more or less obscured by individual variations, and realized best in a composite picture." | |||
| |- | |||
| | Taxonomic || {{harvtxt|Mayr|1969}} || "A subspecies is an aggregate of phenotypically similar populations of a species, inhabiting a geographic subdivision of the range of a species, and differing taxonomically from other populations of the species." | |||
| |- | |||
| | Population || {{harvtxt|Dobzhansky|1970}} || "Races are genetically distinct Mendelian populations. They are neither individuals nor particular genotypes, they consist of individuals who differ genetically among themselves." | |||
| |- | |||
| | Lineage || {{harvtxt|Templeton|1998}} || "A subspecies (race) is a distinct evolutionary lineage within a species. This definition requires that a subspecies be genetically differentiated due to barriers to genetic exchange that have persisted for long periods of time; that is, the subspecies must have historical continuity in addition to current genetic differentiation." | |||
| |- | |||
| |Population genetic correlation structure || {{harvtxt|Edwards|2003}} || "most of the information that distinguishes populations is hidden in the correlation structure of the data and not simply in the variation of the individual factors." | |||
| |} | |||
| ===Races as social constructions=== | |||
| {{Main|Social interpretations of race|Racialism}} | |||
| As anthropologists and other evolutionary scientists have shifted away from the language of race to the term ''population'' to talk about genetic differences, ], ] and other ] re-conceptualized the term "race" as a cultural category or ]—a particular way that some people talk about themselves and others. | |||
| Many social scientists have replaced the word race with the word "]" to refer to self-identifying groups based on beliefs concerning shared culture, ancestry and history. Alongside empirical and conceptual problems with "race," following the ], evolutionary and social scientists were acutely aware of how beliefs about race had been used to justify discrimination, apartheid, slavery, and genocide. This questioning gained momentum in the 1960s during the U.S. ] and the emergence of numerous anti-colonial movements worldwide. They thus came to believe that race itself is a ], a concept that was believed to correspond to an objective reality but which was believed in because of its social functions.<ref name="Gordon64">{{Cite book|author=Gordon, Milton Myron |title=Assimilation in American life: the role of race, religion, and national origins |publisher=Oxford University Press |location=Oxford |year=1964 |pages= |isbn=978-0-19-500896-8}}{{Page needed|date=August 2010}}</ref> | |||
| Craig Venter and Francis Collins of the National Institute of Health jointly made the announcement of the mapping of the human genome in 2000. Upon examining the data from the genome mapping, Venter realized that although the genetic variation within the human species is on the order of 1–3% (instead of the previously assumed 1%), the types of variations do not support notion of genetically defined races. Venter said, "Race is a social concept. It's not a scientific one. There are no bright lines (that would stand out), if we could compare all the sequenced genomes of everyone on the planet." "When we try to apply science to try to sort out these social differences, it all falls apart."<ref>{{Cite web|url=http://fora.tv/2008/07/30/New_Ideas_New_Fuels_Craig_Venter_at_the_Oxonian#chapter_17 |title=New Ideas, New Fuels: Craig Venter at the Oxonian |publisher=FORA.tv |date=2008-11-03 |accessdate=2009-04-18}}</ref> | |||
| Stephan Palmié asserted that race "is not a thing but a social relation";<ref name=Palmie2007>{{Cite journal|doi=10.1525/ae.2007.34.2.205 |title=Genomics, divination, 'racecraft' |year=2007 |last1=Palmié |first1=Stephan |journal=American Ethnologist |volume=34 |pages=205–22 |month=May}}</ref> or, in the words of ], "a metonym," "a human invention whose criteria for differentiation are neither universal nor fixed but have always been used to manage difference."<ref name="Mevorach07">{{Cite journal|doi=10.1525/ae.2007.34.2.238 |title=Race, racism, and academic complicity |year=2007 |last1=Mevorach |first1=Katya Gibel |journal=American Ethnologist |volume=34 |pages=238}}</ref> As such, the use of the term "race" itself must be analyzed. Moreover, they argue that biology will not explain why or how people use the idea of race: History and social relationships will. | |||
| ====In the United States==== | |||
| {{Main|Race in the United States}} | |||
| {{See also|Miscegenation#Admixture_in_the_United_States|l1=Admixture in the United States}} | |||
| The immigrants to the ] came from every region of Europe, Africa, and Asia. They ] among themselves and with the ]. In the ] most people who self-identify as ] have some ], while many people who identify as ] have some African or Amerindian ancestors. | |||
| Since the early history of the United States, Amerindians, African–Americans, and European Americans have been classified as belonging to different races. Efforts to track mixing between groups led to a proliferation of categories, such as ] and ]. The criteria for membership in these races diverged in the late 19th century. During ], increasing numbers of Americans began to consider anyone with "]" of known "Black blood" to be Black, regardless of appearance.<sup>]</sup> By the early 20th century, this notion was made statutory in many states.<sup>]</sup> ] continue to be defined by a certain percentage of "Indian blood" (called '']''). To be White one had to have perceived "pure" White ancestry. | |||
| The ] conducted since 1790 in the United States created an incentive to establish racial categories and fit people into those categories.<ref name="Nobles"/> | |||
| The term "]" as an ] emerged in the 20th century with the rise of migration of laborers from American ] to the United States. Today, the word "Latino" is often used as a synonym for "Hispanic". The definitions of both terms are non-race specific, and include people who consider themselves to be of distinct races (Black, White, Amerindian, Asian, and mixed groups).<ref>{{Cite web|url=http://www.whitehouse.gov/omb/fedreg/1997standards.html |title=Revisions to the Standards for the Classification of Federal Data on Race and Ethnicity |accessdate=2009-03-19 |publisher=] |date=1997-10-30}} Also: and </ref> However, there is a common misconception in the US that Hispanic/Latino is a race or sometimes even that national origins such as Mexican, Cuban, Colombian, Salvadoran, etc. are races. In contrast to "Latino" or "Hispanic", "]" refers to non-Hispanic ]s or non-Hispanic ]s, most of whom speak the English language but are not necessarily of ] descent. | |||
| ====In Brazil==== | |||
| {{Main|Race in Brazil}} | |||
| {{Unreferenced section|date=May 2009}} | |||
| Compared to 19th century United States, 20th century ] was characterized by a perceived relative absence of sharply defined racial groups. According to anthropologist ], this pattern reflects a different history and different ]. Basically, race in Brazil was "biologized," but in a way that recognized the difference between ancestry (which determines ]) and ] differences. There, racial identity was not governed by rigid descent rule, such as the ], as it was in the United States. A Brazilian child was never automatically identified with the racial type of one or both parents, nor were there only a very limited number of categories to choose from.<ref name=Harris1980>{{harvnb|Harris|1980}}</ref> | |||
