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Bettino Craxi (February 24, 1934 - January 19 2000), born "Benedetto Craxi" was an Italian politician from Milan. The diminutive of Benedetto used to be Benito until Benito Mussolini made it unconvenient to use that form.

Political ascension

Craxi was the Prime Minister of Italy from 1983 to 1987, and head of the Italian Socialist Party from 1976 to 1993. He still is the longest-serving Prime Minister in Italy since 1945. He had strong influence in Italian politics throughout the eighties.

The main dynamic of Italian post-war politics was to find a way to keep the PCI (Partito Comunista Italiano) out of power. This lead to the constant formation of political alliances between parties keen on keeping the Communists at bay. Things were further complicated by the fact that many parties had internal currents with Communist sympathies; in particular, within the Democrazia Cristiana(Christian Democrats), perhaps the largest party in Italy from 1945 to end of the "Prima Repubblica".

On 16 July 1976, Bettino Craxi was elected to the vacant secretary’s position, following years of factional fighting within his party. Ironically, the "old-guard" saw him as short-lived leader, allowing each faction time to regroup. However, he was able to hold-on to power and implement his policies. In particular, he sought and manage to distance his Party away from the communists bringing it closer to Christian Democrats and other center and center-right parties. His objective was to create an Italian version of Socialist parties like the German SPD or the French Socialist Party. The party reached its height when it increased its share of votes in the general election of 1983, after temporarily abandoning its coalition with the Christian Democrats. However, the Italian socialist party never outgrew the PCI, whose highly charismatic leader, Enrico Berlinguer, was a fierce adversary of Craxi's policies.

During Craxi's prime-ministership, Italy become the fifth largest industrial nation and gained entry into the G-7 Group of most Industraliased nations. Inflation was however often two-digit, and this was dealt with eliminating a wage-price increase link known as scala mobile ("escalator"); under this system, wages were increased automatically depending on inflation. Abolishing the system did reduce inflation, but inevitably increased strikes in the long term, as workers have to barter for better salaries. In any case, the victory of the "No" front in the abrogative referendum called by the Italian Communist Party was also a major victory for Craxi. Italian national debt skyrocketed during the Craxi era, passing 100% of the gross national product. The level of the Italian national debt is still today well over 100% of the GDP.

Sigonella

Perhaps, he is best remembered internationally when in October 1985 he stood up to US President Ronald Reagan. Following the highjacking of the Achille Lauro cruise ship, the highjackers, after protracted negotiations, were given safe passage to Egypt by plane. A squadron of USAF planes forced the plane down to the US military base of Sigonella. Though the Americans demanded that the Italian authorities extradite Mahmoud Abbas of the PLO, Craxi stood firm on the grounds that the Italian Government had jurisdiction over its own territory. He ordered elite Italian troops to surround the plane protecting it from the US military. This move was dictated both by security concerns about terrorists deciding to target Italy if the US had had it their way, and an Italian tradition of diplomacy with the Arab world.

This episode earned him an article in The Economist titled "Europe's strong man" and more tellingly, in the Senate, a full-standing ovation which included his communist opponents.

Downfall and Disgrace

Mani Pulite

The last main turning point of his career began taking place in the early nineteen-nighties. As in all democracies, Italy's parties had to find ways to finance their activities. The situation was not unlike main European countries where the Soviet Union and the US were trying to influence local politics. In many instances this translated into, at the very least, indirect financial support.

To simplyfy, the Soviet Union was backing the PCI while the US was backing the governing coalitions. All parties also sought financing from local and national business.

A team of Milanese judges began investigating the affairs of party financing. This initiative came to be called Mani Pulite (Italian for clean hands). Though no party was spared, there is continuing controversy as to why most of the PCI leadership was left largely untouched while leaders of then ruling coalition (and in particular Bettino Craxi) were wiped-off the political map. This is controversial because the Soviets themselves, (from Gorbachev to Gordievski) acknowledged financing the PCI which is and was illegal.

