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| '''Fascism''' ({{IPAc-en|f|æ|ʃ|ɪ|z|əm}}) is a form of ] ] ]<ref name="authoritarian" /><ref name="authoritarianism" /> that came to prominence in early 20th-century Europe. Influenced by ], fascism ] ] during ], in opposition to ], ], and ]. Fascism is often placed on the ] within the traditional ],<ref name="university" /> but some academics believe it can swing both ways.<ref name="aristotle" /> | '''Fascism''' ({{IPAc-en|f|æ|ʃ|ɪ|z|əm}}) is a form of ] ] ]<ref name="authoritarian" /><ref name="authoritarianism" /> that came to prominence in early 20th-century Europe. Influenced by ], fascism ] ] during ], in opposition to ], ], and ]. Fascism is often placed on the ] within the traditional ],<ref name="university" /> but some academics believe it can swing both ways.<ref name="aristotle" /> | ||
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| The next events that influenced the Fascists in Italy was the raid of ] by Italian nationalist ] and the founding of the ] in 1920.<ref name="revolution34" /> D'Annunzio and De Ambris designed the Charter, which advocated national-syndicalist ] productionism alongside D'Annunzio's political views.<ref name="revolution35" /> Many Fascists saw the Charter of Carnaro as an ideal constitution for a Fascist Italy.<ref name="zs189" /> This behaviour of aggression towards Yugoslavia and ] was pursued by Italian Fascists with their persecution of South Slavs – especially Slovenes and Croats. | The next events that influenced the Fascists in Italy was the raid of ] by Italian nationalist ] and the founding of the ] in 1920.<ref name="revolution34" /> D'Annunzio and De Ambris designed the Charter, which advocated national-syndicalist ] productionism alongside D'Annunzio's political views.<ref name="revolution35" /> Many Fascists saw the Charter of Carnaro as an ideal constitution for a Fascist Italy.<ref name="zs189" /> This behaviour of aggression towards Yugoslavia and ] was pursued by Italian Fascists with their persecution of South Slavs – especially Slovenes and Croats. | ||
| In 1920, militant strike activity by industrial workers reached its peak in Italy; 1919 and 1920 were known |
In 1920, militant strike activity by industrial workers reached its peak in Italy; 1919 and 1920 were known | ||
| Fascists identified their primary opponents as the majority of socialists on the left who had opposed intervention in World War I.<ref name=zs189/> The Fascists and the Italian political right held common ground: both held Marxism in contempt, discounted class consciousness and believed in the rule of elites.<ref name="zs193" /> The Fascists assisted the anti-socialist campaign by allying with the other parties and the conservative right in a mutual effort to destroy the Italian Socialist Party and labour organizations committed to class identity above national identity.<ref name=zs193/> | |||
| Fascism sought to accommodate Italian conservatives by making major alterations to its political agenda;– abandoning its previous ], ], and ], adopting policies in support of ], and accepting the ] and the monarchy as institutions in Italy.<ref name="ga145" /> To appeal to Italian conservatives, Fascism adopted policies such as promoting family values, including promotion policies designed to reduce the number of women in the workforce limiting the woman's role to that of a mother. The fascists banned literature on birth control and increased penalties for abortion in 1926, declaring both crimes against the state.<ref name="conservatives" /> Though Fascism adopted a number of positions designed to appeal to ], the Fascists sought to maintain Fascism's revolutionary character, with Angelo Oliviero Olivetti saying "Fascism would like to be conservative, but it will by being revolutionary."<ref name="revolution38" /> The Fascists supported revolutionary action and committed to secure law and order to appeal to both conservatives and syndicalists.<ref name="conservatives39" /> | |||
| Prior to Fascism's accommodation of the political right, Fascism was a small, urban, northern Italian movement that had about a thousand members.<ref name="massachusetts40" /> After Fascism's accommodation of the political right, the Fascist movement's membership soared to approximately 250,000 by 1921.<ref name="massachusetts41" /> | |||
| Beginning in 1922, Fascist paramilitaries escalated their strategy from one of attacking socialist offices and homes of socialist leadership figures to one of violent occupation of cities. The Fascists met little serious resistance from authorities and proceeded to take over several northern Italian cities.<ref name="rop87" /> The Fascists attacked the headquarters of socialist and ] labour unions in Cremona and imposed forced Italianization upon the German-speaking population of Trent and Bolzano.<ref name=rop87/> After seizing these cities, the Fascists made plans to take ].<ref name=rop87/> | |||
| ] with three of the four ] during the ]: from left to right: unknown, ], Mussolini, ] and ]]] | |||
| On 24 October 1922, the Fascist party held its annual congress in ], where Mussolini ordered Blackshirts to take control of public buildings and trains and to converge on three points around Rome.<ref name=rop87/> The Fascists managed to seize control of several post offices and trains in northern Italy while the Italian government, led by a left-wing coalition, was internally divided and unable to respond to the Fascist advances.<ref name="rop88" /> King ] perceived the risk of bloodshed in Rome in response to attempting to disperse the Fascists to be too high.<ref name="rop90" /> Victor Emmanuel III decided to appoint Mussolini as ], and Mussolini arrived in Rome on 30 October to accept the appointment.<ref name=rop90/> Fascist propaganda aggrandized this event, known as "]", as a "seizure" of power because of Fascists' heroic exploits.<ref name=rop87/> | |||
| Upon being appointed Prime Minister of Italy, Mussolini had to form a coalition government, because the Fascists did not have control over the Italian parliament.<ref name="sgp110" /> Mussolini's coalition government initially pursued ] policies under the direction of liberal finance minister ], including balancing the budget through deep cuts to the civil service.<ref name=sgp110/> Initially, little drastic change in government policy had occurred and repressive police actions were limited.<ref name=sgp110/> | |||
| The Fascists began their attempt to entrench Fascism in Italy with the ], which guaranteed a plurality of the seats in parliament to any party or coalition list in an election that received 25% or more of the vote.<ref name="sgp113" /> Through considerable Fascist violence and intimidation, the list won a majority of the vote, allowing many seats to go to the Fascists.<ref name=sgp113/> In the aftermath of the election, a crisis and political scandal erupted after Socialist Party deputy ] was kidnapped and murdered by a Fascist.<ref name=sgp113/> The liberals and the leftist minority in parliament walked out in protest in what became known as the ].<ref name="sgp114" /> On 3 January 1925, Mussolini addressed the Fascist-dominated Italian parliament and declared that he was personally responsible for what happened, but he insisted that he had done nothing wrong. He proclaimed himself dictator of Italy, assuming full responsibility over the government and announcing the dismissal of parliament.<ref name=sgp114/> From 1925 to 1929, Fascism steadily became entrenched in power: opposition deputies were denied access to parliament, censorship was introduced, and a December 1925 decree made Mussolini solely responsible to the King.<ref name="routledge42" /> | |||
| In 1929, the Fascist regime gained the political support and blessing of the Roman Catholic Church after the regime signed a concordat with the Church, known as the ], which gave the papacy state sovereignty and financial compensation for the seizure of Church lands by the liberal state in the nineteenth century.<ref name="routledge43" /> | |||
| The Fascist regime created a ] economic system in 1925 with creation of the Palazzo Vidioni Pact, in which the Italian employers' association ] and Fascist trade unions agreed to recognize each other as the sole representatives of Italy's employers and employees, excluding non-Fascist trade unions.<ref name="cb150" /> The Fascist regime first created a Ministry of Corporations that organized the Italian economy into 22 sectoral corporations, banned workers' strikes and lock-outs, and in 1927 created the ], which established workers' rights and duties and created labour tribunals to arbitrate employer-employee disputes.<ref name=cb150/> In practice, the sectoral corporations exercised little independence and were largely controlled by the regime, and employee organizations were rarely led by employees themselves but instead by appointed Fascist party members.<ref name=cb150/> | |||
| In the 1920s, Fascist Italy pursued an aggressive foreign policy that included an attack on the Greek island of ], aims to expand Italian territory in the ], plans to wage war against ] and ], attempts to bring Yugoslavia into civil war by supporting Croat and Macedonian separatists to legitimize Italian intervention, and making ] a '']'' ] of Italy, which was achieved through diplomatic means by 1927.<ref name="expansionism" /> In response to revolt in the Italian colony of ], Fascist Italy abandoned previous liberal-era colonial policy of cooperation with local leaders. Instead, claiming that Italians were a superior race to African races and thereby had the right to colonize the "inferior" Africans, it sought to settle 10 to 15 million Italians in Libya.<ref name="aaa134" /> This resulted in an aggressive military campaign known as the ] against natives in Libya, including mass killings, the use of ]s, and the forced starvation of thousands of people.<ref name=aaa134/> Italian authorities committed ] by forcibly expelling 100,000 ] Cyrenaicans, half the population of Cyrenaica in Libya, from their settlements that was slated to be given to Italian settlers.<ref name="mussolini" /><ref name="university44" /> | |||
| ] during the Beer Hall Putsch.]] | |||
| The March on Rome brought Fascism international attention. One early admirer of the Italian Fascists was ], who, less than a month after the March, had begun to model himself and the ] upon Mussolini and the Fascists.<ref name="kershaw" /> The Nazis, led by Hitler and the German war hero ], attempted a "March on Berlin" modeled upon the March on Rome, which resulted in the failed ] in ] in November 1923.<ref name="dissolution" /> | |||
| ===International impact of the Great Depression and the buildup to World War II=== | |||
| ] (left) and ] (right).]] | |||
| The conditions of economic hardship caused by the ] brought about an international surge of social unrest. According to historian Philip Morgan, "''the onset of the Great Depression...was the greatest stimulus yet to the diffusion and expansion of fascism outside Italy".''<ref name="Fascism in Europe, 1919–1945"> Philip Morgan, ''Fascism in Europe, 1919–1945, New York Tayolor & Francis 2003</ref> | |||
| In Germany, it contributed to the rise of the ], which resulted in the demise of the ], and the establishment of the fascist regime, ], under the leadership of ]. With the rise of Hitler and the Nazis to power in 1933, ] was dissolved in Germany, and the Nazis mobilized the country for war, with expansionist territorial aims against several countries. In the 1930s the Nazis implemented racial laws that deliberately discriminated against, ], and persecuted Jews and other racial and minority groups. | |||
| Fascist movements grew in strength elsewhere in Europe. Hungarian fascist ] rose to power as Prime Minister of ] in 1932 and attempted to entrench his ] throughout the country; created an eight-hour work day, a forty-eight hour work week in industry, and sought to entrench a corporatist economy; and pursued irredentist claims on Hungary's neighbors.<ref name="routledge45" /> The fascist ] movement in ] soared in political support after 1933, gaining representation in the Romanian government, and an Iron Guard member assassinated Romanian prime minister ].<ref name="routledge46" /> During the ], ] faced the greatest domestic political turmoil since the ] when the fascist ] and multiple far right movements rioted '']'' in Paris against the French government resulting in major political violence.<ref name="fascism" /> A variety of para-fascist governments that borrowed elements from fascism were formed during the Great Depression, including those of ], ], ], and ].<ref name="routledge47" /> | |||
| ] marching in Brazil.]] | |||
| In the Americas, the ] led by ], claimed as many as 200,000 members although following coup attempts it faced a crackdown from the ] of ] in 1937.<ref name="griffin" /> In the 1930s, the ] gained seats in ]'s parliament and attempted a coup d'état that resulted in the ] of 1938.<ref name="routledge48" /> | |||
| During the ], Mussolini promoted active state intervention in the economy. He denounced the contemporary "]" that he claimed began in 1914 as a failure because of its alleged ], its support for unlimited ] and its intention to create the "standardization of humankind".<ref name="gb2000" /> Fascist Italy created the ] (IRI), a giant state-owned firm and holding company that provided state funding to failing private enterprises.<ref name="cb189" /> The IRI was made a permanent institution in Fascist Italy in 1937, pursued Fascist policies to create national ], and had the power to take over private firms to maximize war production.<ref name=cb189/> In the late 1930s, Italy enacted manufacturing cartels, tariff barriers, currency restrictions, and massive regulation of the economy to attempt to balance payments.<ref name="Cyprian Blamires 2006. p. 72" /> Italy's policy of autarky failed to achieve effective economic autonomy.<ref name="Cyprian Blamires 2006. p. 72"/> Nazi Germany similarly pursued an economic agenda with the aims of autarky and rearmament and imposed ] policies, including forcing the German steel industry to use lower-quality German iron ore rather than superior-quality imported iron.<ref name="encyclopedia49" /> | |||
| ===World War II (1939–1945)=== | |||
| In Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany, both Mussolini and Hitler pursued territorial expansionist and interventionist foreign policy agendas from the 1930s through the 1940s culminating in World War II. Mussolini called for ] Italian claims to be reclaimed, establishing Italian domination of the ] and securing Italian access to the ], and the creation of Italian ''spazio vitale'' ("vital space") in the ] and ] regions.<ref name="expansionism50" /> Hitler called for ] German claims to be reclaimed along with the creation of German '']'' ("living space") in Eastern Europe, including territories held by the ], that would be colonized by Germans.<ref name="expansionism51" /> | |||
| ] male inmate at the Italian ].]] | |||
| From 1935 to 1939 Germany and Italy escalated their demands for territorial claims and greater influence in world affairs. Italy invaded ] in 1935 resulting in condemnation by the ] and widespread diplomatic isolation. In 1936 Germany ]; the region had been ordered demilitarized by the ]. In 1938 Germany annexed ] and Italy assisted Germany in resolving the diplomatic crisis between Germany versus Britain and France over claims on ] by arranging the ] that gave Germany the ] and was perceived at the time to have averted a European war. These hopes faded when Hitler violated the Munich Agreement by ordering the invasion and partition of Czechoslovakia between Germany and a client state of ] in 1939. At the same time from 1938 to 1939, Italy was demanding territorial and colonial concessions from France and Britain.<ref name="university52" /> In 1939, Germany prepared for war with Poland, but attempted to gain territorial concessions from Poland through diplomatic means.<ref name="Eugene Davidson pp. 371-372" /> The Polish government did not trust Hitler's promises and refused to accept Germany's demands.<ref name="Eugene Davidson pp. 371-372"/> | |||
| The invasion of Poland by Germany was deemed unacceptable by Britain, France and their allies, resulting in their mutual declaration of war against Germany that was deemed the aggressor in the war in Poland, resulting in the outbreak of World War II. In 1940, Mussolini led Italy into World War II on the side of the Axis. Mussolini was aware that Italy did not have the military capacity to carry out a long war with France or the United Kingdom and waited until France was on the verge of imminent collapse and surrender from the German invasion before declaring war on France and the United Kingdom on 10 June 1940, on the assumption that the war would be short-lived following France's collapse.<ref name="university53" /> Mussolini believed that following a brief entry of Italy into war with France, followed by the imminent French surrender, Italy could gain some territorial concessions from France and then concentrate its forces on a major offensive in ] where British and Commonwealth forces were outnumbered by Italian forces.<ref name="university54" /> Plans by Germany to invade the UK in 1940 failed after Germany lost the aerial warfare campaign in the ]. In 1941 the Axis campaign spread to the Soviet Union after Hitler launched ]. Axis forces at the height of their power controlled almost all of continental Europe. The war became prolonged — contrary to Mussolini's plans — resulting in Italy losing battles on multiple fronts and requiring German assistance. | |||
| ].]] | |||
| During World War II, the Axis Powers in Europe, led by Nazi Germany, participated in the extermination of millions of Poles, Jews, Gypsies and others in the ] known as the ]. | |||
| After 1942, Axis forces began to falter. By 1943, after Italy faced multiple military failures, the complete reliance and subordination of Italy to Germany, the Allied invasion of Italy, and the corresponding international humiliation, Mussolini ] on the order of King Victor Emmanuel III, who proceeded to dismantle the Fascist state and declared Italy's switching of allegiance to the Allied side. Mussolini was rescued from arrest by German forces and led the German client state, the ] from 1943 to 1945. Nazi Germany faced multiple losses and steady Soviet and Western Allied offensives from 1943 to 1945. | |||
| On 28 April 1945, Mussolini was captured and executed by Italian communist partisans. On 30 April 1945, Hitler committed suicide. Shortly afterwards, Germany surrendered and the Nazi regime was ] by the occupying Allied powers. An International Military Tribunal was subsequently convened in ]. Beginning in November 1945 and lasting through 1949, numerous Nazi political, military and economic leaders were ] of ]s, with many of the worst offenders receiving the ]. | |||
| ===Post-World-War II (1945–present)=== | |||
| {{Main|Neo-fascism}} | |||
| ], '']'' of ] from 1939 to 1975.]] | |||
| ], ] from 1946 to 1955 and 1973 to 1974. Perón admired ] and modelled his economic policies on those pursued by Fascist Italy.]] | |||
| The victory of the Allies over the Axis powers in ] led to the collapse of many fascist regimes in Europe. The ] convicted several Nazi leaders of crimes against humanity involving the Holocaust. There remained, however, several movements and governments that were ideologically related to fascism. | |||