| Over a dozen racial categories would be recognized in conformity with all the possible combinations of hair color, hair texture, eye color, and skin color. These types grade into each other like the colors of the spectrum, and no one category stands significantly isolated from the rest. That is, race referred preferentially to appearance, not heredity. The complexity of racial classifications in Brazil reflects the extent of ] in ], a society that remains highly, but not strictly, ] along color lines. Henceforth, the Brazilian ] of a perfect "post-racist" country, must be met with caution, as sociologist ] demonstrated in 1933 in ''Casa Grande e Senzala''. | |||
| ===Current views across disciplines=== | |||
| ====United States views==== | |||
| One result of debates over the meaning and validity of the concept of race is that the current literature across different disciplines regarding human variation lacks ], though within some fields, such as some branches of anthropology, there is strong consensus. Some studies use the word race in its early ] ] sense. Many others still use the term race, but use it to mean a population, ], or ]. Others eschew the concept of race altogether, and use the concept of population as a less problematic unit of analysis. | |||
| =====U.S. anthropology===== | |||
| Since 1932, an increasing number of ] ]s introducing physical anthropology have rejected race as a valid concept: from 1932 to 1976, only seven out of thirty-two rejected race; from 1975 to 1984, thirteen out of thirty-three rejected race; from 1985 to 1993, thirteen out of nineteen rejected race. According to one academic journal entry, where 78 percent of the articles in the 1931 ''Journal of Physical Anthropology'' employed these or nearly synonymous terms reflecting a bio-race paradigm, only 36 percent did so in 1965, and just 28 percent did in 1996.<ref>{{cite journal | last1 = Lieberman | first1 = Leonard | last2 = Kirk | first2 = Rodney C. | last3 = Littlefield | first3 = Alice | title = Perishing Paradigm: Race1931-99 | journal = American Anthropologist | volume = 105 | pages = 110 | year = 2003 | doi = 10.1525/aa.2003.105.1.110 }}<br/>A following article in the same issue questions the precise rate of decline, but from their opposing perspective agrees that the Negroid/Caucasoid/Mongoloid paradigm has fallen into near-total disfavor: {{cite journal | last1 = Cartmill | first1 = Matt | last2 = Brown | first2 = Kaye | title = Surveying the Race Concept: A Reply to Lieberman, Kirk, and Littlefield | journal = American Anthropologist | volume = 105 | pages = 114 | year = 2003 | doi = 10.1525/aa.2003.105.1.114 }}</ref> | |||
| The "Statement on 'Race'" (1998) composed by a select committee of anthropologists and issued by the executive board of the ] as a statement they "believe represents generally the contemporary thinking and scholarly positions of a majority of anthropologists", declares:<ref name="AAAonRace">{{Cite web|url=http://www.aaanet.org/stmts/racepp.htm |title=American Anthropological Association Statement on "Race" |publisher=Aaanet.org |date=1998-05-17 |accessdate=2009-04-18}}</ref> | |||
| {{quotation|"In the United States both scholars and the general public have been conditioned to viewing human races as natural and separate divisions within the human species based on visible physical differences. With the vast expansion of scientific knowledge in this century, however, it has become clear that human populations are not unambiguous, clearly demarcated, biologically distinct groups. Evidence from the analysis of genetics (e.g., DNA) indicates that most physical variation, about 94%, lies within so-called racial groups. Conventional geographic "racial" groupings differ from one another only in about 6% of their genes. This means that there is greater variation within "racial" groups than between them. In neighboring populations there is much overlapping of genes and their phenotypic (physical) expressions. Throughout history whenever different groups have come into contact, they have interbred. The continued sharing of genetic materials has maintained all of humankind as a single species."}} | |||
| {{quotation|"With the vast expansion of scientific knowledge in this century, ... it has become clear that human populations are not unambiguous, clearly demarcated, biologically distinct groups. Given what we know about the capacity of normal humans to achieve and function within any culture, we conclude that present-day inequalities between so-called "racial" groups are not consequences of their biological inheritance but products of historical and contemporary social, economic, educational, and political circumstances."}} | |||
| A ], taken in 1985 {{harv|Lieberman|Hampton|Littlefield|Hallead|1992}}, asked 1,200 American scientists how many '''disagree''' with the following proposition: "There are biological races in the species ''Homo sapiens''." The responses were for anthropologists: | |||
| * ''']s 41%''' | |||
| * ''']s 53%'''<ref name="presentations2005">Bindon, Jim. University of Alabama. ". 2005. August 28, 2006.</ref> | |||
| The figure for physical anthropologists at ] granting departments was slightly higher, rising from 41% to 42%, with 50% agreeing. This survey, however, did not specify any particular definition of race (although it did clearly specify ''biological race'' within the ''species'' ''Homo sapiens''); it is difficult to say whether those who supported the statement thought of race in taxonomic or population terms. | |||
| The same survey, taken in 1999,<ref>{{cite journal | last1=Lieberman | first1=L | title=How "Caucasoids" got such big crania and why they shrank. From Morton to Rushton. | url=http://www.ssc.uwo.ca/psychology/faculty/rushtonpdfs/Lieberman2001CA.pdf | format=PDF| pmid = 14992214 | journal=Current anthropology | doi=10.1086/318434 | volume=42 | issue=1 | year=2001 | month=February | pages=69–95}}</ref> showed the following changing results for anthropologists: | |||
| * ''']s 69%''' | |||
| * ''']s 80%''' | |||
| A line of research conducted by Cartmill (1998), however, seemed to limit the scope of Lieberman’s finding that there was “a significant degree of change in the status of the race concept”. ] has argued that this may be because Lieberman and collaborators had looked at all the members of the American Anthropological Association irrespective of their field of research interest, while Cartmill had looked specifically at biological anthropologists interested in human variation.<ref>{{cite journal | last1=Štrkalj | first1=Goran | title=The Status of the Race Concept in Contemporary Biological Anthropology: A Review | url=http://www.google.com/url?sa=t&source=web&cd=1&ved=0CBYQFjAA&url=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.krepublishers.com%2F02-Journals%2FT-Anth%2FAnth-09-0-000-000-2007-Web%2FAnth-09-1-000-000-2007-Abst-PDF%2FAnth-09-1-073-078-2007-422-%2520%258Atrkalj-G%2FAnth-09-1-073-078-2007-422-%2520%258Atrkalj-G-Tt.pdf&ei=nMihTY6hIoyqcZyH1fgB&usg=AFQjCNEnF9o25EWPb9IDROLU9UVai0PP8A&sig2=cukNq0UTmCAKn4pTxKIw6A | format=PDF| journal=Anthropologist | year=2007}}</ref> | |||
| According to the 2000 edition of a popular physical anthropology textbook, ] are overwhelmingly in support of the idea of the basic biological reality of human races.<ref name=Gill2000/> Forensic physical anthropologist and professor ] has said that the idea that race is only skin deep "is simply not true, as any experienced forensic anthropologist will affrm" and "Many morphological features tend to follow geographic boundaries coinciding often with climatic zones. This is not surprising since the selective forces of climate are probably the primary forces of nature that have shaped human races with regard not only to skin color and hair form but also the underlying bony structures of the nose, cheekbones, etc. (For example, more prominent noses humidify air better.)" While he can see good arguments for both sides, the complete denial of the opposing evidence "seems to stem largely from socio-political motivation and not science at all". He also states that many biological anthropologists see races as real yet "not one introductory textbook of physical anthropology even presents that perspective as a possibility. In a case as flagrant as this, we are not dealing with science but rather with blatant, politically motivated censorship".<ref name=Gill2000>Does race exist? A proponent’s perspective. Gill GW. (2000) PBS. http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/nova/first/gill.html</ref> | |||