In the end, his party fell from 14% of votes to virtual nonexistence. An ironic note was that the shattered remnants party were excluded by seats in the Parliament due to a minimum vote requirement of 4% on national basis, that Bettino Craxi himself had called for when his party was well above that level; the quota was actually lowered from 5 to 4% on the Socialists' request, but this was however not enough.

During the "Mani-pulite" period, Craxi tried to use a daring defense tactic: he maintained that all parties needed and took money illegally, however they could get it, to finance their activities. In a famous speech in the Italian parliament, he dared anyone who had a clear conscience to stand-up: nonebody made a move. This was to no-avail. Public anger, apathy, revenge and opportunism within his party, and his own authoritarian caracter contributed to his downfall and subsequent exile to Tunisia.

"Midgets and Dancers"

Craxi's lifestyle was perceived to be unjustified for the secretary of a party with so many alleged financial problems: he used to live in an expensive Hotel in Rome's centre (Piazza Navona), and had a large villa in Hammamet, Tunisia. Rino Formica, a prominent member of the Socialist Party in those years, wittily stated that the convent is poor, but the friars are rich. Allegations of "rubinetti d'oro" (golden fawcets) abounded. These and other allegations were proven unfounded. The land on which his villa was built was bought in the early sixties when Hammamet was hardly an international resort, let alone its hills.

Furthermore, his arrogant character won him many enemies; one of his most condemned actions were blaming corruption in the socialist party on treasurer Vincenzo Balzamo, just after the latter's suicide, trying to clear himself of any accusation.

Craxi's entourage was sharply defined by a critic as a court of midgets and dancers, indicating the often ludicrous and immoral traits of a system based on personal acquaintance rather than own merit. Among the friends of Craxi's to receive smaller and larger favours, Silvio Berlusconi is perhaps the most known: he received many favours especially regarding his media empire, and had a decree named after him ("Decreto Berlusconi") long before he entered politics. Other figures were Craxi's mistresses Anja Pieroni, who owned a TV station in the Rome area, and Sandra Milo, who had a skyrocketing career in the state TV conglomerate RAI.

He was also known for never apologizing, as a matter of principle and while some people did like this autocratic trait in his success years, most Italians expected an apology after the corruption system had been exposed. Craxi never apologized.

Escape to Tunisia

All this resulted in him being considered the symbol of political corruption, and for a time he was probably Italy's most despised man. This was clearly visible when he, coming out of his hotel, received a salvo of coins that students threw to him as as sign of loath. Some of the students sang Bettino, take these too!.

Understanding that the risk of being jailed was growing very real, Craxi escaped to Tunisia in 1994, and there remained, protected by Ben Ali's government, until his death from diabetes complications. He repeatedly declared himself innocent, but never returned to Italy where he had already been sentenced to a number of years in jail because of corruption charges.

Craxi's figure is currently subject of experiments of rehabilitation by supporters of Silvio Berlusconi, who draw a parallelism between how Craxi and Berlusconi were "persecuted" by "red judges" (toghe rosse, lit. "red robes"). Many of his supporters in the socialist party moved (the Italian expression is often "recycled themselves into") Berlusconi's right-wing coalition, among others his former foreign minister Gianni De Michelis, political-trash TV journalist Giuliano Ferrara, and former priest Gianni Baget Bozzo, excommunicated when he was elected to the European parliament with Craxi's socialist party.

Quotes by and about Bettino Craxi

Dentro Bettino, fuori il bottino ("Bettino (Craxi) in (jail), out with the loot"); popular tag on Milan's walls from 1992 on.

La Maxitangente fu solo una maxiballa ("The maxibribe was just maxibullshit"); uttered in court, about a (then alleged) huge bribe paid to many parties and politicians by Raul Gardini. Craxi was later convicted.

La mia libertà equivale alla mia vita ("My freedom is my life"), epitaph on his tomb.

External Links

Craxi Foundation, in Italian.

Craxi: Fallen kingpin. Article on Craxi's death by the BBC.

• 1934 births
• 2000 deaths
• Italian politicians