| ]'s ] single-party state in Spain was officially neutral during World War II and survived the collapse of the Axis Powers. Franco's rise to power had been directly assisted by the militaries of Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany during the ], and Franco had sent volunteers to fight on the side of Nazi Germany against the Soviet Union during World War II. After World War II and a period of international isolation, Franco's regime normalized relations with Western powers in the ], until Franco's death in 1975 and the transformation of Spain into a liberal democracy. | |||
| Roughly during the same period, neighbouring country ] was under control of the ], a dictatorship led by ] that was in many aspects inspired by ]'s regime and ]'s fascism. The ] also maintained an officially neutral position during ] and lasted from 1932 to 1974. | |||
| ], associated with the regime of ] in ] from 1946 to 1955 and 1973 to 1974, was strongly influenced by fascism.<ref name="Blamires, Cyprian 2006 p. 512" /> Between 1939 and 1941, prior to rising to power, Perón had developed a deep admiration of Italian Fascism and modelled his economic policies on Italian Fascist policies.<ref name="Blamires, Cyprian 2006 p. 512"/> | |||
| ], leader of the ] from 1969–1987.]] | |||
| The term '']'' refers to fascist movements after World War II. In Italy, the ], led by ], was a major neo-fascist movement that transformed into a self-described "post-fascist" movement called the ] (AN), which has been an ally of ]'s ] for a decade. In 2008, AN joined Forza Italia in Berlusconi's new party ]. In 2012 a group of politicians split from The People of Freedom, refounding the party with the name ]. In Germany, various neo-Nazi movements have been formed and banned under Germany's constitutional law that forbids Nazism. The ] (NPD) is widely considered a neo-Nazi party, although the party does not publicly self-identify as such. | |||
| ] | |||
| After the onset of the ] and economic crisis in Greece, a movement known as the ], widely considered a neo-Nazi party, soared in support out of obscurity and won seats in Greece's parliament, espousing a staunch hostility to minorities, illegal immigrants, and refugees. In 2013, after the murder of an anti-fascist musician by a person with links to Golden Dawn, the Greek government ordered the arrest of the Golden Dawn's leader ] and other Golden Dawn members on charges related to being associated with a criminal organization. | |||
| ==Tenets== | |||
| ===Nationalism=== | |||
| {{Nationalism sidebar |Types}} | |||
| ] is the main foundation of fascism.<ref name="Cyprian Blamires 2006. pp. 451-453">Blamires, Cyprian, ''World Fascism: A Historical Encyclopedia'', vol. 1 (Santa Barbara, California: ABC-CLIO, 2006), pp. 451–453.</ref> The fascist view of a nation is of a single organic entity that binds people together by their ancestry, and is a natural unifying force of people.<ref name="nationalism56" /> Fascism seeks to solve economic, political, and social problems by achieving a ] national rebirth, exalting the nation or ] above all else, and promoting cults of unity, strength, and purity.<ref name="anatomnyfascismo"/><ref name="Passmore" /><ref name="natureoffascismo" /><ref name="walterlaq" /><ref name="britannicafasc" /> European fascist movements typically espouse a ] conception of non-Europeans being inferior to Europeans.<ref name="Stanley G. Payne 1995, p. 11">Payne, Stanley G., ''A History of Fascism, 1914–1945''. Digital printing ed. (Oxon, England: Routledge, 1995, 2005), p. 11.</ref> Beyond this, fascists in Europe have not held a unified set of racial views.<ref name="Stanley G. Payne 1995, p. 11"/> Historically, most fascists promoted ], although there have been several fascist movements that were uninterested in the pursuit of new imperial ambitions.<ref name="Stanley G. Payne 1995, p. 11"/> | |||
| ===Totalitarianism=== | |||
| Fascism promotes the establishment of a ] state.<ref>Roger Griffin. ''Fascism, Totalitarianism, and Political Religion''. Routledge. pp. 1–6.</ref> The '']'' states, "The Fascist conception of the State is all-embracing; outside of it no human or spiritual values can exist, much less have value. Thus understood, Fascism is totalitarian, and the Fascist State—a synthesis and a unit inclusive of all values—interprets, develops, and potentiates the whole life of a people."<ref name="institutions" /> In ''The Legal Basis of the Total State'', Nazi political theorist ] described the Nazi intention to form a "strong state which guarantees a totality of political unity transcending all diversity" in order to avoid a "disastrous pluralism tearing the German people apart".<ref name="schmitt" /> | |||
| Fascist states pursued policies of social ] through ] in education and the media and regulation of the production of educational and media materials.<ref name="totalitarianism" /><ref name="google68" /> Education was designed to glorify the fascist movement and inform students of its historical and political importance to the nation. It attempted to purge ideas that were not consistent with the beliefs of the fascist movement and to teach students to be obedient to the state.<ref name="pauley" /> | |||
| Fascism opposes ]. It rejects multi-party systems, and supports a ]. However it has claimed it supports a variant of democracy. Benito Mussolini in an interview with the British newspaper the ''Sunday Pictorial'' stated: "Fascism is a method, not an end; an autocracy on the road to democracy".<ref>Benito Mussolini, during interview with the ''Sunday Pictorial'' in London November 12, 1926.</ref> Italian Fascist theorist and policymaker Giovanni Gentile in the ''Doctrine of Fascism'' described fascism as an ].<ref name="Dylan J. Riley 1945. pp. 4-5">Dylan Riley. The civic foundations of fascism in Europe: Italy, Spain, and Romania, 1870–1945. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 2010; pp. 4–5.</ref> Gentile explicitly rejected the conventional form of democracy, ] for being based on ] and thus an inherent assumption of the equality of citizens, while fascism rejects the concept of universal egalitarianism.<ref name="Arblaster"/> | |||
| ===Economy=== | |||
| {{Main|Economics of fascism}} | |||
| Fascism presented itself as a viable alternative to the two other major existing economic systems – ] ] and ] ].<ref>Steve Bastow, James Martin. Third Way Discourse: European Ideologies in the Twentieth Century. Edinburgh University Press Ltd, 2003. P36.</ref> Italian Fascism regarded itself as an heir to the ] ] socialism but outside of fascism it regarded socialism in general to have succumbed to the anti-national and materialist tendencies of Marxism, and opposed ].<ref>Giovanni Gentile, A. James Gregor (editor). Origins and Doctrine of Fascism: With Selections from Other Works. Transaction Publishers, 2011. P60.</ref> | |||
| Fascist governments advocated resolution of domestic ] within a nation in order to secure national solidarity.<ref name="Griffin, Roger 1991 pp. 222-223"/> This would be done through the state mediating relations between the classes (contrary to the views of ]-inspired capitalists).<ref>Calvin B. Hoover, ''The Paths of Economic Change: Contrasting Tendencies in the Modern World'', The American Economic Review, Vol. 25, No. 1, Supplement, Papers and Proceedings of the Forty-seventh Annual Meeting of the American Economic Association. (March, 1935), pp. 13–20.</ref> While fascism was opposed to domestic class conflict, it was held that bourgeois-proletarian conflict existed primarily in national conflict between ]s versus ]s.<ref name="minneapolis" /> Fascism condemned what it viewed as widespread character traits that it associated as the typical bourgeois mentality that it opposed, such as materialism, crassness, cowardice, inability to comprehend the heroic ideal of the fascist "warrior"; and associations with liberalism, individualism, and parliamentarianism.<ref name="Cyprian Blamires 2006. p. 102">Cyprian Blamires. ''World Fascism: A Historical Encyclopedia, Volume 1''. Santa Barbara, California, USA: ABC-CLIO, 2006. p. 102.</ref> In 1918, Mussolini defined what he viewed as the proletarian character, defining proletarian as being one and the same with producers, a ] perspective that associated all people deemed productive, including entrepreneurs, technicians, workers, and soldiers as being proletarian.<ref name="ReferenceA">Marco Piraino, Stefano Fiorito. Fascist Identity. P39-41.</ref> He acknowledged the historical existence of both bourgeois and proletarian producers, but declared the need for bourgeois producers to merge with proletarian producers.<ref name="ReferenceA"/> | |||
| While fascism denounced the mainstream internationalist and Marxist socialisms, it claimed to economically represent a type of nationalist productivist socialism that while condemning parasitical capitalism, was willing to accommodate productivist capitalism within it.<ref name="Alberto Spektorowski 2013">Alberto Spektorowski, Liza Ireni-Saban. Politics of Eugenics: Productionism, Population, and National Welfare. Routledge, 2013.</ref> This was derived from ], whose ideas inspired the creation of ] and influenced other ideologies, that stressed solidarity rather than class war and whose conception of productive people in the economy included both productive workers and productive bosses to challenge the influence of the aristocracy and unproductive financial speculators.<ref name="Cyprian Blamires 2006. p. 535">Cyprian Blamires. ''World Fascism: A Historical Encyclopedia, Volume 1''. Santa Barbara, California, USA: ABC-CLIO, 2006. p. 535.</ref> Saint Simon's vision combined the traditionalist right-wing criticisms of the French Revolution combined with a left-wing belief in the need for association or collaboration of productive people in society.<ref name="Cyprian Blamires 2006. p. 535">Cyprian Blamires. ''World Fascism: A Historical Encyclopedia, Volume 1''. Santa Barbara, California, USA: ABC-CLIO, 2006. p. 535.</ref> Whereas Marxism condemned capitalism as a system of exploitative property relations, fascism saw the nature of the control of credit and money in the contemporary capitalist system as abusive.<ref name="Alberto Spektorowski 2013"/> Unlike Marxism, fascism did not see class conflict between the Marxist-defined proletariat and the bourgeoisie as a given or as an engine of historical materialism.<ref name="Alberto Spektorowski 2013"/> Instead, it viewed workers and productive capitalists in common as productive people who were in conflict with parasitic elements in society including: corrupt political parties, corrupt financial capital, and feeble people.<ref name="Alberto Spektorowski 2013"/> Fascist leaders such as Mussolini and Hitler spoke of the need to create a new managerial elite led by engineers and captains of industry—but free from the parasitic leadership of industries.<ref name="Alberto Spektorowski 2013"/> Hitler stated that the Nazi Party supported ''bodenständigen Kapitalismus'' (productive capitalism) that was based upon profit earned from one's own labour, but condemned unproductive capitalism or loan capitalism, which derived profit from speculation.<ref>Jonathan C. Friedman. The Routledge History of the Holocaust. Routledge, 2011. P24.</ref> | |||
| Fascist economics supported a state-controlled economy that accepted a mix of ] and ] over the ].<ref name="Robert Millward 1990. p. 178">Robert Millward. Private and public enterprise in Europe: energy, telecommunications and transport, 1830–1990. Cambridge, England, UK: Cambridge University Press, p. 178.</ref> ] was applied to both the public and private sector, and the prosperity of private enterprise depended on its acceptance of synchronizing itself with the economic goals of the state.<ref name="Cyprian Blamires 2006. p. 189">Cyprian Blamires. ''World Fascism: A Historical Encyclopedia, Volume 1''. Santa Barbara, California, USA: ABC-CLIO, 2006. p. 189.</ref> Fascist economic ideology supported the ], but emphasized that industries must uphold the national interest as superior to private profit.<ref name="Cyprian Blamires 2006. p. 189"/> | |||
| While fascism accepted the importance of material wealth and power, it condemned materialism, which it identified as being present in both ] and ], and criticized materialism for lacking acknowledgement of the role of the ].<ref name="Peter Davies 2002. p. 103">Peter Davies, Derek Lynch. The Routledge Companion to Fascism and the Far Right. Routledge, 2002. p. 103.</ref> In particular, fascists criticized capitalism not because of its competitive nature nor support of private property, which fascists supported—but due to its materialism, individualism, alleged bourgeois decadence, and alleged indifference to the nation.<ref name="Robert O. Paxton 2005. p. 10">Robert O. Paxton. ''The Anatomy of Fascism''. Vintage Books edition. Vintage Books, 2005. p. 10.</ref> Fascism denounced Marxism for its advocacy of materialist internationalist class identity, which fascists regarded as an attack upon the emotional and spiritual bonds of the nation and a threat to the achievement of genuine national solidarity.<ref>John Breuilly. Nationalism and the State. University of Chicago Press edition. University of Chicago, 1994. p. 290.</ref> | |||
| Economic self-sufficiency, known as ], was a major goal of most fascist governments.<ref>Alexander J. De Grand, ''Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany'', Routledge, 1995. pp. 60–61</ref> | |||
| In discussing the spread of fascism beyond Italy, historian Philip Morgan states<blockquote>Since the Depression was a crisis of laissez-faire capitalism and its political counterpart, parliamentary democracy, fascism could pose as the 'third-way' alternative between capitalism and Bolshevism, the model of a new European 'civilization'. As Mussolini typically put it in early 1934, "from 1929...fascism has become a universal phenomenon... The dominant forces of the 19th century, democracy, socialism, liberalism have been exhausted...the new political and economic forms of the twentieth-century are fascist'(Mussolini 1935: 32).<ref name="Fascism in Europe, 1919–1945"/></blockquote> | |||
| Fascists promoted ] to ameliorate economic conditions affecting their nation or race as a whole, but they did not support social welfare for ] reasons. Fascists criticized egalitarianism as preserving the weak. They instead promoted social Darwinist views.<ref name="egalitarianism" /><ref name="university101" /> | |||
| ===Action=== | |||
| Fascism emphasizes ], including supporting the legitimacy of ], as a core part of its politics.<ref name="Stanley G. Payne 1945. p. 106"/><ref>John Breuilly. Nationalism and the State. p. 294.</ref> Fascism views violent action as a necessity in politics that fascism identifies as being an "endless struggle".<ref name="Political Theory 2010. p. 106">Fascism and Political Theory: Critical Perspectives on Fascist Ideology. Routledge. Oxon, England, UK; New York, New York, USA: Routledge, 2010. p. 106.</ref> This emphasis on the use of political violence means that most fascist parties have also created their own private ] (e.g. the Nazi's ] and Italy's ]). | |||
| The basis of fascism's support of violent action in politics is connected to social Darwinism.<ref name="Political Theory 2010. p. 106"/> Fascist movements have commonly held social Darwinist views of nations, races, and societies.<ref name="psg485" /> They say that nations and races must purge themselves of socially and biologically weak or ] people, while simultaneously promoting the creation of strong people, in order to survive in a world defined by perpetual national and racial conflict.<ref name="university64" /> | |||
| ===Age and gender roles=== | |||
| ] | |||
| ], an organization for girls within the Nazi Party in Germany.]] | |||
| Fascism emphasizes ] both in a physical sense of age and in a spiritual sense as related to virility and commitment to action.<ref name="Mark Antliff 2007. p. 171">Mark Antliff. ''Avant-Garde Fascism: The Mobilization of Myth, Art, and Culture in France, 1909–1939''. Duke University Press, 2007. p. 171.</ref> The Italian Fascists' political anthem was called '']'' ("The Youth").<ref name="Mark Antliff 2007. p. 171"/> Fascism identifies the physical age period of youth as a critical time for the moral development of people that will affect society.<ref>Maria Sop Quine. ''Population Politics in Twentieth Century Europe: Fascist Dictatorships and Liberal Democracies''. Routledge, 1995. p. 47.</ref> | |||
| Italian Fascism pursued what it called "moral hygiene" of youth, particularly regarding ].<ref name="Maria Sop Quine 1995. pp. 46-47">Maria Sop Quine. ''Population Politics in Twentieth Century Europe: Fascist Dictatorships and Liberal Democracies''. Routledge, 1995. pp. 46–47.</ref> Fascist Italy promoted what it considered normal sexual behaviour in youth while denouncing what it considered deviant sexual behaviour.<ref name="Maria Sop Quine 1995. pp. 46-47"/> It condemned ], most forms of ] and contraceptive devices (with the exception of the ]), ], and ] as deviant sexual behaviour, although enforcement of laws opposed to such practices was erratic and authorities often turned a blind eye.<ref name="Maria Sop Quine 1995. pp. 46-47" /> Fascist Italy regarded the promotion of male sexual excitation before ] as the cause of criminality amongst male youth, declared homosexuality a social disease, and pursued an aggressive campaign to reduce prostitution of young women.<ref name="Maria Sop Quine 1995. pp. 46-47"/> | |||
| Mussolini perceived women's primary role as primarily child bearers and men, warriors—once saying, "War is to man what maternity is to the woman."<ref name="psychoanalysis" /> In an effort to increase birthrates, the Italian Fascist government gave financial incentives to women who raised large families, and initiated policies intended to reduce the number of women employed.<ref name="mussolini73" /> Italian Fascism called for women to be honoured as "reproducers of the nation," and the Italian Fascist government held ritual ceremonies to honour women's role within the Italian nation.<ref name="university74" /> In 1934, Mussolini declared that employment of women was a "major aspect of the thorny problem of unemployment," and that for women, working was "incompatible with childbearing." Mussolini went on to say that the solution to unemployment for men was the "exodus of women from the work force."<ref name="routledge75" /> | |||
| The German Nazi government strongly encouraged women to stay at home to bear children and keep house.<ref name="evans76" /> This policy was reinforced by bestowing the ] on women bearing four or more children. The unemployment rate was cut substantially, mostly through arms production and sending women home so that men could take their jobs. Nazi propaganda sometimes promoted premarital and extramarital sexual relations, unwed motherhood and divorce, but at other times the Nazis opposed such behaviour.<ref name="msu" /> | |||