| In partial response to Gill's statement Professor of Biological Anthropology ] argues that the fact that when laymen and biological anthropologists can determine the geographic ancestry of an individual can be explained because biological characteristics are ] distributed across the planet, and that does not translate into the concept of race. He states that "Well, you may ask, why can't we call those regional patterns "races"? In fact, we can and do, but it does not make them coherent biological entities. "Races" defined in such a way are products of our perceptions. ... We realize that in the extremes of our transit—Moscow to Nairobi, perhaps—there is a major but gradual change in skin color from what we euphemistically call white to black, and that this is related to the latitudinal difference in the intensity of the ultraviolet component of sunlight. What we do not see, however, is the myriad other traits that are distributed in a fashion quite unrelated to the intensity of ultraviolet radiation. Where skin color is concerned, all the northern populations of the Old World are lighter than the long-term inhabitants near the equator. Although Europeans and Chinese are obviously different, in skin color they are closer to each other than either is to equatorial Africans. But if we test the distribution of the widely known ABO blood-group system, then Europeans and Africans are closer to each other than either is to Chinese."<ref>http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/nova/first/brace.html</ref> Brace has also criticized forensic anthropologists for using the controversial concept "race" out of convention when they in fact should be talking about regional ancestry. He argues that while a forensic anthropologists can determine that a skeletal remain comes from a person with ancestors in a specific region of Africa, categorizing that skeletal as being "black" is a socially constructed category that is only meaningful in the particular context of the United States, and which is not itself scientifically valid.<ref>C. Loring Brace, 1995. "Region Does not Mean "Race"--Reality Versus Convention in Forensic Anthropology," Journal of Forensic Sciences 40 (#2): 29-33.</ref> | |||
| =====Other fields===== | |||
| In the 1985 poll {{harv|Lieberman|Hampton|Littlefield|Hallead|1992}} the results for biologists and developmental psychologists were: | |||
| * ''']s 16%''' | |||
| * ''']s 36%''' | |||
| In February 2001, the editors of ''Archives of Pediatrics and Adolescent Medicine'' asked "authors to not use race and ethnicity when there is no biological, scientific, or sociological reason for doing so."<ref> | |||
| Frederick P. Rivara and Laurence Finberg, "Use of the Terms Race and Ethnicity," ''Archives of Pediatrics & Adolescent Medicine'' 155, no. 2 (2001): 119. "In future issues of the ARCHIVES, we ask authors to not use race and ethnicity when there is no biological, scientific, or sociological reason for doing so. Race or ethnicity should not be used as explanatory variables, when the underlying constructs are variables that can, and should, be measured directly (eg, educational level of subjects, household income of the families, single vs 2-parent households, employment of parents, owning vs renting one's home, and other measures of socioeconomic status). In contrast, the recent attention on decreasing health disparities uses race and ethnicity not as explanatory variables but as ways of examining the underlying sociocultural reasons for these disparities and appropriately targeting attention and resources on children and adolescents with poorer health. In select issues and questions such as these, use of race and ethnicity is appropriate."</ref> The editors also stated that "analysis by race and ethnicity has become an analytical knee-jerk reflex."<ref>See program announcement and requests for grant applications at the NIH website, at .</ref> ''Nature Genetics'' now ask authors to "explain why they make use of particular ethnic groups or populations, and how classification was achieved."<ref>Robert S. Schwartz, "Racial Profiling in Medical Research," ''The New England Journal of Medicine'', 344 (no, 18, May 3, 2001)</ref> | |||
| Liberman et al. (1992) examined 77 college textbooks in biology and 69 in physical anthropology published between 1932 and 1989. Physical anthropology texts argued that biological races exist until the 1970s, when they began to argue that races do not exist. In contrast, biology textbooks never underwent such a reversal but instead dropped their discussion of race altogether.<ref>Lieberman, Leonard, Raymond E. Hampton, Alice Littlefield, and Glen Hallead. 1992. "Race in Biology and Anthropology: A Study of College Texts and Professors." Journal of Research in Science Teaching 29 (3): 301–21.</ref> Morning (2008) looked at high school biology textbooks during the 1952-2002 period and initially found a similar pattern with only 35% directly discussing race in the 1983–92 period from initially 92% doing so. However, this has increased somewhat after this to 43%. More indirect and brief discussions of race in the context of medical disorders have increased from none to 93% of textbooks. In general, the material on race has moved from surface traits to genetics and evolutionary history. The study argues that the textbooks’ fundamental message about the existence of races has changed little.<ref>Reconstructing Race in Science and Society:Biology Textbooks, 1952–2002, Ann Morning, American Journal of Sociology. 2008;114 Suppl:S106-37.</ref> | |||
| Gissis (2008) examined several important American and British journals in genetics, epidemiology and medicine for their content during the 1946-2003 period. He wrote that "Based upon my findings I argue that the category of race only ''seemingly'' disappeared from scientific discourse after World War II and has had a ''fluctuating yet continuous use'' during the time span from 1946 to 2003, and has even ''become more pronounced from the early 1970s on''"<ref>{{cite pmid|19026975}}</ref> | |||
| A 1994 examination of 32 English sport/exercise science textbooks found that 7 (21.9%) claimed that there are biophysical differences due to race that might explain differences in sports performance, 24 (75%) did not mention nor refute the concept, and 1 (3.12%) expressed caution with the idea.<ref>The presentation of human biological diversity in sport and exercise science textbooks: the example of "race.", Christopher J. Hallinan, Journal of Sport Behavior, March 1994</ref> | |||
| 33 health services researchers from differing geographic regions were interviewed in a 2008 study. The researchers recognized the problems with racial and ethnic variables but the majority still believed these variables were necessary and useful.<ref>The conceptualization and operationalization of race and ethnicity by health services researchers, Susan Moscou, Nursing Inquiry, Volume 15, Issue 2, pages 94–105, June 2008</ref> | |||
| A 2010 examination of 18 widely used English ] textbooks found that every one relied on the race concept. The study gives examples of how the textbooks claim that anatomical features vary between races.<ref>Human Biological Variation in Anatomy Textbooks: The Role of Ancestry, Goran Štrkalj and Veli Solyali, Studies on Ethno-Medicine, 4(3): 157-161 (2010)</ref> | |||
| ====Views in other nations==== | |||
| In ] the race concept was rejected by only 25 percent of anthropologists in 2001, although: "Unlike the U.S. anthropologists, Polish anthropologists tend to regard race as a term without taxonomic value, often as a substitute for population."<ref>{{Cite journal|doi=10.1525/aa.2003.105.1.116 |title='Race' Still an Issue for Physical Anthropology? Results of Polish Studies Seen in the Light of the U.S. Findings |year=2003 |last1=Kaszycka |first1=Katarzyna A. |last2=Strziko |first2=Jan |journal=American Anthropologist |volume=105 |pages=116–24}}</ref> | |||
| Liberman et al. in a 2004 study claimed to "present the currently available information on the status of the concept in the United States, the Spanish language areas, Poland, Europe, Russia, and China. Rejection of race ranges from high to low with the highest rejection occurring among anthropologists in the United States (and Canada). Rejection of race is moderate in Europe, sizeable in Poland and Cuba, and lowest in Russia and China." Methods used in the studies reported included questionnaires and content analysis.<ref>The race concept in six regions: variation without consensus, Lieberman L, Kaszycka KA, Martinez Fuentes AJ, Yablonsky L, Kirk RC, Strkalj G, Wang Q, Sun L., Coll Antropol. 2004 Dec;28(2):907-21, http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/15666627</ref> | |||
| Kaszycka et al. (2009) in 2002–2003 surveyed European anthropologists' opinions toward the biological race concept. Three factors, country of academic education, discipline, and age, were found to be significant in differentiating the replies. Those educated in Western Europe, physical anthropologists, and middle-aged persons rejected race more frequently than those educated in Eastern Europe, people in other branches of science, and those from both younger and older generations."The survey shows that the views of anthropologists on race are sociopolitically (ideologically) influenced and highly dependent on education."<ref>Current Views of European Anthropologists on Race: Influence of Educational and Ideological Background, Katarzyna A. Kaszycka, Goran Štrkalj, Jan Strzalko, American Anthropologist Volume 111, Issue 1, pages 43–56, March 2009, DOI: 10.1111/j.1548-1433.2009.01076.x</ref> | |||
| ===Race and intelligence=== | |||
| {{Main|Race and intelligence}} | |||
| Researchers have reported differences in the average ] test scores of various ethnic groups. The interpretation, causes, accuracy and reliability of these differences are highly controversial. Some psychologists such as ], and ], have argued that such differences are at least partially genetic. ] and ] argue that "intelligence is less than completely heritable."<ref>{{harvnb|Herrnstein|Murray|1996|pages=413–414}}</ref> Many other researchers both in Psychology, Sociology and Anthropology, for example ], ], ], ], argue that the differences largely owe to social and economic inequalities. Still others such as ]<ref>Gould, S. J. (1981). The Mismeasure of Man. New York: W.W. Norton & Co. passim</ref> and ]<ref>{{cite journal | author = Sternberg, Grigorenko, Kidd | year = 2005 | title = Intelligence, race, and genetics | url = | journal = American Psychologist | volume = 60 | issue = | page = 1 }}</ref> have argued that categories such as "race" and "intelligence" are both "folk" constructs rather than well defined scientific concepts, and that since the definitions are largely fluid and susceptible to different cultural constructions this in turn renders attempts to explain variation in one in terms of the other scientifically invalid.{{Clarify|date=April 2011}} ], an intelligence researcher known for his criticisms of racial theories of intelligence, wrote "Gould's book evades all of Jensen's best arguments for a genetic component in the black-white IQ gap by positing that they are dependent on the concept of ''g'' as a general intelligence factor. Therefore, Gould believes that if he can discredit ''g'' no more need be said. This is manifestly false. Jensen's arguments would bite no matter whether blacks suffered from a score deficit on one or 10 or 100 factors."<ref>{{cite journal | author = Flynn J. R. | year = 1999 | title = Evidence against Rushton: The Genetic Loading of the Wisc-R Subtests and the Causes of Between-Group IQ Differences | url = | journal = Personality and Individual Differences | volume = 26 | issue = | pages = 373–93 }}</ref> | |||
| ==Political and practical uses== | |||
| ===In biomedicine=== | |||
| {{Main|Population groups in biomedicine|Ancestry and health}} | |||
| {{See also|Pharmacogenomics|Race and health|Ethnicity and health}} | |||
| In the United States, policy makers use racially categorized data to identify and address health disparities between racial or ethnic groups.<ref></ref> In clinical settings, race has long been considered in the diagnosis and treatment of medical conditions, because some medical conditions are more prevalent in certain racial or ethnic groups than in others. Recent interest in ], or race-targeted ], has been fueled by the proliferation of human genetic data which followed the ] of the ] in the early 2000s. There is an active debate among biomedical researchers about the meaning and importance of race in their research. Some researchers strongly support the continued use of racial categorizations in biomedical research and clinical practice.<ref name="risch2002">{{harvnb|Risch|Burchard|Ziv|Tang|2002}}</ref> They argue that race may correlate, albeit imperfectly, with the presence of specific genetic variants associated with disease:<ref name="risch2002"/> Insofar as race "provides a sufficiently precise proxy for human genetic variation",<ref name = "Condit">{{harvnb|Condit|Templeton|Bates|Bevan|2003}}</ref> the concept may be medically viable. In addition, knowledge of a person's race may provide a cost-effective way to assess susceptibility to genetically influenced medical conditions.<ref name="risch2002"/> | |||
| Detractors of race-based medicine acknowledge that race is sometimes useful in clinical medicine, but encourage minimizing its use. They suggest that medical practices should maintain their focus on the individual rather than an individual's membership to any group. They argue that overemphasizing genetic contributions to health disparities carries various risks such as reinforcing stereotypes, promoting racism or ignoring the contribution of non-genetic factors to health disparities.<ref>{{harvnb|Lee|Mountain|Koenig|Altman|2008}}</ref> Some researchers in the field have been accused "of using race as a placeholder during the 'meantime' of pharmacogenomic development".<ref name="JK_BiDil">{{cite journal | last1=Kahn | first1= J.|title=Beyond BiDil: the Expanding Embrace of Race in Biomedical Research and Product Development | journal= St. Louis University Journal of Health Law & Policy | volume=3 |pages= 61–92 |year= 2009 | url=http://law.slu.edu/healthlaw/journal/archives/Kahn_Article.pdf | format=PDF | accessdate=30 December 2010 }}; In 2005, the Food and Drug Administration licensed a drug, BiDil, targeted specifically for the treatment of heart disease in African Americans. The recommendation of the drug for "blacks" is criticized because clinical trials were limited only to self-identified African Americans. It has been conceded by the trial investigators that there is no basis to claim the drug works differently in any other population. However, being approved and marketed to African Americans only, that specificity alone has been used in turn to claim genetic differences.</ref> Conversely, it is argued that in the early stages of the field's development, researchers must consider race-related factors if they are to ascertain the clinical potentials of ongoing scholarship.<ref name = "Condit"/><ref name = "Condit_thesis">In summary, {{harvtxt|Condit|Templeton|Bates|Bevan|2003}} argues that, in order to predict the clinical success of pharmacogenomic research, scholars must conduct subsidiary research on two fronts: Science, wherein the degree of correspondence between popular and professional racial categories can be assessed; and society at large, through which attitudinal factors moderate the relationship between scientific soundness and societal acceptance. To accept race-as-proxy, then, may be necessary but insufficient to solidify the future of race-based pharmacogenomics.</ref> | |||