| The Nazis decriminalized abortion in cases where fetuses had hereditary defects or were of a race the government disapproved of, while the abortion of healthy pure German, ] fetuses remained strictly forbidden.<ref name="The origins of Nazi genocide: from euthanasia to the final solution" /> For non-Aryans, abortion was often compulsory. Their ] program also stemmed from the "progressive biomedical model" of ].<ref name="publishing" /> In 1935 Nazi Germany expanded the legality of ] by amending ], to promote abortion for women with hereditary disorders.<ref name="The origins of Nazi genocide: from euthanasia to the final solution"/> The law allowed abortion if a woman gave her permission and the fetus was not yet viable,<ref name="Racial Hygiene: Medicine Under the Nazis" /><ref name="Gender and Crime in Modern Europe" /> and for purposes of so-called ].<ref name="Racial Hygiene: Medicine Under the Nazis71" /><ref name="Women's studies encyclopedia" /> | |||
| The Nazis said that homosexuality was degenerate, effeminate, perverted, and undermined masculinity because it did not produce children.<ref name="evans78" /> They considered homosexuality curable through therapy, citing modern ] and the study of ], which said that homosexuality could be felt by "normal" people and not just an abnormal minority.<ref name="fascism79" /> Open homosexuals were interned in Nazi concentration camps.<ref name="Persecution of Homosexuals in the Third Reich" /> | |||
| ===Palingenesis and modernism=== | |||
| Fascism emphasizes both ] and ].<ref name="Blamires168">Cyprian Blamires. ''World Fascism: A Historical Encyclopedia, Volume 1''. Santa Barbara, California, USA: ABC-CLIO, 2006 p. 168.</ref> In particular, fascism's nationalism has been identified as having a palingenetic character.<ref name="Cyprian Blamires 2006. pp. 451-453" /> Fascism promotes the regeneration of the nation and purging it of ].<ref name="Blamires168" /> Fascism accepts forms of modernism that it deems promotes national regeneration while rejecting forms of modernism that are regarded as antithetical to national regeneration.<ref>Cyprian Blamires. ''World Fascism: A Historical Encyclopedia, Volume 1''. Santa Barbara, California, USA: ABC-CLIO, 2006 pp. 168–169.</ref> Fascism aestheticized modern technology and its association with speed, power, and violence.<ref>Mark Neocleous. ''Fascism''. ], 1997. p. 63.</ref> Fascism admired advances in the economy in the early 20th century, particularly ] and ].<ref>Mark Neocleous. ''Fascism''. University of Minnesota Press, 1997. p. 65.</ref> Fascist modernism has been recognized as inspired or developed by various figures—such as ], ], ], ], ], ], and ].<ref>"Fascist Modernism" by Jobst Welge. Astradur Eysteinsson (ed.), Vivian Liska (ed.). ''Modernism, Volumes 1–2''. John Benjamins Publishing, 2007. p. 547.</ref> | |||
| In Italy, such modernist influence was exemplified by Marinetti who advocated a palingenetic modernist society that condemned liberal-bourgeois values of tradition and psychology, while promoting a technological-martial religion of national renewal that emphasized militant nationalism.<ref>"Fascist Modernism" by Jobst Welge. Astradur Eysteinsson (ed.), Vivian Liska (ed.). ''Modernism, Volumes 1–2''. John Benjamins Publishing, 2007. p. 550.</ref> In Germany, it was exemplified by Jünger who was influenced by his observation of the technological warfare during World War I, and claimed that a new social class had been created that he described as the "warrior-worker".<ref name="jobstwelge">"Fascist Modernism" by Jobst Welge. Astradur Eysteinsson (ed.), Vivian Liska (ed.). ''Modernism, Volumes 1–2''. John Benjamins Publishing, 2007. p. 553.</ref> Jünger like Marinetti emphasized the revolutionary capacities of technology, and emphasized an "organic construction" between human and machine as a liberating and regenerative force in that challenged liberal democracy, conceptions of individual autonomy, bourgeois nihilism, and decadence.<ref name="jobstwelge" /> He conceived of a society based on a totalitarian concept of "total mobilization" of such disciplined warrior-workers.<ref name="jobstwelge" /> | |||
| <!-- commenting out as this section needs to be reorganized into the article===Economic policies=== | |||
| {{Further|Economics of fascism}} | |||
| According to Bruce Pauley, Fascist governments exercised control over private property but did not nationalize it.<ref name="pauley83"/> According to Patricia Knight, they did, with the Italian Fascist government coming to own the highest percentage of industries outside the Soviet Union.<ref name="mussolini84"/> The Nazis also nationalized some business.<ref name="guillebaud"/> In fact, the "Twenty-Five Point Programme" of the Nazi party, adopted in 1920, demanded "the nationalization of all businesses which have been formed into corporations."<ref name="heinemann"/> Other scholars noted that big business developed an increasingly close partnership with the Nazi and Fascist governments as it became increasingly organized. Business leaders supported the government's political and military goals, and in exchange, the government pursued economic policies that maximized the profits of its business allies.<ref name="bloomington"/> Nazi Germany transferred public ownership and public services into the private sector, while other Western capitalist countries strove for increased state ownership of industry.<ref name="www"/> In his book, ''Big Business in the Third Reich'', Arthur Schweitzer notes that, "Monopolistic price fixing became the rule in most industries, and cartels were no longer confined to the heavy or large-scale industries. ... Cartels and quasi-cartels (whether of big business or small) set prices, engaged in limiting production, and agreed to divide markets and classify consumers in order to realize a monopoly profit.<ref name="bloomington85"/> | |||
| Fascists pursued economic policies to strengthen state power and spread ideology, such as consolidating trade unions and putting them under state or party control.<ref name="pauley86"/> Attempts were made by both Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany to establish "]" (self-sufficiency) through significant economic planning, but neither achieved economic self-sufficiency.<ref name="pauley87"/> | |||
| ====National corporatism, statism and national syndicalism==== | |||
| Italian Fascism's economy was based on ], and a number of other fascist movements similarly promoted corporatism. ] of the ], describing fascist corporatism, said that "it means a nation organized as the human body, with each organ performing its individual function but working in harmony with the whole".<ref name="re208"/> Fascists were not hostile to the '']'' or to small businesses, and they promised these groups, alongside the proletariat, protection from the upper-class bourgeoisie, big business, and Marxism. The promotion of these groups is the source of the term "extremism of the centre" to describe fascism.<ref name="gr101"/> | |||
| Fascism blamed capitalist ] for creating class conflict and communists for exploiting it.<ref name="books.google.com"/> In Italy, the Fascist period presided over the creation of the largest number of state-owned enterprises in ], such as the nationalisation of ] companies into a single state enterprise called the Italian General Agency for Petroleum (''Azienda Generale Italiani Petroli'', AGIP).<ref name="publishing88"/> Fascists made populist appeals to the ], especially the lower middle class, by promising to protect small businesses and property owners from communism, and by promising an economy based on competition and profit while pledging to oppose big business.<ref name=gr101/> | |||
| In 1933, Benito Mussolini declared Italian Fascism's opposition to the "decadent capitalism" that he claimed prevailed in the world at the time, but he did not denounce capitalism entirely. Mussolini claimed that capitalism had degenerated in three stages, starting with dynamic or ] (1830–1870), followed by static capitalism (1870–1914), and reaching its final form of decadent capitalism or "]" beginning in 1914.<ref name="fz136"/> Mussolini said that Italian Fascism acknowledged the positive achievements of dynamic and heroic capitalism for its contribution to ] and its technical developments, but that it did not favor supercapitalism, which he claimed was incompatible with Italy's agricultural sector.<ref name=fz136/> | |||
| Thus Mussolini claimed that Italy under Fascist rule was not capitalist in the contemporary use of the term, which referred to supercapitalism.<ref name=fz136/> Mussolini denounced supercapitalism for causing the "standardization of humankind" and for causing excessive consumption.<ref name="aesthetics89"/> Mussolini claimed that at the stage of supercapitalism, "a capitalist enterprise, when difficulties arise, throws itself like a dead weight into the state's arms. It is then that state intervention begins and becomes more necessary. It is then that those who once ignored the state now seek it out anxiously."<ref name="establishing"/> He saw Fascism as the next logical step to solve the problems of supercapitalism and claimed that "our path would lead inexorably into ], which is nothing more nor less than ] turned on its head. In either event, the result is the bureaucratization of the economic activities of the nation."<ref name="mb158-159"/> Mussolini claimed that dynamic or heroic capitalism and the ] could be prevented from degenerating into static capitalism and then supercapitalism if the concept of economic ] were abandoned and if state supervision of the economy was introduced.<ref name="salvemini"/> ] would control production but it would be supervised by the state.<ref name="Salvemini. p. 134"/> By the late 1930s and the 1940s, Italian Fascism completely denounced capitalism as an obsolete and oppressive system, Mussolini in 1940 at the entry of Italy into World War II, said: | |||
| {{quote|''This conflict must not be allowed to cancel out all our achievements of the past eighteen years, nor, more importantly, extinguish the hope of a Third Alternative held out by Fascism to mankind fettered between the pillar of capitalist slavery and the post of Marxist chaos. The proponents of these obsolete doctrines must understand that the Fascist sword has been unsheathed twice before, in Ethiopia and in Spain, with known results.''|Benito Mussolini, 1940.<ref name="mediterranean"/>}} | |||
| Italian Fascism presented the economic system of ] as the solution that would preserve private enterprise and property while allowing the state to intervene in the economy when private enterprise failed.<ref name="Salvemini. p. 134"/> | |||
| Other fascist regimes were indifferent or hostile to ]. The Nazis initially attempted to form a corporatist economic system like that of Fascist Italy, creating the National Socialist Institute for Corporatism in May 1933, which included many major economists who said that corporatism was consistent with National Socialism.<ref name="minneapolis90"/><ref name="routledge91"/> In '']'', Hitler spoke enthusiastically about the "National Socialist corporative idea" as one that eventually would "take the place of ruinous class warfare".<ref name="aristotle92"/> The Nazis later came to view corporatism as detrimental to Germany and institutionalizing and legitimizing social differences within the German nation. Instead, the Nazis began to promote economic organization that emphasized the biological unity of the German national community.<ref name="minneapolis93"/> | |||
| Hitler continued to refer to corporatism in propaganda, but it was not put into place, even though a number of Nazi officials such as ], ], ], and ] were in favor of a ] form of corporatism, since corporations had been influential in German history in the ] era.<ref name="ideologies"/> | |||
| Spanish Falangist leader José Antonio Primo de Rivera did not believe that corporatism was effective and denounced it as a propaganda ploy, saying "this stuff about the corporative state is another piece of windbaggery".<ref name="ideologies94"/> | |||
| ====Economic planning==== | |||
| Fascists opposed the '']'' economic policies that were dominant in the era prior to the ].<ref name="political"/> After the Great Depression began, many people from across the ] blamed ''laissez-faire'' capitalism, and fascists promoted their ideology as a "]" between capitalism and ].<ref name=pm168/> | |||
| Fascists declared their opposition to ], ] charging, and profiteering.<ref name="university95"/> ] and other antisemitic fascists considered finance capitalism a "]" "]".<ref name="socialism"/> Fascist governments introduced ], wage controls and other types of ] measures.<ref name="Andreski-p64"/> | |||
| Fascists thought that private property should be regulated to ensure that "benefit to the community precedes benefit to the individual."<ref name="reconciling"/> Private ] rights were supported but were contingent upon service to the state.<ref name="neofascism"/> For example, "an owner of agricultural land may be compelled to raise wheat instead of sheep and employ more labour than he would find profitable."<ref name="comparative96"/> They promoted the interests of successful small businesses.<ref name="fascist"/> Mussolini wrote approvingly of the notion that profits should not be taken away from those who produced them by their own labour, saying "I do not respect — I even hate — those men that leech a tenth of the riches produced by others".<ref name="mussolini97"/> | |||
| According to historian Tibor Ivan Berend, '']'' was an inherent aspect of fascist economies.<ref name="university98"/> The ], promulgated by the ], stated in article 7: "The corporative State considers private initiative, in the field of production, as the most efficient and useful instrument of the Nation", then continued in article 9: "State intervention in economic production may take place only where private initiative is lacking or is insufficient, or when are at stakes the political interest of the State. This intervention may take the form of control, encouragement or direct management."<ref name="corporativo"/> --> | |||
| ==Criticism of fascism== | |||
| Fascism has been widely criticized and condemned in modern times since the defeat of the Axis Powers in World War II. | |||
| ===Fascism as anti-democratic and as a form of tyranny=== | |||
| {{further|Fascism and democracy}} | |||
| One of the most common and strongest criticisms of fascism is that it is a ] in practice.<ref>Roger Boesche. Theories of Tyranny, from Plato to Arendt. p. 11.</ref> | |||
| Fascism is commonly regarded as deliberately and entirely non-democratic and anti-democratic.<ref>Paul Barry Clarke, Joe Foweraker. ''Encyclopedia of Democratic Thought''. Routledge, 2001. p. 540.</ref><ref>John Pollard. The Fascist Experience in Italy. Routledge, 1998. p. 121.</ref><ref>Roger Griffin. ''The Nature of Fascism''. New York, New York, USA: St. Martin's Press, 1991. p. 42.</ref> Scholar on democracy, Anthony Arblaster has recorded fascists' policy claim about the ideology supporting a form of democracy, but Arblaster regards the claim as a deliberate lie and empty rhetoric, claiming that fascism never intended to put such claims of democracy into practice, and thus he categorizes fascism as non-democratic and anti-democratic in practice.<ref name="Arblaster">Anthony Arblaster. "Democracy", ''Concepts in social thought''.Minneapolis, Minnesota, USA: University of Minnesota Press, 1994. p. 48.</ref> | |||
| Some scholars have opposed this common critical view. ] says that fascists | |||
| <blockquote> | |||
| would not necessarily accept the label of 'anti-democratic'. In fact many of them argued that they were fighting for a purer and more genuine democracy in which the participation of the individual in politics would not be mediated by professional politicians, clerical influences, the availability of the mass media, but through personal, almost full-time involvement in a political movement and through identification with the leader who would represent the feelings and sentiments of the whole people.<ref>Laqueur, Walter, ed. ''Fascism, a Reader's Guide: Analyses, Interpretations, Bibliography''. 1st paperback ed. (Berkeley and Los Angeles, California: University of California Press, 1978), p. 21.</ref> | |||
| </blockquote> | |||
| Dylan J. Riley has investigated the possibility of fascism being an ], a term used by Italian Fascist theorist and policymaker Giovanni Gentile to describe fascism.<ref name="Dylan J. Riley 1945. pp. 4-5">Dylan Riley. The civic foundations of fascism in Europe: Italy, Spain, and Romania, 1870–1945. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 2010; pp. 4–5.</ref> Gentile explicitly rejected the conventional form of democracy, ] for being based on ] and thus an inherent assumption of the equality of citizens, while fascism rejects the concept of universal egalitarianism.<ref name="Arblaster"/> But Gentile claimed that fascism supported what he called ].<ref name="Arblaster"/> Riley in analysis accepts that fascism can be identified as an authoritarian democracy, and claims that in particular the fascist and quasi-fascist regimes in Italy, Spain, and Romania, replaced multi-party based democracy with ] representation of state-sanctioned ]s.<ref name="Dylan J. Riley 1945. pp. 4-5"/> It was claimed that this system would unite people into interest groups to address the state that would act in the interest of the ] of the nation and thus exercise an orderly form of popular rule.<ref name="Dylan J. Riley 1945. pp. 4-5"/> Riley notes that fascists argued that this authoritarian democracy is capable of representing the different interests of society that advise the state and the state acts in the interest of the nation.<ref name="Riley">Dylan J. Riley. The civic foundations of fascism in Europe: Italy, Spain, and Romania, 1870–1945. p. 4.</ref> Riley also notes that in contrast, fascists denounced liberal democracy for not being a true democracy but in fact being un-democratic because from the fascist perspective, elections and parliaments are unable to represent the interests of the nation because it lumps together individuals who have little in common into geographical districts to vote for an array of parties to represent them that results in little unanimity in terms of interests, projects, or intentions, and that liberal democracy's multi-party elections merely serve as a means to legitimize elite rule without addressing the interests of the general will of the nation.<ref name="Riley"/> | |||
| ===Unprincipled opportunism=== | |||
| Some critics{{who|date=February 2014}} of Italian fascism have said that much of the ideology was merely a by-product of unprincipled ] by Mussolini, and that he changed his political stances merely to bolster his personal ambitions while he disguised them as being purposeful to the public.<ref name="Gerhard Schreiber 1995. p. 111">Gerhard Schreiber, Bernd Stegemann, Detlef Vogel. ''Germany and the Second World War: Volume III: The Mediterranean, South-East Europe, and North Africa 1939–1941 (From Italy's Declaration of Non-Belligerence to the Entry of the United States into the War)'' (Oxford University Press, 1995) p. 111.</ref> ], the American ambassador to Italy who worked with Mussolini and became a friend and admirer of him, defended Mussolini's opportunistic behaviour, writing: "Opportunist is a term of reproach used to brand men who fit themselves to conditions for the reasons of self-interest. Mussolini, as I have learned to know him, is an opportunist in the sense that he believed that mankind itself must be fitted to changing conditions rather than to fixed theories, no matter how many hopes and prayers have been expended on theories and programmes."<ref name="Benito Mussolini 1998">Mussolini, Benito, ''My Rise And Fall, Volumes 1–2''. Da Capo Press ed. (Da Capo Press, 1998) p. ix. (Note: Mussolini wrote the second volume about his fall from power as head of government of the Kingdom of Italy in 1943, though he was restored to power in northern Italy by the German military.)</ref> Child quoted Mussolini as saying, "The sanctity of an ism is not in the ism; it has no sanctity beyond its power to do, to work, to succeed in practice. It may have succeeded yesterday and fail to-morrow. Failed yesterday and succeed to-morrow. The machine first of all must run!".<ref name="Benito Mussolini 1998"/> | |||