| ===In law enforcement=== | |||
| {{Unreferenced section|date=January 2010}} | |||
| ] ] to categories they define as sex, physical features, occupation, nationality, and race. From left to right, the FBI assigns the above individuals to the following races: White, Black, White (Hispanic), Asian. Top row males, bottom row females.<ref>{{Cite web|url=http://www.fbi.gov/wanted/topten/fugitives/fugitives.htm |title=FBI – Most Wanted – The FBI's Ten Most Wanted Fugitives}}</ref>]] | |||
| {{Main|Racial profiling}} | |||
| {{See also|Race and crime|Race and crime in the United States}} | |||
| In an attempt to provide general descriptions that may facilitate the job of ]s seeking to apprehend suspects, the United States ] employs the term "race" to summarize the general appearance (skin color, hair texture, eye shape, and other such easily noticed characteristics) of individuals whom they are attempting to apprehend. From the perspective of ] officers, it is generally more important to arrive at a description that will readily suggest the general appearance of an individual than to make a scientifically valid categorization by DNA or other such means. Thus, in addition to assigning a wanted individual to a racial category, such a description will include: height, weight, eye color, scars and other distinguishing characteristics. | |||
| British Police use a classification based in the ethnic background of ]: W1 (White-British), W2 (White-Irish), W9 (Any other white background); M1 (White and black Caribbean), M2 (White and black African), M3 (White and Asian), M9 (Any other mixed background); A1 (Asian-Indian), A2 (Asian-Pakistani), A3 (Asian-Bangladeshi), A9 (Any other Asian background); B1 (Black Caribbean), B2 (Black African), B3 (Any other black background); O1 (Chinese), O9 (Any other). Some of the characteristics that constitute these groupings are biological and some are learned (cultural, linguistic, etc.) traits that are easy to notice.{{Citation needed|date=January 2010}} | |||
| In many countries, such as ], the state is legally banned from maintaining data based on race, which often makes the police issue wanted notices to the public that include labels like "dark skin complexion", etc. {{Citation needed|date=February 2010}}. | |||
| In the United States, the practice of ] has been ruled to be both ] and a violation of ]. There is active debate regarding the cause of a marked correlation between the recorded crimes, punishments meted out, and the country's populations. Many consider ''de facto'' ] an example of ] in law enforcement. The history of misuse of racial categories to impact adversely one or more groups and/or to offer protection and advantage to another has a clear impact on debate of the legitimate use of known phenotypical or genotypical characteristics tied to the presumed race of both victims and perpetrators by the government. | |||
| Recent work using DNA ] to determine race background has been used by some criminal investigators to narrow their search for the identity of both suspects and victims.<ref>{{harvnb|Abraham|2009}}</ref> Proponents of DNA profiling in criminal investigations cite cases where leads based on DNA analysis proved useful, but the practice remains controversial among medical ethicists, defense lawyers and some in law enforcement.<ref>{{harvnb|Willing|2005}}</ref> | |||
| ====Forensic anthropology==== | |||
| {{Main|Forensic anthropology}} | |||
| Similarly, ] draw on highly heritable morphological features of human remains (e.g. cranial measurements) to aid in the identification of the body, including in terms of race. In a 1992 article anthropologist Norman Sauer noted that Anthropologists had generally abandoned the concept of race as a valid representation of human biological diversity except for Forensic anthropologists. This lead him to ask "if races don't exist, why are forensic anthropologists so good at identifying them?"<ref name="Sauer 1992">{{harvnb|Sauer|1992}}</ref> He concluded that "the successful assignment of race to a skeletal specimen is not a vindication of the race concept, but rather a prediction that an individual, while alive was assigned to a particular socially constructed ‘racial’ category. A specimen may display features that point to African ancestry. In this country that person is likely to have been labeled Black regardless of whether or not such a race actually exists in nature.<ref name="Sauer 1992" /> C. Loring Brace echoed this answer stating that: "The simple answer is that, as members of the society that poses the question, they are inculcated into the social conventions that determine the expected answer. They should also be aware of the biological inaccuracies contained in that "politically correct" answer. Skeletal analysis provides no direct assessment of skin color, but it does allow an accurate estimate of original geographical origins. African, eastern Asian, and European ancestry can be specified with a high degree of accuracy. Africa of course entails "black," but "black" does not entail African."<ref>Brace CL. 1995. J Forensic Sci. Mar;40(2):171-5. Region does not mean "race"--reality versus convention in forensic anthropology.</ref> | |||
| ===Commercial determination of ancestry=== | |||
| New research in molecular genetics, and the marketing of genetic identities through the analysis of one's ], ], or ] to the general public in the form of "Personalized Genetic Histories" (PGH) has caused debate. | |||
| Typically, a consumer of a commercial PGH service sends in a sample of DNA which is analyzed by molecular biologists and is sent a report. Shriver and Kittles remarked: | |||
| {{quotation|For many customers of lineage-based tests, there is a lack of understanding that their maternal and paternal lineages do not necessarily represent their entire genetic make-up. For example, an individual might have more than 85% Western European 'genomic' ancestry but still have a West African mtDNA or NRY lineage.<ref name="ShriverKittles"/>}} Nevertheless, they acknowledge, such stories are increasingly appealing to the general public.<ref name="ShriverKittles">{{harvnb|Shriver|Kittles|2004}}</ref> | |||
| Through these reports, advances in molecular genetics are used to create or confirm stories have about ]. Abu el-Haj argued that genetic lineages, like older notions of race, suggest some idea of biological relatedness, but unlike older notions of race they are not directly connected to claims about human behaviour or character. She said that "postgenomics does seem to be giving race a new lease on life." | |||
| {{quotation|Race science was never just about classification. It presupposed a distinctive relationship between "nature" and "culture," understanding the differences in the former to ground and to generate the different kinds of persons ("natural kinds") and the distinctive stages of cultures and civilizations that inhabit the world.}} | |||
| Abu el-Haj argues that genomics and the mapping of lineages and clusters liberates "the new racial science from the older one by disentangling ancestry from culture and capacity." As an example, she refers to recent work by Hammer ''et al.'', which aimed to test the claim that present-day Jews are more closely related to one another than to neighbouring non-Jewish populations. Hammer ''et al.'' found that the degree of genetic similarity among Jews shifted depending on the locus investigated, and suggested that this was the result of natural selection acting on particular loci. They therefore focused on the non-recombining Y chromosome to "circumvent some of the complications associated with selection".<ref>{{Cite journal|author=Hammer MF, Redd AJ, Wood ET, ''et al.'' |title=Jewish and Middle Eastern non-Jewish populations share a common pool of Y-chromosome biallelic haplotypes |journal=Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America |volume=97 |issue=12 |pages=6769–74 |year=2000 |month=June |pmid=10801975 |pmc=18733 |doi=10.1073/pnas.100115997}}</ref> | |||
| As another example she points to work by Thomas ''et al.'', who sought to distinguish between the Y chromosomes of Jewish priests (Kohanim), (in Judaism, membership in the priesthood is passed on through the father's line) and the Y chromosomes of non-Jews.<ref>{{Cite journal|author=Thomas MG, Skorecki K, Ben-Ami H, Parfitt T, Bradman N, Goldstein DB |title=Origins of Old Testament priests |journal=Nature |volume=394 |issue=6689 |pages=138–40 |year=1998 |month=July |pmid=9671297 |doi=10.1038/28083}}</ref> Abu el-Haj concluded that this new "race science" calls attention to the importance of "ancestry" (narrowly defined, as it does not include all ancestors) in some religions and in popular culture, and people's desire to use science to confirm their claims about ancestry; this "race science," she argues, is fundamentally different from older notions of race that were used to explain differences in human behaviour or social status: | |||
| {{quotation|As neutral markers, ] cannot generate cultural, behavioural, or, for that matter, truly biological differences between groups ... mtDNA and Y-chromosome markers relied on in such work are not "traits" or "qualities" in the old racial sense. They do not render some populations more prone to violence, more likely to suffer psychiatric disorders, or for that matter, incapable of being fully integrated – because of their lower evolutionary development – into a European cultural world. Instead, they are "marks," signs of religious beliefs and practices… it is via biological noncoding genetic evidence that one can demonstrate that history itself is shared, that historical traditions are (or might well be) true."<ref>{{Cite journal|doi=10.1525/ae.2007.34.2.223 |title=Rethinking genetic genealogy: A response to Stephan Palmié |year=2007 |last1=El-Haj |first1=Nadia ABU |journal=American Ethnologist |volume=34 |pages=223}}</ref>}} | |||
| Stephan Palmié has responded to Abu el-Haj's claim that genetic lineages make possible a new, politically, economically, and socially benign notion of race and racial difference by suggesting that efforts to link genetic history and personal identity will inevitably "ground present social arrangements in a time-hallowed past," that is, use biology to explain cultural differences and social inequalities.<ref>{{Cite journal|doi=10.1525/ae.2007.34.2.245 |title=Rejoinder: Genomic moonlighting, Jewish cyborgs, and Peircian abduction |year=2007 |last1=Palmié |first1=Stephan |journal=American Ethnologist |volume=34 |pages=245}}</ref> | |||
| One problem with these assignments is ]. Many people have a varied ancestry. For example, in the United States, most people who self-identify as African American have some European ancestors. In a survey of college students who self-identified as "white" in a northeastern U.S. university, ~30% were estimated to have <90% European ancestry.<ref name="REGWG"/> | |||
| On the other hand, there are tests that do not rely on molecular lineages, but rather on correlations between allele frequencies, often when allele frequencies correlate these are called clusters. These sorts of tests use informative alleles called ] (AIM), which although shared across all human populations vary a great deal in frequency between groups of people living in geographically distant parts of the world. | |||
| These tests use contemporary people sampled from certain parts of the world as references to determine the likely proportion of ancestry for any given individual. In a recent ] (PBS) programme on the subject of genetic ancestry testing the academic ]: "wasn’t thrilled with the results (it turns out that 50 percent of his ancestors are likely European)".<ref name="Frank">{{Cite journal|url=http://paa2006.princeton.edu/download.aspx?submissionId=61713 |title=Back with a Vengeance: the Reemergence of a Biological Conceptualization of Race in Research on Race/Ethnic Disparities in Health |first=Reanne |last=Frank |date= |accessdate=2009-04-18}}</ref> Charles Rotimi, of Howard University's National Human Genome Center, argued in 2003 that —that "the nature or appearance of genetic clustering (grouping) of people is a function of how populations are sampled, of how criteria for boundaries between clusters are set, and of the level of resolution used" all bias the results—and concluded that people should be very cautious about relating genetic lineages or clusters to their own sense of identity.<ref>{{Cite journal|author=Rotimi CN |title=Genetic ancestry tracing and the African identity: a double-edged sword? |journal=Developing World Bioethics |volume=3 |issue=2 |pages=151–8 |year=2003 |month=December |pmid=14768647 |doi=10.1046/j.1471-8731.2003.00071.x}}</ref> | |||
| On the other hand, Rosenberg (2005) argued that if enough genetic markers and subjects are analyzed, then the clusters found are consistent.<ref name="Rosenberg2005">{{cite journal |author=Rosenberg NA, Mahajan S, Ramachandran S, Zhao C, Pritchard JK, Feldman MW |title=Clines, clusters, and the effect of study design on the inference of human population structure |journal=PLoS Genetics |volume=1 |issue=6 |pages=e70 |year=2005 |month=December |pmid=16355252 |pmc=1310579 |doi=10.1371/journal.pgen.0010070}}</ref> How many genetic markers a commercial service uses likely varies, although new technology has continually allowed increasing numbers to be analyzed. | |||
| ==See also== | |||
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| |} | |||
| ==Footnotes== | |||
| {{Reflist|colwidth=30em}} | |||
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| == Bibliography ==<!-- GenomeRes14 p1679 from ] ] --> | |||
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| *{{cite book |last=Brace |first=CL |year=1964 |chapter=A Non-racial Approach Toward the Understanding of Human Diversity |title=The Concept of Race |editor=Ashley Montagu |ref=harv}} | |||
| <!--Brace CLoring 2000--> | |||
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| <!--Wilson, Brown 1953--> | |||
| * {{Cite journal | doi = 10.2307/2411818 | last1 = Wilson |first1=E. O |last2 = Brown | first2 = W. L.| year = 1953 | title = The Subspecies Concept and Its Taxonomic Application | url = http://jstor.org/stable/2411818| journal = Systematic Zoology | volume = 2 | issue = 3| pages = 97–110 |ref=harv}} | |||
| <!--Wilson et al 2001--> | |||
| * {{Cite journal | doi = 10.1038/ng761 | last1 = Wilson | first1 = JF | last2 = Weale | first2 = ME | last3 = Smith | first3 = AC | last4 = Gratrix | first4 = F | last5 = Fletcher | first5 = B | last6 = Thomas | first6 = MG | last7 = Bradman | first7 = N | last8 = Goldstein | first8 = DB | year = 2001 | title = Population genetic structure of variable drug response | url = | journal = Nat Genet | volume = 29 | issue = 3| pages = 265–269 | pmid = 11685208 |ref=harv}} | |||
| <!--Witherspoon et al 2007--> | |||
| * {{Cite journal | last1 = Witherspoon | first1 = D. J. | last2 = Wooding | first2 = S. | last3 = Rogers | first3 = A. R. | last4 = Marchani | first4 = E. E. | last5 = Watkins | first5 = W. S. | last6 = Batzer | first6 = M. A. | last7 = Jorde | first7 = L. B. | doi = 10.1534/genetics.106.067355 | title = Genetic Similarities Within and Between Human Populations | journal = Genetics | volume = 176 | issue = 1 | pages = 351–9 | year = 2007 | pmid = 17339205| pmc =1893020 |ref=harv}} | |||
| <!--Wolpoff et al 2001--> | |||