| Some{{who|date=February 2014}} have criticized Mussolini's actions during the outbreak of ] as opportunist for seeming to suddenly abandon Marxist ] ] for non-egalitarian ]. Critics have noted that upon Mussolini endorsing Italy's intervention in the war against Germany and Austria-Hungary, he and the new fascist movement received financial support from foreign sources, such as ] (an armaments firm) and other companies,<ref>Smith, Dennis Mack,''Modern Italy; A Political History''. (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 1997) p. 284.</ref> as well as the British Security Service ].<ref name="Guardian2009-10-13">{{Cite news |url=http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2009/oct/13/benito-mussolini-recruited-mi5-italy |work=Guardian |location=UK |title=Recruited by MI5: the name's Mussolini. Benito Mussolini – Documents reveal Italian dictator got start in politics in 1917 with help of £100 weekly wage from MI5 |date=13 October 2009 |accessdate=14 October 2009 |first=Tom |last=Kington}}</ref> Some, including Mussolini's socialist opponents at the time, have noted that regardless of the financial support he accepted for his pro-interventionist stance, Mussolini was free to write whatever he wished in his newspaper ''Il Popolo d'Italia'', without prior sanctioning from his financial backers.<ref>O'Brien, Paul, ''Mussolini in the First World War: The Journalist, The Soldier, The Fascist'', p. 37.</ref> Furthermore, the major source of financial support that Mussolini and the fascist movement received in World War I was from France, and is widely believed to have been French socialists who supported the French government's war against Germany and who sent support to Italian socialists who wanted Italian intervention on France's side.<ref name="Gregor-1979-p-200">Gregor 1979, p. 200.</ref> | |||
| Mussolini's transformation away from Marxism into what eventually became fascism began prior to World War I, as Mussolini had grown increasingly pessimistic about Marxism and egalitarianism while becoming increasingly supportive of figures who opposed egalitarianism, such as ].<ref name="Golomb-Wistrich-2002-p-249">Golomb & Wistrich 2002, p. 249.</ref> By 1902, Mussolini was studying ], Nietzsche, and ].<ref name=autogenerated1>Delzel, Charles F., ed. ''Mediterranean Fascism 1919–1945'' (Harper Rowe, 1970) p. 96.</ref> Sorel's emphasis on the need for overthrowing decadent ] and ] by the use of violence, ], ]s and ] appeals to emotion impressed Mussolini deeply.<ref name="Mediterranean3">Delzel, Charles F., ed. ''Mediterranean Fascism 1919–1945'' (Harper Rowe, 1970) p. 3.</ref> His{{who|date=February 2014}} use of Nietzsche made him a highly unorthodox socialist, due to Nietzsche's promotion of elitism and anti-egalitarian views.<ref name="Golomb-Wistrich-2002-p-249"/> Prior to World War I, Mussolini's writings over time indicated that he had abandoned the Marxism and egalitarianism that he had previously supported, in favour of Nietzsche's ''übermensch'' concept and anti-egalitarianism.<ref name="Golomb-Wistrich-2002-p-249"/> In 1908, Mussolini wrote a short essay called "Philosophy of Strength" based on his Nietzschean influence, in which Mussolini openly spoke fondly of the ramifications of an impending war in Europe in challenging both religion and ]: "a new kind of free spirit will come, strengthened by the war, ... a spirit equipped with a kind of sublime perversity, ... a new free spirit will triumph over God and over Nothing."<ref name="Gigliola Gori 2004. p. 14"/> | |||
| ===Ideological dishonesty=== | |||
| Fascism has been criticized for being ideologically dishonest. | |||
| Major examples of ideological dishonesty have been identified in Italian Fascism's changing relationship with German Nazism.<ref name="Aaron Gillette 2001. p. 17">Aaron Gillette. ''Racial Theories in Fascist Italy''. London, England, UK; New York, New York, USA: Routledge, 2001. p. 17.</ref><ref name="John Pollard 1998. p. 129">John Pollard. The Fascist Experience in Italy. Routledge, 1998. p. 129.</ref> Fascist Italy's official foreign policy positions were known to commonly utilize rhetorical ideological ] to justify its actions, although during Dino Grandi's tenure as Italy's foreign minister, the country engaged in '']'' free of such fascist hyperbole.<ref>H. James Burgwyn. ''Italian Foreign Policy in the Interwar Period, 1918–1940''. Greenwood Publishing Group, 1997. p. 58.</ref> Italian Fascism's stance towards German Nazism fluctuated from support from the late 1920s to 1934 involving praising Hitler's rise to power and meeting with Hitler in 1934; to opposition from 1934 to 1936 after the assassination of Italy's allied leader in ], ] by Nazis in Austria; and again back to support after 1936 when Germany was the only significant power that did not denounce Italy's invasion and occupation of Ethiopia. | |||
| After antagonism exploded between Nazi Germany and ] over the assassination of Austrian Chancellor Dollfuss in 1934, Mussolini and Italian Fascists denounced and ridiculed Nazism's racial theories, particularly by denouncing its ], while promoting ].<ref name="John Pollard 1998. p. 129"/> Mussolini himself responded to Nordicists' claims of Italy being divided into Nordic and Mediterranean racial areas due to Germanic invasions of Northern Italy, by claiming that while Germanic tribes such as the ] took control of Italy after the fall of Ancient Rome, they arrived in small numbers of about 8,000 and quickly assimilated into Roman culture and spoke the ] language within fifty years.<ref>Aaron Gillette. ''Racial Theories in Fascist Italy''. London, England, UK; New York, New York, USA: Routledge, 2001. p. 93.</ref> Italian Fascism was influenced by the tradition of Italian nationalists scornfully looking down upon Nordicists' claims, and taking pride in comparing the age and sophistication of ancient Roman civilization as well as the classical revival in the ], to that of Nordic societies that Italian nationalists described as "newcomers" to civilization in comparison.<ref name="Aaron Gillette 2001. p. 17"/> At the height of antagonism between the Nazis and Italian Fascists over race, Mussolini claimed that the Germans themselves were not a pure race and noted with irony that the Nazi theory of German racial superiority was based on the theories of non-German foreigners, such as Frenchman ].<ref>Gillette, Aaron. ''Racial theories in fascist Italy''. London, England, UK; New York, New York, USA: Routledge, 2002. p. 45.</ref> After German-Italian relations reduced in tension during the late 1930s, Italian Fascism sought to harmonize its ideology with German Nazism and combined Nordicist and Mediterranean racial theories, noting that Italians were members of the Aryan Race composed of a mixed Nordic-Mediterranean subtype.<ref name="John Pollard 1998. p. 129"/> | |||
| Mussolini declared in 1938 that Italian Fascism had always been Antisemitic, upon Italy's adoption of Antisemitic laws.<ref name="John Pollard 1998. p. 129"/> In fact, Italian Fascism did not endorse ] until the late 1930s when Mussolini feared alienating antisemitic Nazi Germany whose power and influence were growing in Europe, prior to that period there had been notable Jewish Italians who had been senior Italian Fascist officials, including ], who had also been Mussolini's mistress.<ref name="John Pollard 1998. p. 129"/> Also, contrary to Mussolini's claim in 1938, only a small number of Italian Fascists were staunchly antisemitic such as ] and Giuseppe Preziosi while others, such as ] who came from ], which had one of Italy's largest Jewish communities, were disgusted by the antisemitic laws and opposed them.<ref name="John Pollard 1998. p. 129"/> Fascism scholar Mark Neocleous notes that while Italian Fascism did not have a clear commitment to antisemitism, there were occasional antisemitic statements issued prior to 1938, such as Mussolini in 1919 declaring that the Jewish bankers in London and New York were connected by race to the Russian ]s, and claiming that eight percent of the Russian Bolsheviks were Jews.<ref>Mark Neocleous. ''Fascism''. Open University Press, 1997. pp. 35–36.</ref> | |||
| ==References== | |||
| {{reflist|3|refs= | |||
| <!-- <ref name = "Andreski-p64">Stanislav Andreski, Wars, Revolutions, Dictatorships, Routledge 1992, p. 64</ref> --> | |||
| <ref name="aaa134">Ali Abdullatif Ahmida. ''The making of modern Libya: state formation, colonization, and resistance, 1830–1922''. Albany, New York, US: State University of New York Press, 1994. pp. 134–135.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="aesthetics">Andrew Hewitt. Fascist modernism: aesthetics, politics, and the avant-garde. Stanford, California, USA: Stanford University Press, 1993. p. 153.</ref> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="aesthetics89">Falasca-Zamponi, Simonetta. ''Fascist Spectacle: The Aesthetics of Power in Mussolini's Italy''. University of California Press, 2000. p. 137.</ref> --> | |||
| <!-- remark out unused ref | |||
| <ref name="liberalf09">Goldberg, Jonah. ''"Liberal Fascism: The Secret History of the American Left, From Mussolini to the Politics of Meaning"''. Three Rivers Press, 2009. pp. 79–84.</ref> | |||
| --> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="ah.brookes.ac.uk">Griffin, Roger: "The Palingenetic Core of Fascism", ''Che cos'è il fascismo? Interpretazioni e prospettive di ricerche'', Ideazione editrice, Rome, 2003 </ref>--> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="ajg196">Anthony James Gregor. ''Young Mussolini and the intellectual origins of fascism''. Berkeley and Los Angeles, California, US; London, England, UK: University of California Press, 1979. p. 196.</ref>--> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="Allianz">, accessed April 29, 2012.</ref> --> | |||
| <ref name="anatomnyfascismo">{{cite book |last=Paxton |first=Robert |title=The Anatomy of Fascism |publisher=Vintage Books |isbn=1-4000-4094-9}}</ref> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="anatomy">Robert O. Paxton. ''The Anatomy of Fascism''. First Vintage Books Edition. New York, New York, USA: Vintage Books, 2005. p. 144.</ref> --> | |||
| <ref name="aristotle">Aristotle A. Kallis. ''The fascism reader''. New York, New York, USA: Routledge, 2003. p. 71</ref> | |||
| <ref name="aristotle4">Kallis, Aristotle, ed. (2003). ''The Fascism Reader,'' London: Routledge, pp. 84–85.</ref> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="aristotle92">The Fascism Reader by Aristotle A. Kallis.</ref> --> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="aristotle99">Kallis, Aristotle, ed. (2003). ''The Fascism Reader,'' London: Routledge, pp. 391–395.</ref> --> | |||
| <ref name="authoritarian">Turner, Henry Ashby, ''Reappraisals of Fascism''. New Viewpoints, 1975. p. 162. States fascism's "goals of radical and authoritarian nationalism".</ref> | |||
| <ref name="authoritarianism">Larsen, Stein Ugelvik, Bernt Hagtvet and Jan Petter Myklebust, ''Who were the Fascists: Social Roots of European Fascism'', p. 424, "organized form of integrative radical nationalist authoritarianism"</ref> | |||
| <ref name="Benito Mussolini 1935, p. 26">Benito Mussolini. ''Fascism: Doctrine and Institutions''. (Rome, Italy: Ardita Publishers, 1935) p. 26. "We are free to believe that this is the century of authority, a century tending to the 'right,' a fascist century."</ref> | |||
| <ref name="Bernd-Rüdiger Hüppauf 1997. p. 92">Hüppauf, Bernd-Rüdiger ''War, Violence, and the Modern Condition'' (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter & Co., 1997), p. 92.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="Blamires, Cyprian 2006 p. 188-189">Blamires, Cyprian, ''World Fascism: a Historical Encyclopedia, Volume 1'' (Santa Barbara, California: ABC-CLIO, Inc., 2006) p. 188–189.</ref> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="Blamires, Cyprian 2006 p. 418-419">Blamires, Cyprian, ''World Fascism: a Historical Encyclopedia, Volume 1'' (Santa Barbara, California: ABC-CLIO, Inc., 2006) p. 418–419.</ref> --> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="Blamires, Cyprian 2006 p. 507">Blamires, Cyprian, ''World Fascism: a Historical Encyclopedia, Volume 1'' (Santa Barbara, California: ABC-CLIO, Inc., 2006) p. 507.</ref> --> | |||
| <ref name="Blamires, Cyprian 2006 p. 512">Blamires, Cyprian, ''World Fascism: a Historical Encyclopedia, Volume 1'' (Santa Barbara, California: ABC-CLIO, Inc., 2006) p. 512.</ref> | |||
| <!-- | |||
| <ref name="Blamires, Cyprian 2006 p. 82-84">Blamires, Cyprian, ''World Fascism: a Historical Encyclopedia, Volume 1'' (Santa Barbara, California: ABC-CLIO, Inc., 2006) p. 82–84.</ref>--> | |||
| <ref name="Blamires, Cyprian 2006 p. 95-96">Blamires, Cyprian, ''World Fascism: a Historical Encyclopedia, Volume 1'' (Santa Barbara, California: ABC-CLIO, Inc., 2006) p. 95–96.</ref> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="blamires">name="Blamires, Cyprian 2006 pp. 140–141"</ref> --> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="bloomington">Arthur Schweitzer, ''"Big Business in the Third Reich"'', Bloomington, Indiana University Press, 1964, p. 288</ref> --> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="bloomington85">Arthur Schweitzer, ''Big Business in the Third Reich'', Bloomington, Indiana University Press, 1964, p. 269</ref> --> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="bolshevism">Counts, George Sylvester, ''Bolshevism, Fascism, and Capitalism: an Account of the Three Economic Systems'', 3rd ed. (Yale University Press, 1970). p. 96</ref> --> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="books.google.com">Welch, David. Modern European History, 1871–2000. . (Speaks of fascism opposing capitalism for creating class conflict and communism for exploiting class conflict).</ref> --> | |||
| <ref name="britannicafasc">{{cite news |url=http://search.eb.com/eb/article-9117286 |publisher=] |title=Fascism |date=8 January 2008}}</ref> | |||
| <ref name="brookes">Roger Griffin, '''', Chapter published in Alessandro Campi (ed.), ''Che cos'è il fascismo?'' Interpretazioni e prospettive di ricerche, Ideazione editrice, Roma, 2003, pp. 97–122.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="cb150">Cyprian Blamires, Paul Jackson. ''World fascism: a historical encyclopedia, Volume 1''. Santa Barbara, California, US: ABC-CLIO, 2006. p. 150.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="cb189">Cyprian Blamires, Paul Jackson. ''World fascism: a historical encyclopedia, Volume 1''. Santa Barbara, California, US: ABC-CLIO, 2006. p. 189.</ref> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="community">''Social Policy in the Third Reich. The Working Class and the 'National Community'' – Mason, T.W., Oxford: Berg. 1993, p. 160</ref> --> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="comparative">Bhushan, Vidya, ''Comparative Politics'', 3rd ed. (New Delhi, India: Atlantic Publishers, 2006) p. 208.</ref> --> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="comparative96">Herbert Kitschelt, Anthony J. McGann. The Radical Right in Western Europe: a comparative analysis. 1996 University of Michigan Press. p. 30</ref> --> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="connecticut">Joan Campbell. European labor unions. Wesport, Connecticut, USA: Greenwood Press, 1992. p. 164.</ref> --> | |||
| <ref name="connecticut30">Dahlia S. Elazar. The making of fascism: class, state, and counter-revolution, Italy 1919–1922. Westport, Connecticut, US: Praeger Publishers, 2001. p. 73</ref> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="conservatism">Larry Eugene Jones, James N. Retallack. ''Between reform, reaction, and resistance: studies in the history of German conservatism from 1789 to 1945''. Berg, 1993. p. 20.</ref> --> | |||
| <ref name="conservatives">Fascists and conservatives: the radical right and the establishment in twentieth-century Europe. Routdlege, 1990. p. 14.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="conservatives39">Martin Blinkhorn. ''Fascists and Conservatives''. 2nd edition. Oxon, England, UK: Routledge, 2001 p. 22.</ref> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="corporativo">Italian: ''Lo Stato corporativo considera l'iniziativa privata, nel campo della produzione, come lo strumento più utile ed efficiente della Nazione.''</ref> --> | |||
| <ref name="Cyprian Blamires 2006. p. 72">Cyprian Blamires, Paul Jackson. ''World fascism: a historical encyclopedia, Volume 1''. Santa Barbara, California, US: ABC-CLIO, 2006. p. 72.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="deff">{{cite book |last=Payne |first=Stanley G |title=Fascism, Comparison and Definition |publisher=University of Wisconsin Press |isbn=0-299-08064-1 |year=1983}}</ref> | |||
| <ref name="dissolution">David Jablonsky. ''The Nazi Party in dissolution: Hitler and the Verbotzeit, 1923–1925''. London, England, UK; Totowa, New Jersey, US: Frank Cass and Company Ltd., 1989. pp. 20–26, 30</ref> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="domarus">Domarus, ''Hitler'' II. 251–252</ref> --> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="dreamland">Howard M. Sachar. ''Dreamland: Europeans and Jews in the Aftermath of the Great War''. Random House Digital, Inc., 2003. p. 295.</ref> --> | |||
| <ref name="egalitarianism">Griffen, Roger; Feldman, Matthew. Fascism: Critical Concepts. p. 353. "When the Russian revolution occurred in 1917 and the 'Democratic' revolution spread after the First World War, anti-] and anti-egalitarianism rose as very strong "restoration movements" on the European scene. However, by the turn of that century no one could predict that fascism would become such a concrete, political reaction ..."</ref> | |||
| <ref name="encyclopedia">Blamires, Cyprian, ''World Fascism: a Historical Encyclopedia, Volume 1'' (Santa Barbara, California: ABC-CLIO, Inc., 2006) p. 140–141, 670.</ref> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="encyclopedia2">Adam Kuper, Jessica Kuper. ''The Social Science Encyclopedia, Volume I, A-K'', 3rd ed. (Routledge, 2004) p. 349.</ref> --> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="encyclopedia3">Blamires, Cyprian, ''World Fascism: a Historical Encyclopedia, Volume 1'' (Santa Barbara, California: ABC-CLIO, Inc., 2006) pp. 170–171.</ref> --> | |||
| <ref name="encyclopedia49">Cyprian Blamires, Paul Jackson. ''World fascism: a historical encyclopedia, Volume 1''. Santa Barbara, California, US: ABC-CLIO, 2006. p. 190.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="er71">Eatwell, Roger: "A 'Spectral-Syncretic Approach to Fascism', ''The Fascism Reader'' (Routledge, 2003) pp. 71–80 </ref> | |||
| <ref name="er71">Eatwell, Roger: "A 'Spectral-Syncretic Approach to Fascism', ''The Fascism Reader'', Routledge, 2003 pp. 71–80 </ref> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="establishing">Mussolini, Benito; Schnapp, Jeffery Thompson (ed.); Sears, Olivia E. (ed.); Stampino, Maria G. (ed.). "Address to the National Corporative Council (14 November 1933) and Senate Speech on the Bill Establishing the Corporations (abridged; 13 January 1934)". ''A Primer of Italian Fascism''. University of Nebraska Press, 2000. p. 158.</ref> --> | |||
| <ref name="Eugene Davidson pp. 371-372">Eugene Davidson. ''The Unmaking of Adolf Hitler''. Columbia, Missouri, USA: University of Missouri Press, 2004 pp. 371–372.</ref> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="evans">Evans, p. 299</ref> --> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="evans102">Evans, pp. 491–492</ref> --> | |||
| <ref name="evans76">Evans, pp. 331–332</ref> | |||
| <ref name="evans78">Evans, p. 529</ref> | |||
| <ref name="expansionism">Aristotle A. Kallis. Fascist ideology: territory and expansionism in Italy and Germany, 1922–1945. London, England, UK: Routledge, 2000. p. 132.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="expansionism50">Aristotle A. Kallis. ''Fascist ideology: territory and expansionism in Italy and Germany, 1922–1945''. New York, New York, US: Routledge, 2001. p. 51.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="expansionism51">Aristotle A. Kallis. ''Fascist ideology: territory and expansionism in Italy and Germany, 1922–1945''. New York, New York, US: Routledge, 2001. p. 53.</ref> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="expansionism61">Kallis, Aristotle, ''Fascist Ideology: Territory and Expansionism in Italy and Germany, 1922–1945' (New York: Routledge, 2000) pp. 39–40.</ref> --> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="experience">Pollard, John Francis, ''The Fascist Experience in Italy'' (Routledge 1998) p. 80 </ref> --> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="experimentation">Baumslag, Naomi and Edmund D. Pellgrino, ''Murderous Medicine: Nazi Doctors, Human Experimentation, and Typhus'' (Greenwood Publishing Group, 2005) p. 37.</ref> --> | |||
| <ref name="Fascism in Europe">{{cite book |last=Woolf|first=Stuart |title=Fascism in Europe|publisher=Methuen |year=1981 |url=https://books.google.com/?id=iaMOAAAAQAAJ&pg=PA18 |isbn=978-0-416-30240-0}}</ref> | |||
| <ref name="fascism">Stuart Joseph Woolf. ''Fascism in Europe''. 3rd Edition. Taylor & Francis, 1983. p. 311.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="fascism79">Allen, Ann Taylor, Review of Dagmar Herzog, Sex after Fascism January 2006</ref> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="fascist">De Grand, ''Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany'', pp. 48–51.</ref> --> | |||
| <ref name="Fashioning the Body Politic: Dress, Gender, Citizenship">{{cite book|last = Parkins|first =Wendy|title =Fashioning the Body Politic: Dress, Gender, Citizenship| publisher =Berg Publishers| isbn =1-85973-587-8|year = 2002}}</ref> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="Fordham.edu">{{cite web|url=http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/mod/mussolini-fascism.html |title=Fordham.edu |publisher=Fordham.edu |accessdate=2010-06-04}}</ref> --> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="fz136">Falasca-Zamponi, Simonetta. ''Fascist Spectacle: The Aesthetics of Power in Mussolini's Italy''. University of California Press, 2000. p. 136.</ref> --> | |||
| <ref name="ga145">De Grand, Alexander. ''Italian fascism: its origins and development''. 3rd ed. University of Nebraska Press, 2000. p. 145.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="gb2000">Günter Berghaus. ''Fascism and theatre: comparative studies on the aesthetics and politics of performance''. Berkeley and Los Angeles, California, US: University of California Press, 2000. pp. 136–137</ref> | |||
| <ref name="Gender and Crime in Modern Europe">{{cite book |first=Margaret |last=Arnot |author2=Cornelie Usborne |title=Gender and Crime in Modern Europe |publisher=] |location=] |year=1999 |page= |isbn=1-85728-745-2 |oclc=249726924 }}</ref> | |||
| <ref name="Gentile, Emilio 2005. p. 205">Mussolini quoted in: Gentile, Emilio. ''The origins of Fascist ideology, 1918–1925''. Enigma Books, 2005. p. 205</ref> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="gg145">Gori, Gigliola. ''Italian Fascism and the Female Body: Sport, Submissive Women and Strong Mothers'' (Routledge, 2004) p. 145.</ref> --> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="gg58">Gori, Gigliola. ''Italian Fascism and the Female Body: Sport, Submissive Women and Strong Mothers'' (Routledge, 2004) p. 58</ref> --> | |||
| <ref name="Giuseppe Caforio 2006. p. 12">Giuseppe Caforio. "Handbook of the sociology of the military", ''Handbooks of Sociology and Social Research''. New York, New York, USA: Springer, 2006. p. 12.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="gj120">Grčić, Joseph. ''Ethics and Political Theory'' (Lanham, Maryland: University of America, Inc, 2000) p. 120</ref> | |||
| <ref name="google">Griffin, Roger and Matthew Feldman pp. 420–421, 2004 Taylor and Francis.</ref> | |||
| <!-- Unused citations | |||
| <ref name="google11">Harmon, Christopher C., ''Terrorism Today'' (Routledge, 2000) ISBN 978-0-7146-4998-6 "a final indicator of the amibiguity between left and right extremes is that many militants switch sides, including the very founder of fascism, Benito Mussolini"</ref> | |||
| --> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="google55">Ebenstein, William. 1964. ''Today's Isms: Communism, Fascism, Capitalism, and Socialism.'' Prentice Hall (original from the University of Michigan). p. 178. </ref> --> | |||
| <ref name="google6">Stackelberg, Roderick , Routledge, 1999, pp. 4–6</ref> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="google60">Kershaw, Ian. 2000. Hitler, 1889–1936: Hubris. W. W. Norton & Company. p. 442. </ref> --> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="google62">Bollas, Christopher. 1993. Being a Character: Psychoanalysis and Self-Experience. Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-08815-2. p. 205. Speaks of Italian Fascism supporting war and opposing pacifism.</ref> --> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="google63">Linz, Juan José. 2000. ''Totalitarian and Authoritarian Regimes: with a major new introduction''. Lynne Rienner Publishers. p. 7. </ref> --> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="google66">Gentile, Emilio. The Struggle for Modernity: Nationalism, Futurism, and Fascism. p. 86. </ref> --> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="google67">Knight, Patricia , p. 72, Routledge, 2003.</ref> --> | |||
| <ref name="google68">Payne, Stanley G. 1996. ''A History of Fascism, 1914–1945''. Routledge </ref> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="google69">Griffin, Roger and Matthew Feldma , 2004 Taylor and Francis</ref> --> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="gottlieb">Gottlieb, Julie V. and Thomas p. Linehan, p. 93.</ref> --> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="gr101">Griffen, Roger (editor). Chapter 8: "Extremism of the Centre" – by Seymour Martin Lipset. ''International Fascism: Theories, Causes and the New Consensus.'' Arnold Readers. p. 101.</ref> --> | |||
| <ref name="Griffin, Roger 1991 pp. 222-223">Griffin, Roger. ''The Nature of Fascism'' (New York: St. Martins Press, 1991) pp. 222–223.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="griffin">Griffin, ''The Nature of Fascism'', pp. 150–2</ref> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="guillebaud">Guillebaud, Claude W. 1939. The Economic Recovery of Germany 1933–1938. London: MacMillan and Co. Limited.</ref> --> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="gunther">"From inside Europe" by John Gunther. This generation: a selection of British and American literature from 1914 to the present. Scott, Foresman, 1939. p. 640.</ref> --> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="heinemann">Lee, Stephen J. (1996), Weimar and Nazi Germany, Harcourt Heinemann, p. 28</ref> --> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="hitler">Adolf Hitler, ''Mein Kampf'', pp. 27–28</ref> --> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="hm285">Hawkins, Mike. ''Social Darwinism in European and American Thought, 1860–1945: Nature as Model and Nature as Threat''. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997. p. 285.</ref> --> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="ideological">Griffin, Roger, "The 'Post-fascism' of the Alleanza Nazionale: a Case-study in Ideological Morphology" in ''Journal of Political Ideologies'', Vol. 1, No. 2, 1996</ref> --> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="ideologies">Vincent, Andrew. ''Modern Political Ideologies.'' 3rd edition. John Wiley & Sons, 2009. pp. 158–159.</ref> --> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="ideologies94">Vincent, Andrew. ''Modern Political Ideologies.'' 3rd edition. John Wiley & Sons, 2009. p. 160.</ref> --> | |||
| <!-- Unused citation <ref name="IHT">, 2003, ]</ref> --> | |||
| <ref name="In the Shadow of the Fasces: Political Design in Fascist Italy">{{cite book|last =Doordan|first =Dennis P| title =In the Shadow of the Fasces: Political Design in Fascist Italy| publisher =The MIT Press| isbn =0-299-14874-2|year =1995}}</ref> | |||
| <ref name="institutions">Mussolini, Benito. 1935. Fascism: Doctrine and Institutions. Rome: Ardita Publishers. p 14.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="intellectuals">Gregor. ''Mussolini's Intellectuals: Fascist Social and Political Thought'', Princeton University Press, 2005 ISBN 0-691-12009-9 p. 4</ref> | |||
| <ref name="intelligentguide">{{cite book |last=Griffiths |first=Richard |title=An Intelligent Person's Guide to Fascism |publisher=Duckworth |isbn=0-7156-2918-2}}</ref> | |||
| <ref name="intelligentguide">{{cite book |last=Griffiths |first=Richard |title=An Intelligent Person's Guide to Fascism|publisher=Duckworth|url=https://books.google.com/?id=Y668AAAACAAJ&dq=Griffiths,+Richard |isbn=0-7156-2918-2 |year=2000}}</ref> | |||
| <ref name="international">Sternhell, Zeev, "Crisis of Fin-de-siècle Thought" in Griffin, Roger, ed., ''International Fascism: Theories, Causes and the New Consensus'' (London and New York, 1998) p. 169.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="Jeffrey Thompson Schnapp 2000, p. 57">Schnapp, Jeffrey Thompson, Olivia E. Sears and Maria G. Stampino, ''A Primer of Italian Fascism'' (University of Nebraska Press, 2000) p. 57, "We are free to believe that this is the century of authority, a century tending to the 'right,' a fascist century,"</ref> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="jewishvirtuallibrary">"Goebbels on National-Socialism, Bolshevism and Democracy, ''Documents on International Affairs'', vol. II, 1938, pp. 17–19. Accessed from the Jewish Virtual Library on February 5, 2009. Joseph Goebbels describes the Nazis as allied with countries that had "authoritarian nationalist" ideology and conception of the state.</ref> --> | |||
| <ref name="journalist">Paul O'Brien. Mussolini in the First World War: The Journalist, The Soldier, The Fascist. p. 52.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="kershaw">Ian Kershaw. Hitler, 1889–1936: hubris. New York, New York, US; London, England, UK: W. W. Norton & Company, 2000. p. 182.</ref> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="kp72">Knight, Patricia, Mussolini and Fascism, p. 72, Routledge, 2003.</ref> --> | |||
| <ref name="littlefield">Stanislao G. Pugliese. Fascism, anti-fascism, and the resistance in Italy: 1919 to the present. Oxford, England, UK: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 2004. 43–44.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="littlefield29">Stanislao G. Pugliese. ''Fascism, anti-fascism, and the resistance in Italy: 1919 to the present''. Oxford, England, UK: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 2004. pp. 43–44.</ref> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="MacGregor Knox pp. 63-64">MacGregor Knox. Mussolini Unleashed, 1939–1941: Politics and Strategy in Italy's Last War. pp. 63–64.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="MacGregor Knox p. 63">MacGregor Knox. Mussolini Unleashed, 1939–1941: Politics and Strategy in Italy's Last War. p. 63.</ref> --> | |||
| <ref name="Martin Kitchen 2006. p. 205">Kitchen, Martin, ''A History of Modern Germany, 1800–2000'' (Malden, Massaschussetts, USA; Oxford, England, UK; Carlton, Victoria, Australia: Blackwell Publishing, Inc., 2006),p. 205.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="massachusetts">Borsella, Cristogianni and Adolph Caso. ''Fascist Italy: A Concise Historical Narrative'' (Wellesley, Massachusetts: Branden Books, 2007) p. 76.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="massachusetts31">Cristogianni Borsella, Adolph Caso. ''Fascist Italy: A Concise Historical Narrative''. Wellesley, Massachusetts, US: Branden Books, 2007. p. 69.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="massachusetts32">Cristogianni Borsella, Adolph Caso. ''Fascist Italy: A Concise Historical Narrative''. Wellesley, Massachusetts, US: Branden Books, 2007. pp. 69–70.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="massachusetts33">Cristogianni Borsella, Adolph Caso. ''Fascist Italy: A Concise Historical Narrative''. Wellesley, Massachusetts, US: Branden Books, 2007. p. 70.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="massachusetts36">Cristogianni Borsella, Adolph Caso. ''Fascist Italy: A Concise Historical Narrative''. Wellesley, Massachusetts, US: Branden Books, 2007. p. 73.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="massachusetts37">Cristogianni Borsella, Adolph Caso. ''Fascist Italy: A Concise Historical Narrative''. Wellesley, Massachusetts, US: Branden Books, 2007. p. 75.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="massachusetts40">Cristogianni Borsella, Adolph Caso. ''Fascist Italy: A Concise Historical Narrative''. Wellesley, Massachusetts, US: Branden Books, 2007. p. 72.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="massachusetts41">Cristogianni Borsella, Adolph Caso. ''Fascist Italy: A Concise Historical Narrative''. Wellesley, Massachusetts, US: Branden Books, 2007. p. 76.</ref> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="Matthew Lange 2006. p. 224">Matthew Lange. ''Antisemitic anticapitalism in German culture from 1850 to 1933''. University of Wisconsin-Madison, 2006. p. 224.</ref> --> | |||
| <ref name="matthews">Matthews, Claudio. ''Fascism Is Not Dead ...'', ''Nation's Business'', 1946.</ref> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="mb158-159">Mussolini, Benito; Schnapp, Jeffery Thompson (ed.); Sears, Olivia E. (ed.); Stampino, Maria G. (ed.). "Address to the National Corporative Council (14 November 1933) and Senate Speech on the Bill Establishing the Corporations (abridged; 13 January 1934)". ''A Primer of Italian Fascism''. (University of Nebraska Press, 2000) pp. 158–159.</ref> --> | |||
| <ref name="mb9">Blinkhorn, Martin, ''Mussolini and Fascist Italy''. 2nd ed. (New York: Routledge, 2003) p. 9.</ref> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="mcdonald">McDonald (1999) p. 27.</ref> --> | |||
| <ref name="milestonedocuments">Hoover, J. Edgar. '''', 1947.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="minneapolis">Neocleous, Mark, ''Fascism'' (Minneapolis, MN: Minnesota University Press, 1997) pp. 21–22.</ref> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="minneapolis90">Neocleous, Mark. Fascism. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1997. p. 47.</ref> --> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="minneapolis93">Neocleous, Mark. Fascism. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1997. p. 49.</ref> --> | |||
| <!-- not used | |||
| <ref name="mobilization">Mark Antliff. Avant-garde fascism: the mobilization of myth, art, and culture in France, 1909–1939. Duke University Press, 2007. p. 75.</ref> | |||
| --> | |||
| <ref name="mobilization21">Mark Antliff. Avant-garde fascism: the mobilization of myth, art, and culture in France, 1909–1939. Duke University Press, 2007. pp. 75–81.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="mobilization22">Mark Antliff. Avant-garde fascism: the mobilization of myth, art, and culture in France, 1909–1939. Duke University Press, 2007. p. 81.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="mobilization23">Mark Antliff. Avant-garde fascism: the mobilization of myth, art, and culture in France, 1909–1939. Duke University Press, 2007. p. 77.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="mobilization24">Mark Antliff. Avant-garde fascism: the mobilization of myth, art, and culture in France, 1909–1939. Duke University Press, 2007. p. 82.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="Modern Free Society and Its Nemesis: Liberty Versus Conservatism in the New Millennium">{{cite book|last=Zafirovski|first=Milan|title=Modern Free Society and Its Nemesis: Liberty Versus Conservatism in the New Millennium|year=2008|publisher=Lexington Books|pages=137–138}}</ref> | |||
| <ref name="msu">Allen, Ann Taylor, H-German, H-Net Reviews, January 2006</ref> | |||
| <ref name="multiculturalism">Douglas R. Holmes. Integral Europe: fast-capitalism, multiculturalism, neofascism. Princeton, New Jersey, US: Princeton University Press, 2000. p. 60.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="mussolini">Anthony L. Cardoza. ''Benito Mussolini: the first fascist''. Pearson Longman, 2006 p. 109.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="mussolini73">McDonald, Harmish, ''Mussolini and Italian Fascism'' (Nelson Thornes, 1999) p. 27.</ref> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="mussolini84">Patricia Knight, Mussolini and Fascism, Routledge (UK), ISBN 0-415-27921-6, p. 65</ref> --> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="mussolini97">Benito Mussolini, Richard Washburn Child, Max Ascoli, Richard Lamb. ''My rise and fall''. Da Capo Press, 1998. p. 26.</ref> --> | |||
| <ref name="nationalism18">David Carroll. French Literary Fascism: Nationalism, Anti-Semitism, and the Ideology of Culture. p. 92.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="nationalism18">David Carroll. French Literary Fascism: Nationalism, Anti-Semitism, and the Ideology of Culture. p. 92.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="nationalism25">Gentile, Emilio, The Struggle for Modernity: Nationalism, Futurism, and Fascism (Westport, Connecticut: Praeger Publishers, 2003) p. 6.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="nationalism56">Oliver Zimmer, Nationalism in Europe, 1890–1940 (London, Palgrave, 2003), chapter 4, pp. 80–107.</ref> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="nationalist">Volovici, ''Nationalist Ideology'', p. 98, citing N. Cainic, ''Ortodoxie şi etnocraţie'', pp. 162–164.</ref> --> | |||
| <ref name="natureoffascismo">{{cite book |last=Griffin |first=Roger |title=The Nature of Fascism |publisher=Palgrave Macmillan |isbn=0-312-07132-9 |year=1991}}</ref> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="neofascism">James A. Gregor, The Search for Neofascism: The Use and Abuse of Social Science, Cambridge University Press, 2006, p. 7</ref> --> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="nicholas">Miranda Carter. George, Nicholas and Wilhelm: Three Royal Cousins and the Road to World War I. Borzoi Book, 2009. p. 420.</ref> --> | |||