| * {{Cite journal | doi = 10.1126/science.291.5502.293 | last1 = Wolpoff | first1 = M | last2 = Hawks | first2 = J | last3 = Frayer | first3 = DW | last4 = Hunley | first4 = K | year = 2001 | title = Modern human ancestry at the peripheries: a test of the replacement theory | url = | journal = Science | volume = 291 | issue = 5502| pages = 293–297 | pmid = 11209077 |ref=harv}} | |||
| <!--Wright Sewall 1978 --> | |||
| * {{cite book |last=Wright |first=Sewall |year=1978 |title= Evolution and the Genetics of Populations |volume=4, Variability Within and Among Natural Populations |publisher=Univ. Chicago Press |location=Chicago, Illinois |page=438 |ref=harv}} | |||
| {{refend}} | |||
| ==External links== | |||
| {{Wikiquote}} | |||
| ===Official statements and standards=== | |||
| * , ], 1950 | |||
| * | |||
| * | |||
| * , ''Federal Register'' 1997 | |||
| * and a public education program developed by the American Anthropological Association. | |||
| ===Popular press=== | |||
| * article on Encyclopædia Britannica Online. | |||
| * On the lack of scientific basis for the concept of human races (], 2007). | |||
| * Online companion to ]'s documentary about race in society, science, and history | |||
| * Steven and Hilary Rose, ], , 9 April 2005 | |||
| * Times Online, , 27 October 2004. | |||
| * Michael J. Bamshad, Steve E. Olson , ''Scientific American'', December 2003 | |||
| * , Nicholas Wade, ''NYTimes'', December 2002. Covering | |||
| * . | |||
| * | |||
| * Yehudi O. Webster , ''The Abolitionist Examiner'', June 2000 | |||
| * , An updated, online supplement to the University of Texas Press book (2007), | |||
| * – Article about Asian racism | |||
| * – Going beyond ‘sorry’ | |||
| * forum organized by the ], includes advocating biological conceptions of race and responses from scholars in various fields | |||
| * ]: (extract from ]: A Pilgrimage to the Dawn of Life) – On race, its usage and a theory of how it evolved. ( October 2004) | |||
| ===Others=== | |||
| * a three part documentary from ]. | |||
| * James, Michael (2008) , in the ]. | |||
| * by California Newsreel. | |||
| * | |||
| * | |||
| * Catchpenny mysteries of ancient Egypt, , Larry Orcutt. | |||
| * Judy Skatssoon, , ''ABC Science Online'', Wednesday, 14 July 2004. | |||
| * – bloodbook.com | |||
| * Discussion of racial differences in athletics | |||
| * – Author argues that the evidence from forensic anthropology supports the idea of race. | |||
| * – The author argues that clinal variation undermines the idea of race. | |||
| * Ashley Montagu's 1962 article in American Anthropology | |||
| * Ashley Montagu's 1942 American Anthropology article | |||
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Revision as of 13:38, 19 July 2011
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Race is classification of humans into large and distinct populations or groups by factors such as heritable phenotypic characteristics or geographic ancestry, but also often influenced by and correlated with traits such as appearance, culture, ethnicity, and socio-economic status. In the early twentieth century the term was often used, in its biological sense, to denote genetically divergent human populations which can be marked by common phenotypic traits. When analyzing skeletal remains, this sense of "race" is still used at times within forensic anthropology, biomedical research, and race-based medicine as proxy for geographic ancestry with some reliability. In addition, law enforcement utilizes race in their attempts to profile wanted suspects and to reconstruct the faces of unidentified remains. In many societies racial groupings correspond closely with patterns of social stratification, and for social scientists studying social inequality, race can be a significant variable. As sociological factors, racial categories may in part reflect subjective attributions, self-identities, and social institutions. Accordingly, the racial paradigms employed by different kinds of biological or social scientists may vary in their emphasis on biological reduction as contrasted with societal construction.
While biological scientists sometimes use the concept of race to make practical distinctions among fuzzy sets of traits, others in the scientific community suggest that the idea of race is often used by the general public in a naive or simplistic way. Among humans, race has no taxonomic significance; all people belong to the same hominid subspecies, Homo sapiens sapiens. Regardless of the extent to which race exists, the word "race" is problematic and may carry negative connotations. Social conceptions and groupings of races vary over time, involving folk taxonomies that define essential types of individuals based on perceived sets of traits. Scientists consider biological essentialism obsolete, and generally discourage racial explanations for collective differentiation in both physical and behavioral traits.
As people define and put about different conceptions of race, they actively create contrasting social realities through which racial categorization is achieved in varied ways. In this sense, races are said to be social constructs. These constructs can develop within various legal, economic, and sociopolitical contexts, and at times may be the effect, rather than the cause, of major social situations. Socioeconomic factors, in combination with early but enduring views of race, have led to considerable suffering amongst the disadvantaged racial groups. Intergroup competition fosters ingroup biases against their outgroup. Accordingly, when groups find themselves in competition with their designated outgroups, the more privileged group may subject its disadvantaged counterpart to discriminatory treatment. Racial discrimination often coincides with racist mindsets, whereby the individuals and ideologies of one group come to perceive the members of their outgroup as both racially defined and morally inferior. As a result, racial groups possessing relatively little power often find themselves excluded or oppressed, while the individuals and institutions of the hegemony are charged with holding racist attitudes. Racism has factored into many instances of tragedy, including slavery and genocide. Scholars continue to debate the degrees to which racial categories are biologically warranted and socially constructed, as well as the extent to which the realities of race must be acknowledged in order for society to comprehend and address racism adequately.
Early modern concepts of race
See also: Historical definitions of race
Groups of humans have probably always identified themselves as distinct from other groups, but such differences have not always been understood to be natural, immutable and global. These features are the distinguishing features
- See:
- Lie 2004 harvnb error: no target: CITEREFLie2004 (help)
- Thompson, William (2005). Society in Focus. Boston, MA: Pearson. ISBN 0-205-41365-X.
{{cite book}}: Unknown parameter|coauthors=ignored (|author=suggested) (help) - Gordon, Milton Myron (1964). Assimilation in American life: the role of race, religion, and national origins. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-500896-8.
- "American Anthropological Association Statement on "Race"". Aaanet.org. 1998-05-17. Retrieved 2009-04-18.
- Palmié, Stephan (2007). "Genomics, divination, 'racecraft'". American Ethnologist. 34: 205–22. doi:10.1525/ae.2007.34.2.205.
{{cite journal}}: Unknown parameter|month=ignored (help) - Mevorach, Katya Gibel (2007). "Race, racism, and academic complicity". American Ethnologist. 34: 238. doi:10.1525/ae.2007.34.2.238.
- Segal, Daniel A (1991). "'The European'_ Allegories of Racial Purity". Anthropology Today. 7 (5). Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland: 7–9. doi:10.2307/3032780.
- Bindon, Jim. University of Alabama. "Post World War II". 2005. August 28, 2006.
- See:
- Gill G. "Does Race Exist? A proponent's perspective". Pbs.org. Retrieved 2009-04-18.