| <ref name="nm54">Neocleous, Mark, ''Fascism'' (Minneapolis: ], 1997) p. 54.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="nm54">Neocleous, Mark, ''Fascism'' (Minneapolis: ], 1997) p. 58.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="Oliver H. Woshinsky 2008. p. 156">Oliver H. Woshinsky. ''Explaining Politics: Culture, Institutions, and Political Behavior''. Oxon, England, UK; New York, New York, USA: Routledge, 2008. p. 156.</ref> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="organizations">de Grazia, Victoria. ''The Culture of Consent: Mass Organizations of Leisure in Fascist Italy.'' Cambridge, 1981.</ref> --> | |||
| <ref name="orwell1944">{{cite news|url=http://orwell.ru/library/articles/As_I_Please/english/efasc|publisher=Orwell.ru|title=George Orwell: 'What is Fascism?'|date=8 January 2008}}</ref> | |||
| <ref name="Passmore">{{cite book |last=Passmore |first=Kevin |title=Fascism: A Very Short Introduction |publisher=Oxford University Press |url=https://books.google.com/?id=EQG0AAAACAAJ&dq=A+Very |isbn=0-19-280155-4 |year=2002}}</ref> | |||
| <ref name="passmore">Kevin Passmore, Women, Gender and Fascism in Europe, p. 116</ref> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="passmore72">Kevin Passmore ''Women, Gender and Fascism'', p. 16</ref> --> | |||
| <ref name="pauley">Pauley, 2003. 117–119.</ref> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="pauley100">Pauley, pp. 113–114</ref> --> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="pauley3">Pauley, p. 113</ref> --> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="pauley83">Pauley. 2003. pp. 72, 84.</ref> --> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="pauley86">Pauley. 2003. p. 85.</ref> --> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="pauley87">Pauley. 2003. p. 86.</ref> --> | |||
| <ref name="paynee">{{cite book|last = Payne|first =Stanley|title =A History of Fascism, 1914–45| publisher =]| isbn =0-299-14874-2|year = 1995}}</ref> | |||
| <!-- Unused citation <ref name="pedaliu">] (2004) , ]. Vol. 39, No. 4, Special Issue: Collective Memory, pp. 503–529</ref> --> | |||
| <ref name="Persecution of Homosexuals in the Third Reich">{{cite web|url=http://www.ushmm.org/wlc/article.php?ModuleId=10005261 |title=Persecution of Homosexuals in the Third Reich |publisher=Ushmm.org |accessdate=2010-06-04}}</ref> | |||
| <ref name="Peter Neville 2004. p. 36">Peter Neville. ''Mussolini''. Oxon, England, UK; New York, New York, USA: Routledge, 2004. p. 36.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="phoenix">{{cite book |last=Gregor |first=A. James |title=Phoenix: Fascism in Our Time |publisher=Transaction Publishers |isbn=0-7658-0855-2 |year=2002}}</ref> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="pm168">Philip Morgan, ''Fascism in Europe, 1919–1945'', Taylor & Francis, 2003, p. 168. ISBN 0-415-16943-7</ref> --> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="political">David Baker, "The political economy of fascism: Myth or reality, or myth and reality?", ''New Political Economy'', Volume 11, Issue 2 June 2006 , pp. 227–250.</ref> --> | |||
| <ref name="practice">Renton, David. ''Fascism: Theory and Practice'', p. 21, London: Pluto Press, 1999.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="psg485">Payne, Stanley G. ''A History of Fascism, 1914–1945.'' Routledge, 1996. pp. 485–486.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="psychoanalysis">Bollas, Christopher, ''Being a Character: Psychoanalysis and Self-Experience'' (Routledge, 1993) ISBN 978-0-415-08815-2, p. 205.</ref> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="publishers">Jens Rydgren. ''Movements of exclusion: radical right-wing populism in the Western world''. Hauppauge, New York, USA: Nova Publishers, 2005. p. 6.</ref> --> | |||
| <ref name="publishing">McLaren, Angus, Twentieth-Century Sexuality p. 139 Blackwell Publishing 1999</ref> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="publishing88">Schachter, Gustav; Engelbourg, Saul. 2005. ''Cultural Continuity In Advanced Economies: Britain And The U.S. Versus Continental Europe.'' Published by Ashgate Publishing, Ltd. .</ref> --> | |||
| <ref name="quarantotto">Quarantotto, Claudio. ''Tutti Fascisti'', 1976.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="Racial Hygiene: Medicine Under the Nazis">{{cite book |last=Proctor |first=Robert E. |title=Racial Hygiene: Medicine Under the Nazis |publisher=] |location=] |year=1989 |page= |isbn=0-674-74578-7 |oclc=20760638 |quote=This emendation allowed abortion only if the woman granted permission, and only if the fetus was not old enough to survive outside the womb. It is unclear if either of these qualifications was enforced.}}</ref> | |||
| <ref name="Racial Hygiene: Medicine Under the Nazis71">{{cite book |last=Proctor |first=Robert E. |title=Racial Hygiene: Medicine Under the Nazis |publisher=] |location=] |year=1989 |pages=122–123 |isbn=0-674-74578-7 |oclc=20760638 |quote=Abortion, in other words, could be allowed if it was in the interest of racial hygiene ... the Nazis did allow (and in some cases even required) abortions for women deemed racially inferior ... On November 10, 1938, a Luneberg court declared abortion legal for Jews.}}</ref> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="re208">Robert Eccleshall, Vincent Geoghegan, Richard Jay, Michael Kenny, Iain Mackenzie, Rick Wilford. ''Political Ideologies: an introduction''. 2nd ed. Routledge, 1994. p. 208.</ref> --> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="reconciling">Richard Allen Epstein, ''Principles for a Free Society: Reconciling Individual Liberty With the Common Good'', De Capo Press 2002, p. 168</ref> --> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="rein">Rimlinger, G.V. "Social Policy Under German Fascism" in by Martin Rein, Gosta Esping-Andersen, and Lee Rainwater, p. 61, M.E. Sharpe, 1987.</ref> --> | |||
| <!-- Unused citation <ref name="revisionism">] 2008: (Editor) Foibe – Revisionismo di stato e amnesie della repubblica. Kappa Vu. Udine.</ref> --> | |||
| <ref name="revolution">Sternhell, Zeev, Mario Sznajder and Maia Ashéri, ''The Birth of Fascist Ideology: From Cultural Rebellion to Political Revolution'' (Princeton University Press, 1994) p. 32.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="revolution1994">Zeev Sternhell, Mario Sznajder, Maia Ashéri. ''The Birth of Fascist Ideology: From Cultural Rebellion to Political Revolution''. Princeton, New Jersey, US: Princeton University Press, 1994. p. 82.</ref> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="revolution26">Zeev Sternhell, Mario Sznajder, Maia Ashéri. ''The birth of fascist ideology: from cultural rebellion to political revolution''. Princeton University Press, 1994. pp. 173, 175.</ref>--> | |||
| <ref name="revolution27">Zeev Sternhell, Mario Sznajder, Maia Ashéri. ''The birth of fascist ideology: from cultural rebellion to political revolution''. Princeton University Press, 1994. p. 214.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="revolution28">Zeev Sternhell, Mario Sznajder, Maia Ashéri. ''The birth of fascist ideology: from cultural rebellion to political revolution''. Princeton University Press, 1994. p. 178.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="revolution34">Zeev Sternhell, Mario Sznajder, Maia Ashéri. ''The birth of fascist ideology: from cultural rebellion to political revolution''. Princeton University Press, 1994. p. 186.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="revolution35">Zeev Sternhell, Mario Sznajder, Maia Ashéri. ''The birth of fascist ideology: from cultural rebellion to political revolution''. Princeton University Press, 1994. p. 187.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="revolution38">Zeev Sternhell, Mario Sznajder, Maia Ashéri. ''The birth of fascist ideology: from cultural rebellion to political revolution''. Princeton University Press, 1994. p. 190.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="rg231">Roger Griffin, Matthew Feldman. Fascism: The nature of fascism. Routledge, 2004. p. 231.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="rop87">Robert O. Paxton. ''The Anatomy of Fascism''. New York, New York, US; Toronto, Ontario, Canada: Random House, Inc., 2005 p. 87.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="rop88">Robert O. Paxton. ''The Anatomy of Fascism''. New York, New York, US; Toronto, Ontario, Canada: Random House, Inc., 2005 p. 88.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="rop90">Robert O. Paxton. ''The Anatomy of Fascism''. New York, New York, US; Toronto, Ontario, Canada: Random House, Inc., 2005 p. 90.</ref> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="rosenwein">Hunt, Lynn, Thomas R. Martin, Barbara H. Rosenwein, R. Po-chia Hsia, and Bonnie G. Smith. The Making of the West: Peoples and Cultures. 2nd ed. Vol. C. Boston: Bedford St. Martins, 2005. p. 1064.</ref> --> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="routeledge">Mosse, G: "Toward a General Theory of Fascism", ''Fascism'', ed. Griffin (Routeledge) 2003</ref> --> | |||
| <ref name="routledge">Griffin, Roger and Matthew Feldman, eds., ''Fascism: Fascism and Culture'' (London and New York: Routledge, 2004) p. 185.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="routledge12">Stanley G. Payne. ''A history of fascism, 1914–1945''. Digital printing edition. Oxon, England, UK: Routledge, 1995, 2005. pp. 23–24.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="routledge13">Stanley G. Payne. ''A history of fascism, 1914–1945''. Digital printing edition. Oxon, England, UK: Routledge, 1995, 2005. p. 24.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="routledge14">Stanley G. Payne. ''A history of fascism, 1914–1945''. Digital printing edition. Oxon, England, UK: Routledge, 1995, 2005. p. 29.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="routledge15">Stanley G. Payne. ''A history of fascism, 1914–1945''. Digital printing edition. Oxon, England, UK: Routledge, 1995, 2005. pp. 24–25.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="routledge16">Stanley G. Payne. ''A history of fascism, 1914–1945''. Digital printing edition. Oxon, England, UK: Routledge, 1995, 2005. p. 25.</ref> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="routledge17">Peter Davies, Derek Lynch. ''The Routledge companion to fascism and the far right''. London, England, UK; New York, New York, USA: Routledge. p. 94.</ref> --> | |||
| <ref name="routledge42">Stanley G. Payne. ''A history of fascism, 1914–1945''. Digital printing edition. Oxon, England, UK: Routledge, 2005. p. 115.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="routledge43">Stanley G. Payne. ''A history of fascism, 1914–1945''. Digital printing edition. Oxon, England, UK: Routledge, 2005. pp. 119–120.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="routledge45">Stanley G. Payne. ''A history of fascism, 1914–1945''. Digital Printing edition. Oxon, England, UK: Routledge, 2005. p. 270.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="routledge46">Stanley G. Payne. ''A history of fascism, 1914–1945''. Digital Printing edition. Oxon, England, UK: Routledge, 2005. pp. 282–288.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="routledge47">Stanley G. Payne. ''A history of fascism, 1914–1945''. Digital Printing edition. Oxon, England, UK: Routledge, 2005. p. 145.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="routledge48">Stanley G. Payne, ''A History of Fascism: 1914–1945'', London: Routledge, 2001, pp. 341–342.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="routledge75">Durham, Martin, ''Women and Fascism'' (Routledge, 1998) p. 15.</ref> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="routledge81">''The Routledge Companion to Fascism and the Far Right'' (2002) by Peter Jonathan Davies and Derek Lynch, Routledge (UK), ISBN 0-415-21494-7 p. 143.</ref> --> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="routledge82">Payne, Stanley (1996). ''A History of Fascism''. Routledge. ISBN 1-85728-595-6 p.10</ref> --> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="routledge91">Peter Davies, Derek Lynch. The Routledge Companion to Fascism and the Far Right. Routledge, 2002. p. 103</ref> --> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="Salvemini. p. 134">Salvemini. p. 134.</ref> --> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="salvemini">Salvemini, Gaetano.Under the Axe of Fascism. READ BOOKS, 2006. p. 134.</ref> --> | |||
| <ref name="schmitt">Griffin, Roger (ed). 1995. "The Legal Basis of the Total State" – by Carl Schmitt. ''Fascism''. New York: Oxford University Press. p. 72.</ref> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="seigo">Griffin, Roger (ed). 1995. "The Need for a Totalitarian Japan" – by Nakano Seigo. ''Fascism''. New York: Oxford University Press. p. 239.</ref> --> | |||
| <ref name="sgp110">Stanley G. Payne. ''A history of fascism, 1914–1945''. Digital printing edition. Oxon, England, UK: Routledge, 2005. p. 110.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="sgp112">Payne, Stanley G. ''A History of Fascism, 1914–1945''. (Oxon, England, UK: Routledge, 2001) p. 112.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="sgp113">Stanley G. Payne. ''A history of fascism, 1914–1945''. Digital printing edition. Oxon, England, UK: Routledge, 2005. p. 113.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="sgp114">Stanley G. Payne. ''A history of fascism, 1914–1945''. Digital printing edition. Oxon, England, UK: Routledge, 2005. p. 114.</ref> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="socialism">]. 1986. "Anti-Semitism and National Socialism." ''Germans and Jews Since the Holocaust: The Changing Situation in West Germany'', ed. Anson Rabinbach and Jack Zipes. New York: Homes & Meier.</ref> --> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="Soucy">"Barres and Fascism" by Robert Soucy, ''French Historical Studies'' , Vol. 5, No. 1 (Spring, 1967), pp. 67–97. Duke University Press. Article Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/285867. pp. 87–90</ref> --> | |||
| <ref name="sr3">Stackelberg, Roderick , Routeledge, 1999, pp. 3–5.</ref> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="Stanley G. Payne 1945. p. 46">Stanley G. Payne. A history of fascism, 1914–1945. Digital printing edition. Oxon, England, UK: Routledge, 2005. p. 46.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="Stanley G. Payne 1995, pp. 517">Stanley G. Payne. ''A history of fascism, 1914–1945''. Digital printing edition. Oxon, England, UK: Routledge, 1995, 2005. p. 517.</ref> --> | |||
| <ref name="Sternhell, Zeev 1994 p. 78">Sternhell, Zeev, Mario Sznajder and Maia Ashéri, ''The Birth of Fascist Ideology: From Cultural Rebellion to Political Revolution'' (Princeton University Press, 1994) p. 78.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="Sternhell, Zeev 1998 p. 170">Sternhell, Zeev, "Crisis of Fin-de-siècle Thought" in Griffin, Roger, ed., ''International Fascism: Theories, Causes and the New Consensus'' (London and New York, 1998) p. 170.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="Stuart Joseph Woolf 1970. p. 282">Stuart Joseph Woolf. European fascism. Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1970. p. 282.</ref> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="submissive">Gori, Gigliola. ''Italian Fascism and the Female Body: Sport, Submissive Women and Strong Mothers'' (Routledge, 2004) pp. 144–145.</ref> --> | |||
| <ref name="The origins of Nazi genocide: from euthanasia to the final solution">{{cite book |last=Friedlander |first=Henry |title=The origins of Nazi genocide: from euthanasia to the final solution |publisher=] |location=] |year=1995 |page= |isbn=0-8078-4675-9 |oclc=60191622 }}</ref> | |||
| <ref name="The Routledge companion to fascism and the far right">{{cite book|last=Davies|first=Peter|title=The Routledge companion to fascism and the far right|year=2002|publisher=Psychology Press|pages=126–127|author2=Derek Lynch}}</ref> | |||
| <ref name="Thomas Rohkrämer 2007. p. 130">Rohkrämer, Thomas, "A Single Communal Faith?: the German Right from Conservatism to National Socialism", ''Monographs in German History''. Volume 20 (Berghahn Books, 2007), p. 130</ref> | |||
| <ref name="totalitarianism">{{cite book|last=Pauley|first=Bruce F. |year=2003|title=Hitler, Stalin, and Mussolini: Totalitarianism in the Twentieth Century Italy|location=Wheeling|publisher=Harlan Davidson, Inc. Pauley|page=117}}</ref> | |||
| <ref name="Tracy H. Koon 1943. p. 6">Tracy H. Koon. Believe, obey, fight: political socialization of youth in fascist Italy, 1922–1943. University of North Carolina Press, 1985. p. 6.</ref> | |||
| <!-- | |||
| <ref name="transaction">Curtis, Michel (1971). ''People and Politics in the Middle East''. Transaction Publishers. ISBN 0-87855-500-5. pp. 132–138.</ref>--> | |||
| <ref name="university">Roger Griffin. ''Fascism''. Oxford, England, UK: Oxford University Press, 1995. pp. 8, 307.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="university101">Hawkins, Mike. ''Social Darwinism in European and American Thought, 1860–1945: Nature as Model and Nature as Threat''. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997. p. 285. "Conflict is in fact the basic law of life in all social organisms, as it is of all biological ones; societies are formed, gain strength, and move forwards through conflict; the healthiest and most vital of them assert themselves against the weakest ans less well adapted through conflict; the natural evolution of nations and races takes place through conflict." Alfredo Rocco, Italian Fascist.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="university44">Donald Bloxham, A. Dirk Moses. ''The Oxford Handbook of Genocide Studies''. Oxford, England, UK: Oxford University Press, 2010. p. 358.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="university52">Davide Rodogno. Fascism's European empire. Cambridge, England, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2006 p. 47.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="university53">MacGregor Knox. Mussolini unleashed, 1939–1941: Politics and Strategy in Fascist Italy's Last War. Edition of 1999. Cambridge, England, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1999. pp. 122–123.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="university54">MacGregor Knox. Mussolini unleashed, 1939–1941: Politics and Strategy in Fascist Italy's Last War. Edition of 1999. Cambridge, England, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1999. pp. 122–127.</ref> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="university57">Griffin, Roger (ed). ''Fascism''. Oxford University Press, 1995. ISBN 0-19-289249-5. p. 44.</ref> --> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="university58">Griffin, Roger (ed). ''Fascism''. Oxford University Press, 1995. ISBN 0-19-289249-5. p. 183.</ref> --> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="university59">Griffin, Roger (ed). ''Fascism''. Oxford University Press, 1995. ISBN 0-19-289249-5. p. 236.</ref> --> | |||