- Armelagos, George; Smay, Diana (2000). "Galileo wept: A critical assessment of the use of race in forensic anthropolopy" (PDF). Transforming Anthropology. 9: 19–29. doi:10.1525/tran.2000.9.2.19.
- Risch et al. 2002 harvnb error: no target: CITEREFRischBurchardZivTang2002 (help)
- Bloche, Gregg M. (2004). "Race-Based Therapeutics". New England Journal of Medicine. 351 (20): 2035–2037. doi:10.1056/NEJMp048271. PMID 15533852.
- King 2007 harvnb error: no target: CITEREFKing2007 (help): For example, "the association of blacks with poverty and welfare ... is due, not to race per se, but to the link that race has with poverty and its associated disadvantages"–p.75.
- Schaefer, Richard T. (ed.) (2008). Encyclopedia of Race, Ethnicity and Society. Sage. p. 1096. ISBN 9781412926942.
In many parts of Latin America, racial groupings are based less on the biological physical features and more on an intersection between physical features and social features such as economic class, dress, education, and context. Thus, a more fluid treatment allows for the construction of race as an achieved status rather than an ascribed status as is the case in the United States.
{{cite book}}:|author=has generic name (help) - Graves 2001 harvnb error: no target: CITEREFGraves2001 (help)
- ^ Lee et al. 2008 harvnb error: no target: CITEREFLeeMountainKoenigAltman2008 (help): We caution against making the naive leap to a genetic explanation for group differences in complex traits, especially for human behavioral traits such as IQ scores
- Keita et al. 2004 harvnb error: no target: CITEREFKeitaKittlesRoyalBonney2004 (help)
- AAPA 1996 harvnb error: no target: CITEREFAAPA1996 (help) Pure races, in the sense of genetically homogeneous populations, do not exist in the human species today, nor is there any evidence that they have ever existed in the past.-p.714
- ^ Brace 2000 harvnb error: no target: CITEREFBrace2000 (help)
- Montagu, Ashley (2008 ). "The Concept of Race". American Ethnography Quasimonthly. Retrieved 26 January 2009.
{{cite web}}: Check date values in:|date=(help); Italic or bold markup not allowed in:|publisher=(help) - For example, a person who in the United States would be called "Hispanic" or "African American" might be called "Branca" (white) in the racial categorization system commonly used in Brazil.
- Bamshad & Olson 2003 harvnb error: no target: CITEREFBamshadOlson2003 (help)
- Sober E (2000). Philosophy of biology (2nd ed.). Boulder, CO: Westview Press.
- For example, the following statement expresses the official viewpoint of the American Anthropological Association at their web page: "Evidence from the analysis of genetics (e.g., DNA) indicates that most physical variation, about 94%, lies within so-called racial groups. Conventional geographic "racial" groupings differ from one another only in about 6% of their genes. This means that there is greater variation within "racial" groups than between them."
- ^ Lee 1997 harvnb error: no target: CITEREFLee1997 (help)
- See, for example, National Research Council (2004). Measuring racial discrimination (Ch. 2). Washington: The National Academies Press.
- cf. Smaje, C (1997). "Not just a social construct: Theorising race and ethnicity". Sociology. 31 (2): 307–327. doi:10.1177/0038038597031002007.
{{cite journal}}: Cite has empty unknown parameter:|author-name-separator=(help); Unknown parameter|author-separator=ignored (help) - ^ Harris CI (1995). "Whiteness as property". In K Crenshaw; N Gotanda; G Peller; K Thomas (Eds.) Critical Race Theory: The Key Writings That Formed the Movement (pp. 276 –291), p. 287.
- ^ Morgan ES, cited in 1997 harvtxt error: no target: CITEREF1997 (help), p. 407.
- Nobles 2000 harvnb error: no target: CITEREFNobles2000 (help)
- Smedley 2007 harvnb error: no target: CITEREFSmedley2007 (help); presented at the conference “Race, Human Variation and Disease: Consensus and Frontiers”, sponsored by the American Anthropological Association (AAA). The views expressed are the author's.
- ^ Sivanandan A, cited in Miles R (2000). "Apropos the idea of 'race' ... again". In L Black; J Solomos (Eds.), Theories of Race and Racism (pp. 125–143). London: Routledge.
- ^ Crenshaw, KW (1988). "Race, reform, and retrenchment: Transformation and legitimation in antidiscrimination law". Harvard Law Review. 101 (7): 1331–1337. doi:10.2307/1341398.
{{cite journal}}: Cite has empty unknown parameter:|author-name-separator=(help); Unknown parameter|author-separator=ignored (help) - Conley D (2007). "Being black, living in the red". In PS Rothenberg (Ed.), Race, Class, and Gender in the United States (7th ed.), pp. 350–358. New York: Worth Publishers.
- The notion of racial hierarchy has ancient origins: "It was Aristotle who first arranged all animals into a single, graded scale that placed humans at the top as the most perfect iteration. By the late 19th century, the idea that inequality was the basis of natural order, known as the great chain of being, was part of the common lexicon." Winfield AG (2007). Eugenics and education in America: Institutionalized racism and the implications of history, ideology, and memory (pp. 45–46, emphasis in original). New York: Peter Lang Publishing, Inc.
- Taylor DA, Moriarty BF (1987). "Ingroup bias as a function of competition and race". Journal of Conflict Resolution. 31 (1): 192–199.
- See , Bobo L, Hutchings VL (1996). "Perceptions of racial group competition: Extending Blumer's theory of group position to a multiracial context". American Sociological Review. 61 (6): 951–972. doi:10.2307/2096302.
{{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link) - Appiah KA, cited in Lee (1997) harvtxt error: no target: CITEREFLee1997 (help), pp. 407–408.
- See also Muffaletto R (2003). "Ethics: A discourse of power". TechTrends(47)6 (pp. 62–66), p. 62.
- A psychiatric instrument called the "Perceived Racism Scale" "provides a measure of the frequency of exposure to many manifestations of racism ... including individual and institutional"; it also assesses "emotional and behavioral coping responses to racism." McNeilly MD; Anderson MB; Armstead CA; Clark R; Corbett M; Robinson EL; et al. (1996). "The perceived racism scale: A multidimensional assessment of the experience of white racism among African Americans". Ethnicity & Disease 6 1–2, pp. 154–166. Abstract retrieved 15 October 2010.
- See also Miles (2000).
- Owens, K.; King, MC (1999). "Genomic Views of Human History". Science. 286 (5439): 451–453. doi:10.1126/science.286.5439.451. PMID 10521333.
- ^ Gill GW (2000). "Does race exist? A proponent's perspective". NOVA Online. Pbs.org. Retrieved 14 October 2010.
- "The very naturalness of 'reality' is itself the effect of a particular set of discursive constructions. In this way, discourse does not simply reflect reality, but actually participates in its construction" (Lee, 1997, p. 396). Therefore, as people define race in different ways, they help to create multiple realities of race (Lee 1997) harv error: no target: CITEREFLee1997 (help).