| <ref name="university64">Griffin, Roger (ed.). Fascism. Oxford University Press, 1995. p. 59.</ref> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="university65">Hawkins, Mike. ''Social Darwinism in European and American Thought, 1860–1945: Nature as Model and Nature as Threat''. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997. pp. 282, 284.</ref> --> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="university70">De Grazia, Victoria. 2002. ''How Fascism Ruled Women: Italy, 1922–1945''. ]. p. 55.</ref> --> | |||
| <ref name="university74">Mann, Michael. ''Fascists'' (Cambridge University Press, 2004) p. 101.</ref> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="university77">Hau, Michael, Sex after Fascism: Memory and Morality in Twentieth-Century Germany (review) Modernism/modernity – Volume 14, Number 2, April 2007, pp. 378–380, (The Johns Hopkins University Press)</ref> --> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="university80">Lancaster, Roger N., ''The Trouble of Nature: Sex in Science and Popular Culture'' (University of California Press) p. 10.</ref> --> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="university9">LaMar Cecil. ''Wilhelm II: Emperor and Exile, 1900–1941''. University of North Carolina Press, 1996. p. 448.</ref> --> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="university95">Frank Bealey & others. Elements of Political Science. Edinburgh University Press, 1999, p. 202</ref> --> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="university98">Tibor Ivan Berend, ''An Economic History of Twentieth-Century Europe'', Cambridge University Press, 2005, p. 93</ref> --> | |||
| <ref name="varldenshistoria.se">http://varldenshistoria.se/stine-overbye/fascismen-borjar-gro</ref> | |||
| <ref name="walterlaq">{{cite book |last=Laqueuer |first=Walter |title=Fascism: Past, Present, Future |publisher=Oxford University Press |isbn=0-19-511793-X |year=1997|page=223}}</ref> | |||
| <!-- Unused citation <ref name="webcitation">, ], London, UK, June 25, 2003</ref> --> | |||
| <ref name="Webster's II New College Dictionary">{{cite book|last = New World|first =Websters|title =Webster's II New College Dictionary| publisher =Houghton Mifflin Reference Books| isbn =0-618-39601-2|year = 2005}}</ref> | |||
| <ref name="William Outhwaite 2006. p. 442">William Outhwaite. ''The Blackwell dictionary of modern social thought''. Wiley-Blackwell, 2006. p. 442.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="Women's studies encyclopedia">{{cite book |last=Tierney |first=Helen |title=Women's studies encyclopedia |publisher=] |location=] |year=1999 |page= |isbn=0-313-31072-6 |oclc=38504469 |quote=In 1939, it was announced that Jewish women could seek abortions, but non-Jewish women could not.}}</ref> | |||
| <!-- <ref name="www"></ref> --> | |||
| <ref name="Zeev 1998 p. 171">Sternhell, Zeev, "Crisis of Fin-de-siècle Thought" in Griffin, Roger, ed., ''International Fascism: Theories, Causes and the New Consensus'' (London and New York, 1998) p. 171.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="ZeevSternhell">Sternhell, Zeev, Mario Sznajder and Maia Ashéri, ''The Birth of Fascist Ideology: From Cultural Rebellion to Political Revolution'' (Princeton University Press, 1994) p. 161.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="zs163">Sternhell, Zeev, Mario Sznajder and Maia Ashéri, ''The Birth of Fascist Ideology: From Cultural Rebellion to Political Revolution'' (Princeton University Press, 1994) p. 163.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="zs175">Zeev Sternhell, Mario Sznajder, Maia Ashéri. ''The birth of fascist ideology: from cultural rebellion to political revolution''. Princeton University Press, 1994. p. 175.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="zs189">Zeev Sternhell, Mario Sznajder, Maia Ashéri. ''The birth of fascist ideology: from cultural rebellion to political revolution''. Princeton University Press, 1994. p. 189.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="zs193">Zeev Sternhell, Mario Sznajder, Maia Ashéri. ''The birth of fascist ideology: from cultural rebellion to political revolution''. Princeton University Press, 1994. p. 193.</ref> | |||
| }} | |||
| ===Primary sources=== | |||
| {{refbegin|colwidth=30em}} | |||
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| {{refend}} | |||
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| * Golomb, Jacob; Wistrich, Robert S. 2002. ''Nietzsche, godfather of fascism?: on the uses and abuses of a philosophy''. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press. | |||
| * Griffiths, Richard. 2001. ''''. Duckworth. ISBN 0-7156-2918-2 | |||
| * Gregor, Anthony James. 1979. ''Young Mussolini and the intellectual origins of fascism''. Berkeley and Los Angeles, California, US; London, England, UK: University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-03799-1 | |||
| * Lewis, Paul H. 2002. ''''. Greenwood Publishing Group. ISBN 0-275-97880-X | |||
| * Payne, Stanley G. 2003. ''''. Textbook Publishers. ISBN 0-7581-3445-2 | |||
| * ]. 2005. ''''. Vintage Books. ISBN 1-4000-3391-8 | |||
| * ]. 1996. ''Fascism: A History.'' New York: Allen Lane. | |||
| * ] ''The ]: Action Française, Italian Fascism, National Socialism'', translated from the German by Leila Vennewitz, London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1965. | |||
| * ]. 1970. ''The Mass Psychology of Fascism''. New York: Farrar, Straus & Giroux. | |||
| * {{Cite book | |||
| | last =Richman | |||
| | first =Sheldon | |||
| | author-link =Sheldon Richman | |||
| | title =Fascism | |||
| | publisher =] | |||
| | series =] | |||
| | year =2008 | |||
| | edition =2nd | |||
| | url =http://www.econlib.org/library/Enc/Fascism.html | |||
| | isbn =978-0865976658 | |||
| | oclc = 237794267}} | |||
| * ]. 1935. ''Sawdust Caesar: The Untold History of Mussolini and Fascism''. New York and London: Harper and Brothers. | |||
| * ]. 1943, reprinted 2009. ''Facts and Fascism''. New York: In Fact. ISBN 0-930852-43-5. p. 288. | |||
| * ] ''Economy and Class Structure of German Fascism'', London, CSE Bks, 1978 ISBN 0-906336-00-7 | |||
| * Kallis, Aristotle A., "To Expand or Not to Expand? Territory, Generic Fascism and the Quest for an 'Ideal Fatherland'" ''Journal of Contemporary History'', Vol. 38, No. 2. (Apr., 2003), pp. 237–260. | |||
| * ]. 1990. ''Rehearsals for Fascism: Populism and Political Mobilization in Weimar Germany''. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-505780-5 | |||
| * ]. 2000. "Revolution from the Right: Fascism," chapter in David Parker (ed.) ''Revolutions and the Revolutionary Tradition in the West 1560–1991'', Routledge, London. | |||
| * ]. 1966. ''Fascism: Past, Present, Future,'' New York: Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997. ISBN 0-19-511793-X | |||
| * Sauer, Wolfgang "National Socialism: totalitarianism or fascism?" pages 404–424 from ''The American Historical Review'', Volume 73, Issue #2, December 1967. + – | |||
| * ] with ] and ]. 1994. ''The Birth of Fascist Ideology, From Cultural Rebellion to Political Revolution.'', Trans. David Maisei. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. + Baker, David. "The political economy of fascism: Myth or reality, or myth and reality?" New Political Economy, Volume 11, Issue 2 June 2006, pp. 227–250 | |||
| * Baker, David. "The political economy of fascism: Myth or reality, or myth and reality?" ''New Political Economy'', Volume 11, Issue 2 June 2006, pages 227 – 250 | |||
| * Griffin, Roger. 1991. ''The Nature of Fascism''. New York: ]. | |||
| * ]. 1985. ''Varieties of Fascism: Doctrines of Revolution in the Twentieth Century,'' New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold Company, (Contains chapters on fascist movements in different countries.) | |||
| * ]. 2005. ''The Origins of Fascist Ideology, 1918–1925: The First Complete Study of the Origins of Italian Fascism,'' New York: Enigma Books, ISBN 978-1-929631-18-6 | |||
| * ] Routledge, 2004. ''Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany: the 'fascist' style of rule'' | |||
| {{refend}} | |||
| ==External links== | |||
| {{Wiktionary|fascism}} | |||
| {{Wikiquote}} | |||
| {{commons category|Fascism}} | |||
| {{Portal-inline|Fascism}} | |||
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| * ] | |||
| * – ]'s list of 14 characteristics of Fascism, originally published 1995. | |||
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Revision as of 04:29, 15 August 2015
For the original version of the ideology developed in Italy, see Italian Fascism. For the book edited by Roger Griffin, see Fascism (book). "Fascist" redirects here. For the insult, see Fascist (insult).
Fascism (/fæʃɪzəm/) is a form of radical authoritarian nationalism that came to prominence in early 20th-century Europe. Influenced by national syndicalism, fascism originated in Italy during World War I, in opposition to liberalism, Marxism, and Anarchism. Fascism is often placed on the far-right within the traditional left–right spectrum, but some academics believe it can swing both ways.
Fascists identify World War I as a revolution. It brought revolutionary changes in the nature of war, society, the state, and technology. The advent of total war and total mass mobilization of society had broken down the distinction between civilian and combatant. A "military citizenship" arose in which all citizens were involved with the military in some manner during the war. The war had resulted in the rise of a powerful state capable of mobilizing millions of people to serve on the front lines or provide economic production and logistics to support those on the front lines, as well as having unprecedented authority to intervene in the lives of citizens. Fascists view World War I as having made liberal democracy obsolete, and regard total mobilization of society under a totalitarian single-party state as necessary to prepare a nation for armed conflict. To respond effectively to economic difficulties, such a totalitarian state is led by a strong leader — such as a dictator and a martial government composed of the members of the governing fascist party — to forge national unity and maintain a stable and orderly society. Fascism rejects assertions of violence automatically being negative in nature and views political violence, war, and imperialism as means that can achieve national rejuvenation.
Fascists advocate a mixed economy, with the principal goal of achieving autarky through protectionist and interventionist economic policies. Following World War II, few parties have openly described themselves as fascist, and the term is usually used pejoratively by political opponents. The terms neo-fascist or post-fascist are sometimes applied more formally to describe parties of the far right with ideological similarities to, or roots in, 20th century fascist movements.
Etymology
The Italian term fascismo derives from fascio meaning a bundle of hay, ultimately from the Latin word fasces. This was the name given to political organizations in Italy known as fasci, groups similar to guilds or syndicates and at first applied mainly to organisations on the Left. In 1919, in Milan, Mussolini founded the Fasci Italiani di Combattimento—which, in 1921, became the Partito Nazionale Fascista (National Fascist Party). The Fascists came to associate the name with the ancient Roman fasces or fascio littorio—a bundle of rods tied around an axe, an ancient Roman symbol of the authority of the civic magistrate carried by his lictors, which could be used for corporal and capital punishment at his command.
The symbolism of the fasces suggested strength through unity: a single rod is easily broken, while the bundle is difficult to break. Similar symbols were developed by different fascist movements: for example the Falange symbol is five arrows joined together by a yoke.
Definitions
Main article: Definitions of fascismHistorians, political scientists and other scholars have long debated the exact nature of fascism. Each form of fascism is distinct, leaving many definitions too wide or narrow.
One common definition of fascism focuses on three concepts: the fascist negations of anti-liberalism, anti-communism and anti-conservatism; nationalist authoritarian goals of creating a regulated economic structure to transform social relations within a modern, self-determined culture; and a political aesthetic of romantic symbolism, mass mobilization, a positive view of violence, and promotion of masculinity, youth and charismatic leadership. According to many scholars, fascism — especially once in power — has historically attacked communism, conservatism and parliamentary liberalism, attracting support primarily from the far right.
Roger Griffin describes fascism as "a genus of political ideology whose mythic core in its various permutations is a palingenetic form of populist ultranationalism". Griffin describes the ideology as having three core components: "(i) the rebirth myth, (ii) populist ultra-nationalism and (iii) the myth of decadence". Fascism is "a genuinely revolutionary, trans-class form of anti-liberal, and in the last analysis, anti-conservative nationalism" built on a complex range of theoretical and cultural influences. He distinguishes an inter-war period in which it manifested itself in elite-led but populist "armed party" politics opposing socialism and liberalism and promising radical politics to rescue the nation from decadence.
Robert Paxton says that fascism is "a form of political behavior marked by obsessive preoccupation with community decline, humiliation, or victimhood and by compensatory cults of unity, energy, and purity, in which a mass-based party of committed nationalist militants, working in uneasy but effective collaboration with traditional elites, abandons democratic liberties and pursues with redemptive violence and without ethical or legal restraints goals of internal cleansing and external expansion."
Position in the political spectrum
Fascism was influenced by both left and right, conservative and anti-conservative, national and supranational, rational and anti-rational. A number of historians regard fascism either as a revolutionary centrist doctrine, as a doctrine that mixes philosophies of the left and the right, or as both those things. Fascism was founded during World War I by Italian national syndicalists who combined left-wing and right-wing political views.
Some scholars consider fascism right-wing because of its social conservatism and authoritarian means of opposing egalitarianism. Roderick Stackelberg places fascism—including Nazism, which he says is "a radical variant of fascism"—on the right, explaining that, "The more a person deems absolute equality among all people to be a desirable condition, the further left he or she will be on the ideological spectrum. The more a person considers inequality to be unavoidable or even desirable, the further to the right he or she will be." It should be noted all fascist regimes have been statists socialists with totalitarian centralized power.
Italian Fascism gravitated to the right in the early 1920s. A major element of fascism that has been deemed as clearly far right is its goal to promote the right of claimed superior people to dominate while purging society of claimed inferior elements.
Benito Mussolini in 1919 described fascism as a movement that would strike "against the backwardness of the right and the destructiveness of the left". Later the Italian Fascists described fascism as a right-wing ideology in the political program The Doctrine of Fascism, stating: "We are free to believe that this is the century of authority, a century tending to the 'right,' a fascist century." Mussolini stated that fascism's position on the political spectrum was not a serious issue to fascists: "Fascism, sitting on the right, could also have sat on the mountain of the center ... These words in any case do not have a fixed and unchanged meaning: they do have a variable subject to location, time and spirit. We don't give a damn about these empty terminologies and we despise those who are terrorized by these words."
The accommodation of the political right into the Italian Fascist movement in the early 1920s created internal factions. The "Fascist left" included Michele Bianchi, Giuseppe Bottai, Angelo Oliviero Olivetti, Sergio Panunzio, and Edmondo Rossoni—who were committed to advancing national syndicalism as a replacement for parliamentary liberalism in order to modernize the economy and advance the interests of workers and common people. The "Fascist right" included members of the paramilitary Squadristi and former members of the Italian Nationalist Association (ANI). The Squadristi wanted to establish Fascism as a complete dictatorship, while the former ANI members, including Alfredo Rocco, sought an authoritarian corporatist state to replace the liberal state in Italy, while retaining the existing elites. Upon accommodating the political right, there arose a group of monarchist Fascists who sought to use Fascism to create an absolute monarchy under King Victor Emmanuel III of Italy.
After King Victor Emmanuel III forced Mussolini to resign as head of government and placed him under arrest in 1943, Mussolini was rescued by German forces. While continuing to rely on Germany for support, Mussolini and the remaining loyal Fascists founded the Italian Social Republic with Mussolini as head of state. Mussolini sought to re-radicalize Italian Fascism, declaring that the Fascist state had been overthrown because Italian Fascism had been subverted by Italian conservatives and the bourgeoisie. Then the new Fascist government proposed the creation of workers' councils and profit-sharing in industry, although the German authorities, who effectively controlled northern Italy at this point, ignored these measures and did not seek to enforce them.
A number of post-WWII fascist movements described themselves as a "third position" outside the traditional political spectrum. Spanish Falangist leader José Antonio Primo de Rivera said: "basically the Right stands for the maintenance of an economic structure, albeit an unjust one, while the Left stands for the attempt to subvert that economic structure, even though the subversion thereof would entail the destruction of much that was worthwhile".
Fascist as an insult
Main article: Fascist (insult)Following the defeat of the Axis Powers in World War II, the term fascist has been used as a pejorative word, often referring to widely varying movements across the political spectrum. George Orwell wrote in 1944 that "the word 'Fascism' is almost entirely meaningless ... almost any English person would accept 'bully' as a synonym for 'Fascist'". Richard Griffiths said in 2005 that "fascism" is the "most misused, and over-used word, of our times". "Fascist" is sometimes applied to post-war organizations and ways of thinking that academics more commonly term "neo-fascist".
Contrary to the popular use of the term, Communist states have sometimes been referred to as "fascist", typically as an insult. Marxist interpretations of the term have, for example, been applied in relation to Cuba under Fidel Castro and Vietnam under Ho Chi Minh. Herbert Matthews, of the New York Times asked "Should we now place Stalinist Russia in the same category as Hitlerite Germany? Should we say that she is Fascist?" J. Edgar Hoover wrote extensively of "Red Fascism". Chinese Marxists used the term to denounce the Soviet Union during the Sino-Soviet Split, and likewise, the Soviets used the term to identify Chinese Marxists and social democracy (coining a new term of social fascism).
History
Further information: Fascism and ideologyFin de siècle era and the fusion of Maurrasism with Sorelianism (1880–1914)
The ideological roots of fascism have been traced back to the 1880s, and in particular to the fin de siècle theme of that time. The theme was based on a revolt against materialism, rationalism, positivism, bourgeois society and democracy. The fin-de-siècle generation supported emotionalism, irrationalism, subjectivism and vitalism. The fin-de-siècle mindset saw civilization as being in a crisis that required a massive and total solution. The fin-de-siècle intellectual school considered the individual only one part of the larger collectivity, which should not be viewed as an atomized numerical sum of individuals. They condemned the rationalistic individualism of liberal society and the dissolution of social links in bourgeois society.
The fin-de-siècle outlook was influenced by various intellectual developments, including Darwinian biology; Wagnerian aesthetics; Arthur de Gobineau's racialism; Gustave Le Bon's psychology; and the philosophies of Friedrich Nietzsche, Fyodor Dostoyevsky and Henri Bergson. Social Darwinism, which gained widespread acceptance, made no distinction between physical and social life, and viewed the human condition as being an unceasing struggle to achieve the survival of the fittest. Social Darwinism challenged positivism's claim of deliberate and rational choice as the determining behaviour of humans, with social Darwinism focusing on heredity, race, and environment. Social Darwinism's emphasis on biogroup identity and the role of organic relations within societies fostered legitimacy and appeal for nationalism. New theories of social and political psychology also rejected the notion of human behaviour being governed by rational choice, and instead claimed that emotion was more influential in political issues than reason. Nietzsche's argument that "God is dead" coincided with his attack on the "herd mentality" of Christianity, democracy and modern collectivism; his concept of the übermensch; and his advocacy of the will to power as a primordial instinct, were major influences upon many of the fin-de-siècle generation. Bergson's claim of the existence of an "élan vital" or vital instinct centred upon free choice and rejected the processes of materialism and determinism; this challenged Marxism.
Gaetano Mosca in his work The Ruling Class (1896) developed the theory that claims that in all societies an "organized minority" will dominate and rule over the "disorganized majority". Mosca claims that there are only two classes in society, "the governing" (the organized minority) and "the governed" (the disorganized majority). He claims that the organized nature of the organized minority makes it irresistible to any individual of the disorganized majority.
The anarchist Mikhail Bakunin's concept of propaganda of the deed, which stressed the importance of direct action as the primary means of politics, including revolutionary violence, became popular amongst fascists who admired the concept and adopted it as a part of fascism.
Georges Sorel
French nationalist and reactionary monarchist Charles Maurras influenced fascism. Maurras promoted what he called integral nationalism, which called for the organic unity of a nation, Maurras insisted that a powerful monarch was an ideal leader of a nation. Maurras distrusted what he considered the democratic mystification of the popular will that created an impersonal collective subject. He claimed that a powerful monarch was a personified sovereign who could exercise authority to unite a nation's people. Maurras' integral nationalism was idealized by fascists, but modified into a modernized revolutionary form that was devoid of Maurras' monarchism.
French revolutionary syndicalist Georges Sorel promoted the legitimacy of political violence in his work Reflections on Violence (1908) and other works in which he advocated radical syndicalist action to achieve a revolution to overthrow capitalism and the bourgeoisie through a general strike. In Reflections on Violence, Sorel emphasized need for a revolutionary political religion. Also, in his work The Illusions of Progress, Sorel denounced democracy as reactionary, saying "nothing is more aristocratic than democracy". By 1909 after the failure of a syndicalist general strike in France, Sorel and his supporters left the radical left and went to the radical right, where they sought to merge militant Catholicism and French patriotism with their views – advocating anti-republican Christian French patriots as ideal revolutionaries. Initially Sorel had officially been a revisionist of Marxism, but by 1910 announced his abandonment of socialist literature and claimed in 1914, using an aphorism of Benedetto Croce that "socialism is dead" because of the "decomposition of Marxism". Sorel became a supporter of reactionary Maurrassian nationalism beginning in 1909 that influenced his works. Maurras held interest in merging his nationalist ideals with Sorelian syndicalism as a means to confront democracy. Maurras stated "a socialism liberated from the democratic and cosmopolitan element fits nationalism well as a well made glove fits a beautiful hand".
The fusion of Maurrassian nationalism and Sorelian syndicalism influenced radical Italian nationalist Enrico Corradini. Corradini spoke of the need for a nationalist-syndicalist movement, led by elitist aristocrats and anti-democrats who shared a revolutionary syndicalist commitment to direct action and a willingness to fight. Corradini spoke of Italy as being a "proletarian nation" that needed to pursue imperialism in order to challenge the "plutocratic" French and British. Corradini's views were part of a wider set of perceptions within the right-wing Italian Nationalist Association (ANI), which claimed that Italy's economic backwardness was caused by corruption in its political class, liberalism, and division caused by "ignoble socialism". The ANI held ties and influence among conservatives, Catholics, and the business community. Italian national syndicalists held a common set of principles: the rejection of bourgeois values, democracy, liberalism, Marxism, internationalism, and pacifism, and the promotion of heroism, vitalism, and violence. The ANI claimed that liberal democracy was no longer compatible with the modern world, and advocated a strong state and imperialism, claiming that humans are naturally predatory and that nations were in a constant struggle, in which only the strongest could survive.
Futurism that was both an artistic-cultural movement and initially a political movement in Italy led by Filippo Tommaso Marinetti who founded the Futurist Manifesto (1908), that championed the causes of modernism, action, and political violence as necessary elements of politics while denouncing liberalism and parliamentary politics. Marinetti rejected conventional democracy based on majority rule and egalitarianism, for a new form of democracy, promoting what he described in his work "The Futurist Conception of Democracy" as the following: "We are therefore able to give the directions to create and to dismantle to numbers, to quantity, to the mass, for with us number, quantity and mass will never be—as they are in Germany and Russia—the number, quantity and mass of mediocre men, incapable and indecisive".
Futurism influenced fascism in its emphasis on recognizing the virile nature of violent action and war as being necessities of modern civilization. Marinetti promoted the need of physical training of young men, saying that in male education, gymnastics should take precedence over books, and he advocated segregation of the genders on this matter, in that womanly sensibility must not enter men's education whom Marinetti claimed must be "lively, bellicose, muscular and violently dynamic".
World War I and aftermath (1914–1929)
At the outbreak of World War I in August 1914, the Italian political left became severely split over its position on the war. The Italian Socialist Party (PSI) opposed the war but a number of Italian revolutionary syndicalists supported war against Germany and Austria-Hungary on the grounds that their reactionary regimes had to be defeated to ensure the success of socialism. Angelo Oliviero Olivetti formed a pro-interventionist fascio called the Fasci of International Action in October 1914. Benito Mussolini upon being expelled from his position as chief editor of the PSI's newspaper Avanti! for his anti-German stance, joined the interventionist cause in a separate fasci. The term "Fascism" was first used in 1915 by members of Mussolini's movement, the Fasci of Revolutionary Action.
The first meeting of the Fasci of Revolutionary Action was held on 24 January 1915 when Mussolini declared that it was necessary for Europe to resolve its national problems – including national borders – of Italy and elsewhere "for the ideals of justice and liberty for which oppressed peoples must acquire the right to belong to those national communities from which they descended". Attempts to hold mass meetings were ineffective and it was regularly harassed by government authorities and socialists.
Similar political ideas arose in Germany after the outbreak of the war. German sociologist Johann Plenge spoke of the rise of a "National Socialism" in Germany within what he termed the "ideas of 1914" that were a declaration of war against the "ideas of 1789" (the French Revolution). According to Plenge, the "ideas of 1789" that included rights of man, democracy, individualism and liberalism were being rejected in favor of "the ideas of 1914" that included "German values" of duty, discipline, law, and order. Plenge believed that racial solidarity (volksgemeinschaft) would replace class division and that "racial comrades" would unite to create a socialist society in the struggle of "proletarian" Germany against "capitalist" Britain. He believed that the "Spirit of 1914" manifested itself in the concept of the "People's League of National Socialism". This National Socialism was a form of state socialism that rejected the "idea of boundless freedom" and promoted an economy that would serve the whole of Germany under the leadership of the state. This National Socialism was opposed to capitalism because of the components that were against "the national interest" of Germany, but insisted that National Socialism would strive for greater efficiency in the economy. Plenge advocated an authoritarian rational ruling elite to develop National Socialism through a hierarchical technocratic state.
Fascists viewed World War I as bringing revolutionary changes in the nature of war, society, the state, and technology, as the advent of total war and mass mobilization had broken down the distinction between civilian and combatant, as civilians had become a critical part in economic production for the war effort, and thus arose a "military citizenship" in which all citizens were involved to the military in some manner during the war. World War I had resulted in the rise of a powerful state capable of mobilizing millions of people to serve on the front lines or provide economic production and logistics to support those on the front lines, as well as having unprecedented authority to intervene in the lives of citizens. Fascists viewed technological developments of weaponry and the state's total mobilization of its population in the war as symbolizing the beginning of a new era fusing state power with mass politics, technology, and particularly the mobilizing myth that they contended had triumphed over the myth of progress and the era of liberalism.
The October Revolution of 1917—in which Bolshevik communists led by Vladimir Lenin seized power in Russia—greatly influenced the development of fascism. In 1917, Mussolini, as leader of the Fasci of Revolutionary Action, praised the October Revolution, but later he became unimpressed with Lenin, regarding him as merely a new version of Tsar Nicholas. After World War I fascists have commonly campaigned on anti-Marxist agendas. Bolshevism and fascism both advocated a revolutionary ideology, believed in the necessity of a vanguard elite, had disdain for bourgeois values, and had totalitarian ambitions. In practice, fascism and Bolshevism have commonly emphasized revolutionary action, proletarian nation theories, single-party states, and party-armies.
With the antagonism between anti-interventionist Marxists and pro-interventionist Fascists complete by the end of the war, the two sides became irreconcilable. The Fascists presented themselves as anti-Marxists and as opposed to the Marxists. Benito Mussolini consolidated control over the Fascist movement in 1919 with the founding of the Fasci italiani di combattimento, whose opposition to socialism he declared:
We declare war against socialism, not because it is socialism, but because it has opposed nationalism. Although we can discuss the question of what socialism is, what is its program, and what are its tactics, one thing is obvious: the official Italian Socialist Party has been reactionary and absolutely conservative. If its views had prevailed, our survival in the world of today would be impossible.
In 1919, Alceste De Ambris and Futurist movement leader Filippo Tommaso Marinetti created The Manifesto of the Italian Fasci of Combat (a.k.a. the Fascist Manifesto). The Manifesto was presented on June 6, 1919 in the Fascist newspaper Il Popolo d'Italia. The Manifesto supported the creation of universal suffrage for both men and women (the latter being realized only partly in late 1925, with all opposition parties banned or disbanded); proportional representation on a regional basis; government representation through a corporatist system of "National Councils" of experts, selected from professionals and tradespeople, elected to represent and hold legislative power over their respective areas, including labour, industry, transportation, public health, communications, etc.; and the abolition of the Italian Senate. The Manifesto supported the creation of an eight-hour work day for all workers, a minimum wage, worker representation in industrial management, equal confidence in labour unions as in industrial executives and public servants, reorganization of the transportation sector, revision of the draft law on invalidity insurance, reduction of the retirement age from 65 to 55, a strong progressive tax on capital, confiscation of the property of religious institutions and abolishment of bishoprics, and revision of military contracts to allow the government to seize 85% of their profits. It also called for the creation of a short-service national militia to serve defensive duties, nationalization of the armaments industry, and a foreign policy designed to be peaceful but also competitive.
The next events that influenced the Fascists in Italy was the raid of Fiume by Italian nationalist Gabriele d'Annunzio and the founding of the Charter of Carnaro in 1920. D'Annunzio and De Ambris designed the Charter, which advocated national-syndicalist corporatist productionism alongside D'Annunzio's political views. Many Fascists saw the Charter of Carnaro as an ideal constitution for a Fascist Italy. This behaviour of aggression towards Yugoslavia and South Slavs was pursued by Italian Fascists with their persecution of South Slavs – especially Slovenes and Croats.
In 1920, militant strike activity by industrial workers reached its peak in Italy; 1919 and 1920 were known
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Oliver H. Woshinsky 2008. p. 156was invoked but never defined (see the help page). - Cite error: The named reference
varldenshistoria.sewas invoked but never defined (see the help page). - Cite error: The named reference
littlefieldwas invoked but never defined (see the help page). - Cite error: The named reference
Jeffrey Thompson Schnapp 2000, p. 57was invoked but never defined (see the help page). - Cite error: The named reference
Benito Mussolini 1935, p. 26was invoked but never defined (see the help page). - Cite error: The named reference
Gentile, Emilio 2005. p. 205was invoked but never defined (see the help page). - ^ Cite error: The named reference
sgp112was invoked but never defined (see the help page). - ^ Terence Ball, Richard Bellamy. The Cambridge History of Twentieth-Century Political Thought. p. 133.
- "Transcending the beyond: from Third Position to National-Anarchism", Troy Southgate, ed. Griffin (Routeledge) 2003, pp. 377-82
- Cite error: The named reference
nm54was invoked but never defined (see the help page). - Cite error: The named reference
intellectualswas invoked but never defined (see the help page). - ^ Cite error: The named reference
orwell1944was invoked but never defined (see the help page). - Cite error: The named reference
Fascism in Europewas invoked but never defined (see the help page). - Cite error: The named reference
rg231was invoked but never defined (see the help page). - Cite error: The named reference
matthewswas invoked but never defined (see the help page). - Cite error: The named reference
milestonedocumentswas invoked but never defined (see the help page). - Cite error: The named reference
quarantottowas invoked but never defined (see the help page). - Cite error: The named reference
internationalwas invoked but never defined (see the help page). - Cite error: The named reference
routledge12was invoked but never defined (see the help page). - ^ Cite error: The named reference
Sternhell, Zeev 1998 p. 170was invoked but never defined (see the help page). - Cite error: The named reference
routledge13was invoked but never defined (see the help page). - ^ Cite error: The named reference
Zeev 1998 p. 171was invoked but never defined (see the help page). - Cite error: The named reference
routledge14was invoked but never defined (see the help page). - Cite error: The named reference
routledge15was invoked but never defined (see the help page). - Cite error: The named reference
routledge16was invoked but never defined (see the help page). - Cite error: The named reference
William Outhwaite 2006. p. 442was invoked but never defined (see the help page). - Cite error: The named reference
Tracy H. Koon 1943. p. 6was invoked but never defined (see the help page). - ^ Cite error: The named reference
Giuseppe Caforio 2006. p. 12was invoked but never defined (see the help page). - Cite error: The named reference
Stuart Joseph Woolf 1970. p. 282was invoked but never defined (see the help page). - ^ Cite error: The named reference
nationalism18was invoked but never defined (see the help page). - Cite error: The named reference
mobilization21was invoked but never defined (see the help page). - Cite error: The named reference
mobilization22was invoked but never defined (see the help page). - Cite error: The named reference
mobilization23was invoked but never defined (see the help page). - Cite error: The named reference
mobilization24was invoked but never defined (see the help page). - ^ Cite error: The named reference
Sternhell, Zeev 1994 p. 78was invoked but never defined (see the help page). - Cite error: The named reference
revolution1994was invoked but never defined (see the help page). - Cite error: The named reference
multiculturalismwas invoked but never defined (see the help page). - ^ Cite error: The named reference
zs163was invoked but never defined (see the help page). - ^ Cite error: The named reference
mb9was invoked but never defined (see the help page). - Cite error: The named reference
revolutionwas invoked but never defined (see the help page). - Cite error: The named reference
nationalism25was invoked but never defined (see the help page). - Cite error: The named reference
aestheticswas invoked but never defined (see the help page). - Gigliola Gori. Italian Fascism and the Female Body: Submissive Women and Strong Mothers. Oxfordshire, England, UK; New York, New York, USA: Routledge, 2004. p. 14.
- Gigliola Gori. Italian Fascism and the Female Body: Submissive Women and Strong Mothers. Oxfordshire, England, UK; New York, New York, USA: Routledge, 2004. pp. 20–21.
- ^ Cite error: The named reference
zs175was invoked but never defined (see the help page). - Cite error: The named reference
revolution27was invoked but never defined (see the help page). - Cite error: The named reference
journalistwas invoked but never defined (see the help page). - ^ Paul O'Brien. Mussolini in the First World War: The Journalist, The Soldier, The Fascist. p. 41.
- Gregor 1979, pp. 195–196.
- ^ Cite error: The named reference
Martin Kitchen 2006. p. 205was invoked but never defined (see the help page). - ^ Cite error: The named reference
Bernd-Rüdiger Hüppauf 1997. p. 92was invoked but never defined (see the help page). - Cite error: The named reference
Thomas Rohkrämer 2007. p. 130was invoked but never defined (see the help page). - ^ Cite error: The named reference
Blamires, Cyprian 2006 p. 95-96was invoked but never defined (see the help page). - Cite error: The named reference
Peter Neville 2004. p. 36was invoked but never defined (see the help page). - Cite error: The named reference
revolution28was invoked but never defined (see the help page). - Cite error: The named reference
littlefield29was invoked but never defined (see the help page). - Cite error: The named reference
connecticut30was invoked but never defined (see the help page). - Cite error: The named reference
passmorewas invoked but never defined (see the help page). - Cite error: The named reference
massachusetts31was invoked but never defined (see the help page). - Cite error: The named reference
massachusetts32was invoked but never defined (see the help page). - Cite error: The named reference
massachusetts33was invoked but never defined (see the help page). - Cite error: The named reference
revolution34was invoked but never defined (see the help page). - Cite error: The named reference
revolution35was invoked but never defined (see the help page). - Cite error: The named reference
zs189was invoked but never defined (see the help page).